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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (March 7, 1902)
The Commoner. "i WILLIAfl J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. -1j Vol. 2. No. 7. Lincoln, Nebraska, March 7, 1902. Whole No. 59 The Candidacy of Mr. Hill That v Familiar Ambiguity. The speech delivered by ex-Senator David B. Hill at the Manhattan club banquet in New York, February 22, may be accepted as a formal an nouncement of his candidacy before the next democratic national convention. He is certain that President Roosevelt will be the republican nominee, and Roosevelt is. a New York man. Ho is also certain that New York will be the battle ground, an, the inference is natural (though not necessary) that the democratic nominee should come from New York and is not Mr. Hill a Now York man? But in ordor that his candidacy might bo fairly started on its way he outlines' what he con siders a winning platform. It Is fortunate for the party that the distinguished New Yorker dis closes his plans early, although those who read the platform will observe that there is a familiar ambiguity about the planks which recalls the days when demo cratic platforms were made to conceal issues rather than to present them. First, as to the man. As he has not taken the public fully into his con fidence we must rely on circumstances to ascer tain the exact hour when the present attack of presidential fever' flbt mad Its appearance1 Ifthe' -niinoHty-had-secTired . control of theChfcago con vention Mr. Hill woufd doubtless, have been the nominee, for he was the "spokesman of the minor' ity and was peculiarly fitted to represent the meth ods employed by the gold men on that occasion. As is well known he refused to give a single word of encouragement to the democratic ticket during the campaign and as a result whatever influence he had was thrown against the party. "When the campaign was over he wrote a carefully prepared magazine article assailing the demo cratic platform and arguing in favor of repudiat ing it. This article will be reproduced hereafter. At the time the article was written the reor gariizers were loudly proclaiming their determin ation to reconstruct the party along Wall street lines and Mr. Hill may have been deceived as to the extent of the gold senti ment. The elections of 1897, however, showed the overwhelming strength of the Chicago platform democracy, and all talk, of reorganization was for the time abandoned.. It was during this lull that Mr. Hill publicly ad mitted that-he voted the democratic ticket in 1896. It was so startling a piece of news that it was telegraphed all over the country and it has since been reported that his statement could be proved by a thumb-mark on the ticket. It is not neces sary, however, to report to the thumb-mark--Budd'nhead Wilson's favorite form of evidence. It can readily be admitted that Mr. IJill, after do ing all he could to defeat the ticket, voted for the candidates in order to give him technical member ship in the party. Whether he had fully deter mined to be a candidate when he secretly votoi the ticket, or when, after the election, he boldly attacked the platform, cannot be determined, but no well informed person will doubt that he was considering a future nomination when he admitted that In the seclusion of the booth he had solemnly mivs Startling Admission. assumed his share of the terrible responsibility borne by those who voted for the nominees of the Chicago convention. From that day on his energies were bent, not toward overthrowing the organization, but toward changing the platform. After Emasculating nearly all the states had reaf tho firmed the Chicago platform ho - Platform. changed his tactics and sought to prevent any reiteration of the planks that were objectionable to him. It will bo remembered that he at first protested against in structions, but finally consented to attend the con vention as an instructed delegate. During the campaign that followed ho made speeches, but their influence can be measured by the fact that they secured neither the votes, the influence, nor the contributions of those who are now most en thusiastic in support of his candidacy. He is the favorite son of the reorganizing ele ment in the democratic party; he is the special representative of those who have so completely forgotten the story of the prodigal son that they would 'place the t parental homestead on wheels and start In hot pursuit of the wayward son, de termined to compel the boy to eat fattecj calf evin if: the husks hyAkm?