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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (Feb. 14, 1902)
The Commoner. 3 denounce as anarchists those who insist that a government resting upon the consent of the gov erned should bo administered for ho benefit of tho governed and that the rewards of society should be adjusted as , nearly as possible to the merits of those who serve. , . t JJJ Senator Allen's Paper. The Commonor is glad to welcome to the news paper field Tho Madison Mail, the new weekly pa per started by ex-Senator William V. Allen and published at Madison, Neb. Senator Allen is known all over the country as a vigorous thinker and as a strong and forcible exponent of reform ideas, Ho was elected by the fusion forces in 1892 and received the unanimous support of the democrats and populists for re-election when his term ex pired. "Western interests have never had a more faithful and conspicuous champion in the senate. While a populist, Senator Allen has been a hearty advocate of co-operation between the reform-forces and his paper. will be an influence for good wh'er over it is read and it will doubtless bo read throughout tho entire ' country. The Commoner wishes for The Mail a long, prosperous and useful existence. JJJ The Small College. The tendency toward consolidation and cen tralization is manifesting itself in the donations made to the large colleges. Harvard, Yale, Prince ton, Cornell, the Chicago and Stanford universities, and others of this class, have received enormous gifts. But is there not danger that the cause of education may be injured rather than aided if the great institutions become so strong as to de stroy the small college? There is no doubt that the large colleges and 'universities have advant ages in tho way of libraries and apparatus that the small college cannot afford, but has not the small college, on the other hand, certain advantages over the larger institutions? If within a' certain territory there are two hundred boys who can and will patronize a local college, probably not over one hundred of them would attend a distant college. If the withdrawal of the one hundred causes the closing up of the local college, the number of graduates from that territory may be diminished rather than increased by the establishment of the large institution, and the danger is still greater if those who are able to endow the smaller colleges are persuaded to give to the large institutions. There is a fellowship, too, among the students of a small college which is impossible among the students of a great educational institution. Where several thousand boys are thrown together they are quite likely to divide into classes and cliques separated from each other by social lines and differences in the style of living, especially if, as in some places, the rich students have sumptuous ly furnished rooms, while others are forced to live In more modest apartmeni3. Students do not need to be taught the artificial distinctions that are based upon wealth or pedigree; they learn these scon enough after entering life. There is a dem ocracy about small colleges that is wholesome in its influence upon the student. There is a third advantage in the small col lege which cannot well be overestimated, namely, tho influence which the instructor exerts on the student. The years spent in college cover a critical age. It is the period when tho boy's ideals are being formed, when habits are being contracted and when he is likely to enter upon an upward or a downward course. The teacher in a small col lege knows the students intimately, and can sup ply to a large extent the parental care and watch fulness so much needed at such a time. The ex ample of the teacher, a Jcindly suggestion, or a reproof given in an affectionate way may mean an immense amount to the boy and to his parents. 8?his close personal contact is impossible where the teacher meets several hundred boys in a class room or lecture hall. It should bo remembered that the object of education is not the production of a scholar merely, but the production of a man, and a man has a heart as well as a head. Tho moral element in education cannot bo neglected without infinite danger to tho student and to so ciety. Whether tho education will prove a bless ing will depend largely upon tho llfo purpose of tho man who possesses it, and nothing is more helpful in the implanting of a high and noble pur pose than tho constant daily influence of a pure minded, devoted and conscientious instructor. Those who have money to give 'to the cause of education may well consider whether -the small college is not deserving of a larger share than it is now receiving. Mr. D. K. Pearsons of Chicago has shown great wisdom in dividing his fortune among a large number of small institutions instead of bestowing a large endowment upon one institution. While some rich men have been identifying themselves, with a single college or investing their money where it will return large dividends in dollars, he has been making an investment more permanent in its character, more profitable to the community and richer in reward to himself. Those who aid a worthy cause or give impetus to some movement for the uplifting of man build for themselves monuments which will outlast the granite and the bronze. The current that flows from heart to heart is infinite in the extent and duration of its influence, and those who use their money in such a way that they feel that they are contributing to the welfare of their fellows enjoy a satisfaction and happiness which wealth cannot purchase. The above editorial contains the substance of a speech made by the editor of The Commoner at a dinner recently given to the alumni of Illinois college. The subject being one of general