The
Commoner.
"i
WILLIAfl J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
-1j
Vol. 2. No. 7.
Lincoln, Nebraska, March 7, 1902.
Whole No. 59
The Candidacy of Mr. Hill
That
v Familiar
Ambiguity.
The speech delivered by ex-Senator David B.
Hill at the Manhattan club banquet in New York,
February 22, may be accepted as a formal an
nouncement of his candidacy before the next
democratic national convention. He is certain
that President Roosevelt will be the republican
nominee, and Roosevelt is. a New York man. Ho
is also certain that New York will be the battle
ground, an, the inference is natural (though not
necessary) that the democratic nominee should
come from New York and is not Mr. Hill a Now
York man?
But in ordor that his candidacy might bo
fairly started on its way he outlines' what he con
siders a winning platform. It Is
fortunate for the party that the
distinguished New Yorker dis
closes his plans early, although
those who read the platform will
observe that there is a familiar ambiguity about
the planks which recalls the days when demo
cratic platforms were made to conceal issues
rather than to present them. First, as to the man.
As he has not taken the public fully into his con
fidence we must rely on circumstances to ascer
tain the exact hour when the present attack of
presidential fever' flbt mad Its appearance1 Ifthe'
-niinoHty-had-secTired . control of theChfcago con
vention Mr. Hill woufd doubtless, have been the
nominee, for he was the "spokesman of the minor'
ity and was peculiarly fitted to represent the meth
ods employed by the gold men on that occasion.
As is well known he refused to give a single word
of encouragement to the democratic ticket
during the campaign and as a result whatever
influence he had was thrown against the party.
"When the campaign was over he wrote a carefully
prepared magazine article assailing the demo
cratic platform and arguing in favor of repudiat
ing it. This article will be reproduced hereafter.
At the time the article was written the reor
gariizers were loudly proclaiming their determin
ation to reconstruct the party
along Wall street lines and Mr.
Hill may have been deceived as
to the extent of the gold senti
ment. The elections of 1897,
however, showed the overwhelming strength of
the Chicago platform democracy, and all talk, of
reorganization was for the time abandoned.. It
was during this lull that Mr. Hill publicly ad
mitted that-he voted the democratic ticket in 1896.
It was so startling a piece of news that it was
telegraphed all over the country and it has since
been reported that his statement could be proved
by a thumb-mark on the ticket. It is not neces
sary, however, to report to the thumb-mark--Budd'nhead
Wilson's favorite form of evidence.
It can readily be admitted that Mr. IJill, after do
ing all he could to defeat the ticket, voted for the
candidates in order to give him technical member
ship in the party. Whether he had fully deter
mined to be a candidate when he secretly votoi
the ticket, or when, after the election, he boldly
attacked the platform, cannot be determined, but
no well informed person will doubt that he was
considering a future nomination when he admitted
that In the seclusion of the booth he had solemnly
mivs
Startling
Admission.
assumed his share of the terrible responsibility
borne by those who voted for the nominees of the
Chicago convention.
From that day on his energies were bent, not
toward overthrowing the organization, but toward
changing the platform. After
Emasculating nearly all the states had reaf
tho firmed the Chicago platform ho -
Platform. changed his tactics and sought
to prevent any reiteration of the
planks that were objectionable to him. It will bo
remembered that he at first protested against in
structions, but finally consented to attend the con
vention as an instructed delegate. During the
campaign that followed ho made speeches, but
their influence can be measured by the fact that
they secured neither the votes, the influence, nor
the contributions of those who are now most en
thusiastic in support of his candidacy.
He is the favorite son of the reorganizing ele
ment in the democratic party; he is the special
representative of those who have so completely
forgotten the story of the prodigal son that they
would 'place the t parental homestead on wheels
and start In hot pursuit of the wayward son, de
termined to compel the boy to eat fattecj calf evin
if: the husks hyAkm?&;W W f off&hoSfo
sums iouu. . ,.
