WafT
publican organ that donouncpd tljo Chicago plat
form because of Its plank rcla.ting to this very
point.
In that platform it was said, "Wo especially
object to govornmont by injunction as a now and
highly dangorous form of oppression by which
fedoral Judges In contempt of the laws of tho
states and rights of citlzons, become at onco lcg
. iHlators, Judges, and oxecutionors." And yet It has
not boon forgotton that tho supporters of tho Chi
cago platform wore denounced as "anarchists" be
causo of their position on tho injunction question.
What difference is thoro between tho arraign
ment of tho Injunction by this republican news
paper and tho arraignment of tho Injunction by
tho Chicago platform? TImo and oxperionco aro
vindicating anothor plank of tho much-abused Chi
cago platform.
JJJ
The Figure on the Bridge.
Mr. Roosovolt's decision in tho Schley caso
will not oporato to tho disadvantage of tho ad
miral In tho estimation of tho American people.
Tho people havo becomo qulto accustomed to tho
systematic ofTort to deprivo Schley of tho honora
to which ho Is ontltled, and when, to tho Injus
tice of depriving him of his just credit is added
tho wrong of Booking to smirch his good name,
the only offect will bo that the cockles of tho
popular heart will grow considerably warmer for
tho horo of Santiago Bay.
Tho vordlct of Admiral Dewey, rendered after
hearing tho ovidenco and consulting his own good
judgment, has considerable more weight with tho
peoplo than Mr. Roosovolt's decision made after
consulting republican leadors as to tho political
effect.
Admiral Schley could havo afforded to rest
upon Admiral Dewey's vordict, though, to be sure,
it is ,not surprising that, smarting under the in
justice that had been dono him by two members
of tho court of. Inquiry, Schley should havo ap
pealed to tho presidont in tho hope of obtaining
fair treatment. And now in spite of Mr. Roose
velt's decision, Admiral Schley may rest content
in tho knowledge that ho needs no vindication be
foro tho peoplo and that oven tho edict of a presi
dent cannot remove from the popular vision tho
"figure on tho bridge of tho Brooklyn."
JJJ
The Gage Advancement.
Tho friends of ex-Secretary Gage will be de
lighted to know that ho is to be presidont of tho
XJnltod States Trust company (Rockefeller) with a
salary of $40,000 per year, but tho people general
ly will wondor i'f this handsome reward bestowed
by Mr. Rockefeller Is due to Mr. Gage's generous
treatment of tho Rockefeller interests while Mr.
Gage was secretary of tho treasury.
In anothor column Tho Commoner prints an
extract from tho Now York World Almanac. Tho
facts set forth in tho World Almanac havo been
printed at various times in the daily press, but
The Commoner reproduces these things in order
to show that tho facts aro so well established that
they havo como to bo accepted as a matter of his
tory. It will not bo difficult for an Intelligent man
to understand that while Mr. Gage was secretary
of tho treasury, ho gave to tho Rockefeller inter
ests advantages which, as a public officer, he had
no right to bestow; and Tho Commoner regards
it as its duty to direct public attention to this
fact at this time, and to tho further fact that upon
Mr. Gage's retirement from public offlco ho was
rewarded by an important position in connection
with the Rockefeller interests.
Is it not about time that tho American people
began to put "this and that together" in order
to do justice to themselves? Read the extracts
from tho World Almanac DPlnten in ,:.!!
.unco H,ol i t . .- ? "" uw;
- . uiuuB lo yor neighbor; ask yourself
juui uwbudop u tueso facts do not justify
The Commoner.
tho American citizen in tho suspicion that repub
lican ieadero are not nearly so zealous1 'for public
interests ns they aro for Individual advantage or
corporation advancement.
JJJ
The Political Effect.'
The Chicago Tribune, In its issue of Sunday,
February 16, printed a dispatch from Washington
to tho effect that President Roosevelt called in
Senators Allison, Aldrich and Spooner, Speaker
Honderson and Congressmen Grosvenor and Can
non for tho purpose of asking the opinion of these
gentlemen as to tho political effect of the deci
sion in the Schley case. The Chicago Record
Herald, In its issue of Monday, February 17,
cemmonting on this conference, said:
What is there about the Schley case that It
has never been considered on its merits irre
spective of some ulterior effect of its hearing
and decision? . . .
Does the president not know that the moro
care he takes to make his opinion fit political
exigencies as seen through tho partisan spec
tacles of tlireo republican senators and three
republican congressmen. the more certain will
it prove a partisan and unconvincing docu
ment to tho peoplo who look for a judicial de
, cision based on the ovidenco and not a cam
paign document based on political necessities?
If President Roosevelt had sat up nights
to devise a scheme to prevent popular accept
ance of his decision as settling the Schley caso
ho could not have hit upon anything more cer
tain to accomplish that end than the confer
ence of last Saturday. What faith can tho
people have in the judgment of a judge who
has not enough faith in it himself to formu
late It without securing tho approval of in
terested parties as to its effect on their joint
fortunes?
It will bo observed that these gentlemen were
not asked to assist Mr. Roosevelt in arriving at a
just conclusion. The president wanted to know
what effect his decision in the Schley case' would
have upon his political fortunes. Tho senators
and representatives expressed tho opinion that the
political effect would not be" serious.