&;W W f off&hoSfo sums iouu. . ,. BUt what of HIS PLATFORM? The follow ing is the abstract given by the press;: ; ; We trace our political lineage back to Jef ferson, who was the author of that immortal protest against British imperialism known as the Declaration of Independence. Opposi tion to the precepts and practices of imperial ism was thus one of the cardinal principles of our party at the very inception of tho gov ernment. We should adhere to the policy involved in Jeffersonlan expansion, the reasonable and natural acquirement of territory adjacent to our own. Whenever the American flag of right floats it should be as an emblem of a free government and the aegis of constitutional liberty. Neither should tariff wars nor customs duties obstruct the path of American trade from one portion of this government to an other portion. The spectacle is at present presented of Cuba relieved from Spanish op pression only to be enslaved by the United States in commercial bondage. Justice de mands that these impositions shall cease. Nothing but self-interest stands in the way of tariff reform for Cuba. Tho democratic party should again press to the front the issue of revenue reform. The republican principle or practice of protection is based on tho right to use the powers of government for individual purposes. Our re publican friends mako revenue the incident - and protection the main purpose of all tariff taxation. The policy of reciprocity is and always has been a democratic policy. We believe in a strict construction of the federal constitution as essential for the pub lic welfare. We believe in home rule for states. We favor an amendment to the constitu tion providing for the election of United States senators by the people. Opposition to dangerous corporate com binations of capital should continue to be the democratic position. The Monroe doctrine, first enunciated by a- His Sudden Conversion To Reform. democratic prcsidont, should remain a set tled policy of this republic. Wo bellovo In hard money tho money of the constitution and are unalterably opposed to irredeemable paper currency. If any further onunciation of democratic policy upon tho financial question is regard ed as necessary in view of tho existing mone tary conditions, then it is suggested that a simple declaration in favor of the general principle of bimetallism furnishes a common ground upon which all can stand.f He Is sound on imperialism, but tho Kansas City platform Is stronger, clearer and more ex plicit than his. His advice to press tariff reform comes with bad graco from one who as a democratic senator refused to support the only tariff reform measure passed since the civil war. As his silenco in 1896 contributed to the success of tho most con spicuous high tariff advocate in the nation it is evident that his hostility to a protectve tariff is of recent and sudden growth. As for reciprocity, re publicans favor it where it will do no good, and democrats favor a tariff reform that will largely remove the necessity for reciprocity. , irtrf l . wv vrrv wi7 wib m w . -t ci ftticbut it afford almoat mmfiUMuRl&f, B"SMr tn-; jf,v.r,'' -rf-JSi. " -".!- " "-J7mTtsmiP' lucuyiuuai action a a pianx aeciariag whi-wch person should always do what he thinks is right. Jt. is to be Hoped that' the senate will act fav orably upon the resolution proposing an amend ment to the constitution providing for the elec tion of United States senators by a direct vote of tbo people- If it does this, tho only definite and specific plank in Mr. Hill's platform will present an issue already settled. The Monroe doctrine in not in dispute; it is accepted by all parties, and Mr. Roosevelt's latest message removes the ques tion from tLe domain of partisan politics. "Opposition to dangerous corporate combina tions of capital is entirely too vague and indefinite. The last republican platform was stronger than that, and yet Mr. Knox is the attorney gen eral. Mr. Cleveland was much more emphatic in his, con demnation of trusts and yet he did nothing to dis turb them. There is not a great trust in the coun try that would refuse to contribute liberally to the democratic campaign fund if the party would adopt Mr. Hill's anti-trust plank and then allow the trusts to select the candidate. The St. Paul Globe a paper owned by Mr. J. J .Hill, the head of the great railroad com bine has already published an editorial booming ex-Senator Hill, and the reason given for hia nomination was that he could not bo controlled by the .corporations. This is a fair sample of cor poration politics. What is a "dangerous corpor ate combination?" Is any party likely to declare in favor of such a thing? If not, how can Mr. Hill's platform present an issue? But the money plank of . Mr. Hill's pro posed platform is the most unique one. "We believe in hard money!" How allur ing such a platform would look to an artful dodger. -A man could stand on that platform and advocata geld, silver, nickel or copper, and after election de- Vague and Indefinite. iff J & .