BUt what of HIS PLATFORM? The follow
ing is the abstract given by the press;: ; ;
We trace our political lineage back to Jef
ferson, who was the author of that immortal
protest against British imperialism known
as the Declaration of Independence. Opposi
tion to the precepts and practices of imperial
ism was thus one of the cardinal principles
of our party at the very inception of tho gov
ernment. We should adhere to the policy involved
in Jeffersonlan expansion, the reasonable and
natural acquirement of territory adjacent to
our own. Whenever the American flag of
right floats it should be as an emblem of a free
government and the aegis of constitutional
liberty.
Neither should tariff wars nor customs
duties obstruct the path of American trade
from one portion of this government to an
other portion. The spectacle is at present
presented of Cuba relieved from Spanish op
pression only to be enslaved by the United
States in commercial bondage. Justice de
mands that these impositions shall cease.
Nothing but self-interest stands in the way
of tariff reform for Cuba.
Tho democratic party should again press
to the front the issue of revenue reform. The
republican principle or practice of protection
is based on tho right to use the powers of
government for individual purposes. Our re
publican friends mako revenue the incident
- and protection the main purpose of all tariff
taxation.
The policy of reciprocity is and always
has been a democratic policy.
We believe in a strict construction of the
federal constitution as essential for the pub
lic welfare.
We believe in home rule for states.
We favor an amendment to the constitu
tion providing for the election of United
States senators by the people.
Opposition to dangerous corporate com
binations of capital should continue to be the
democratic position.
The Monroe doctrine, first enunciated by a-
His Sudden
Conversion
To Reform.
democratic prcsidont, should remain a set
tled policy of this republic.
Wo bellovo In hard money tho money of
the constitution and are unalterably opposed
to irredeemable paper currency.
If any further onunciation of democratic
policy upon tho financial question is regard
ed as necessary in view of tho existing mone
tary conditions, then it is suggested that a
simple declaration in favor of the general
principle of bimetallism furnishes a common
ground upon which all can stand.f
He Is sound on imperialism, but tho Kansas
City platform Is stronger, clearer and more ex
plicit than his. His advice to
press tariff reform comes with
bad graco from one who as a
democratic senator refused to
support the only tariff reform
measure passed since the civil war. As his silenco
in 1896 contributed to the success of tho most con
spicuous high tariff advocate in the nation it is
evident that his hostility to a protectve tariff is of
recent and sudden growth. As for reciprocity, re
publicans favor it where it will do no good, and
democrats favor a tariff reform that will largely
remove the necessity for reciprocity.
, irtrf l . wv vrrv wi7 wib m w . -t
ci ftticbut it afford almoat mmfiUMuRl&f,
B"SMr tn-; jf,v.r,'' -rf-JSi. " -".!- " "-J7mTtsmiP'
lucuyiuuai action a a pianx aeciariag whi-wch
person should always do what he thinks is right.
Jt. is to be Hoped that' the senate will act fav
orably upon the resolution proposing an amend
ment to the constitution providing for the elec
tion of United States senators by a direct vote of
tbo people- If it does this, tho only definite and
specific plank in Mr. Hill's platform will present
an issue already settled. The Monroe doctrine in
not in dispute; it is accepted by all parties, and
Mr. Roosevelt's latest message removes the ques
tion from tLe domain of partisan politics.
"Opposition to dangerous corporate combina
tions of capital is entirely too vague and indefinite.
The last republican platform
was stronger than that, and yet
Mr. Knox is the attorney gen
eral. Mr. Cleveland was much
more emphatic in his, con
demnation of trusts and yet he did nothing to dis
turb them. There is not a great trust in the coun
try that would refuse to contribute liberally to the
democratic campaign fund if the party would
adopt Mr. Hill's anti-trust plank and then allow
the trusts to select the candidate.
The St. Paul Globe a paper owned by Mr.
J. J .Hill, the head of the great railroad com
bine has already published an editorial booming
ex-Senator Hill, and the reason given for hia
nomination was that he could not bo controlled
by the .corporations. This is a fair sample of cor
poration politics. What is a "dangerous corpor
ate combination?" Is any party likely to declare
in favor of such a thing? If not, how can Mr.
Hill's platform present an issue?
But the money plank of . Mr. Hill's pro
posed platform is the most unique one.
"We believe in hard money!" How allur
ing such a platform would look to an artful dodger.
-A man could stand on that platform and advocata
geld, silver, nickel or copper, and after election de-
Vague
and
Indefinite.
iff J
&
.