But suppose these gentlemen had told the
president that the political effect would be serious.
Would ho have changed his opinion? If such a
statement would have had no effect on his opinion,
then why were these gentlemen called in to con
sult on this point immediately before the presi
dent rendered his decision? If Mr. Roosevelt is a
courageous man, why did he manifest any con
cern as to tho political effect of his opinion?
JJJ
He Wanted the Gall.
Frank C. Andrews, vice president of a Detroit
bank, mado way with $1,600,000 of the bank's
money. This record entitles Andrews to tho palm
among all tho great bank wreckers of tho country.
Called to account for his offense, Andrews said:'
"These criminal proceedings are all right, but if
the fellows think that they can get their money by
putting me behind the bars for some years, so I
can got a rest, I am satisfied. I have not a p'enny
but I don't worry about myself. All that is on
my mind now is to save tho others involved In
this crash."
The bravado and assurance of this man is in
keeping with tho attitude of many of his predeces
sors in his peculiar line. The hope is hold out
that if ho is not sent to prison, ho will, in an Im
pulsive and genorous moment, conclude to aid the
depositors by restoring their money.
The statement quoted above, which statement
is taken from tue Chicago Record-Herald, recalls
the story of a bank cashier in a western state
He had wrecked the bank, and, like the Detroi
man, ho was not worrying about himself, but ho
felt "extremely sorry" for tho unfortunate situa
tion of his victims. A meeting of the bank direc
tory was held for tho purpose of devising means
of saving something from the wreck. The bank
wrecker addressed the gathering and said: "Gen
tlemen, I am indeed very sorry f0l;you. You don't
Volume a, No. 6.
know how sorry I am. If It would do you any
good, I "would be willing to have my body cut up
into little pieces and distributed among you."
One of the directors was a very deaf man and
ho leaned over to a colleague who sat beside him
and asked: "What did he'sajr he would do?" His
colleague replied: "He said If it would do any
good, he would have his body cut up Into little
pieces and distributed among us." The deaf di
rector leaned back in his chair, heaved a sigh, and
said: "Well, if that is done, I speak for the gall.'
JJJ
Boer War Expenses.
The Sheffield, England, Daily Telegraph of
February 1st has an interesting editorial in ref
erence to Mr. Broderick's speech in introducing tho
supplementary army estimate in the house of com
mons. The Telegraph says that th'is statement
"reveals a highly, satisfactory state of affairs." -
It will be interesting to learn what, in tho
estimation of an English newspaper, constitutes a
"highly satisfactory state of affairs" with relation
to the South African war. The Telegraph points
out that a supplementary vote of about $25,000,
000 was asked for. Tho cost of the war from 1900
to 1901 which, according to tho Telegraph, was tho
first complete year,t was more than $312,000,000.
Tho estimate so far this year was moro than
$275,000,000. To this the Telegraph adds the $25,
000,000 asked for in Mr. Broderick's statement and
it finds a total for the present financial year of
more than $300,000,000, and the Telegraph con'-'j
gratulates itself that this is less than the total for
the period from 1900 to 1901. ,
Perhaps the Telegraph has overlooked the fact
that the present year for which, it makes this estimate,-
like the South African war, is not yet at an .
end. Perhaps more money will be necessary be
cause it requires fortunes, and immense ones, to
destroy life by the wholesale. .
The Telegraph's own .statement, does notvjus7
tify its optimistic view so far as expenditures aro'
concerned, for it says:
We have still 250,000 men, or thereabouts,
in South Africa, and drafts and remounts havo
gone out in an ever-flowing stream to make
good the inevitable wastage. At tho same time
that our expenses have been decreasing, our
responsibilities havo been increasing; for we
haIe,nwJ7'000 Boer Prisoners of war to keep,
and 150,000 people in the concentration camps.
In addition, there have been the blockhouses
to build and maintain. Yet, in spite of thoso
extra calls upon the country's purse, the war is .
now costing us only 4 millions a month, as
compared with 5 millions a year ago.
Now one or the other thing is true. If the war
is now costing England four and a half million
pounds a month where a year ago it cost five and
a half million pounds per month, either England
was robbed by fraud or incompetence in its war
management one year ago or else no decent effort
is being made to feed the 27,000 Boer prisoners of
war and the 150,000 people in the concentration
camps.
The Telegraph, however, Is determined to be
optimistic and it seems inclined to accept as ac
curate Mr. Broderick's statement that the Boer
forces are scattered, that there are now only three
important bodies of Boers in the field and that
each of these boaies number about 2,000 men.
Let us accept all these statements as true, and ac- .
cording to this British authority, Great Britain
must spend more than $300,000,000 this year- it
must maintain an army of 250,000 men; it has in
the guard house 27,000 Boer prisoners and in the
concentration camps 150,000 Boer women Z
children; besides its enormous foTce ah'etdV
there "drafts and remounts have gone out n an
over-flow tag stream to make good the inevitable
wastage;" and all. this has b6en done and He- .
ing done to accomnllah u1G o . B DQ
SET lns,Enmcant "- : -'
i i
What a showing, Meed; aha m the light o
such a showing, however "highly satisfactory" H
a
i
mjAwP"