interest, the arguments are reproduced for. the consideration of the readers. JJJ Slandering "Educated Men." The Brooklyn Eagle says: Neither educated men nor educated readers of newspapers need to .be told that the ap pointment of a special embassy to the corona tion is a proper thing on the. part of this gov ernment. The other governments of the world ' will -be similarly represented on the occasion, and the United States, as a great world power, and as historically and sympathetically in very close relations with Great Britain, should also be represented there. Those who sincerely think otherwise think ignorantly. Those who say otherwise, without thinking so, exploit a demagogy which in this period of the intelli gence of the world is a losing business, whether in politics, in oratory, or in jour nalism. Even "educated men" ought to be satisfied wlth United States representation being confined to our ambassador and other agents now in England. t When a president is to be inaugurated England does the polite thing by having its American min ister attend the ceremony. That meets every need. More we have never asked nor desired, and that which is sufficient for the inauguration of a presi dent ought to satisfy even "educated men" so far as our participation Is concerned In the inaugura tion ceremonies of a king. It is no argument to say that '"other govern ments of the world will be similarly represented on the occasion." Other governments of the world are similar in spirit and form to that of Great Britain. While the United States should bo courteous, while It should observe certain formal ities; while, indeed, it should be represented at these coronation ceremonies, yet there are even educated men in this country who think that our ambassador to England t:an meet every require ment of courtesy, and these are not anxious that this government should do anything to lead tho world to believe that we have, even in the remotest degree, abandoned our partiality for tho republican form of government or modified our op position toward the monarchical form. But aside from this general proposition, there Is a particular reason why tho United States should not go to excess in paying homage to tho king. A London cablegram to tho New York World under dtte of January 25 says: Tho practical acquiescence of tho civilized world in a continuation of this war of con quest and extermination gives tho British gov ernment unfettered liberty to pursue it to any end it chooses, and that opportunity is to be fully availed of. Other governments have shown "practical ac quiescence" in a continuation of tho South Afri can war, but that is no reason why this govern ment should do anything to encourage the notion that our peoplo sympathize with the empire in Its fight against the republic. The very fact that all tho governments will be represented by ponderous delegations at tho coronation ceremonies of this king" will be accepted as proof that there is "prac tical acquiescence of the civilized- world in the continuation- of this war of conquest." And if the general principles of republicanism do not ap peal to those who have favored the plan of Bond ing special representatives to England, then this particular reason should appeal to them with practical force. Tho Eagle slanders educated men in its at tempt to flatter England's king, 'JJJ A Farmer's View of Taxation. Mr. William T. Creasy, the chairman of the democratic state committee of Pennsylvania, Is a farmer; not only that, but he is a representative farmer. He Is in politics because of his interest in public questions and his sympathies are on tho side of the people. As secretary of tho legislative committee of the Pennsylvania State Grange, ho attended tho national conference on taxation held at Buffalo last May and read a paper sotting forth hfs views of the tax system of Pennsylvania. While much of it relates to local conditions, there are certain general principles which present them 'srjves no matter where the subject is discussed, and Mr. Creasy's views will be read with interest by farmers everywhere. They will be found upon another page of this issue. JJJ The Swing of the Pendulum. Henry Clews, the Wall Street broker, In his weekly letter of January 25 predicts a reaction from the high prices and commercial activity which have prevailed. Ho says that there are in terests which are compelled to support the market, but that "they recognize the natural swing of the pendulum" and are "trying to delay the reaction until the burden is at least partially shifted on to the shoulders of others." This is a very frank statement of the case. Having made what they can out of high prices and realizing that the boom cannot be continued, they are quietly unloading so that the loss will fall upon others. It is an other way of saying that it is almost shearing time and that the lambs are cordially invited to walk into the pen. Clews' letter says: Apparently the market is drifting into a position of temporary deadlock, the outcome of which it is extremely difficult to fathom. The large interests are undoubtedly compelled by self-interest to suport the market. So far. they have only partially succeeded in disposing of ' the immense quantities of securities which they necessarily accumulated In carrying out various concentration schemes, and for the present circumstances oblige them to act as a unit in checking the declines when produced by bear attacks. The game Is an Intensely ln - interesting one, and carries with it conse quences of the greatest moment. On the one side we have skill and resources combined with a strength never before seen in the United States and perhaps never in the mar kets of Europe. On the other side, we have the simple, slow and almost Imperceptible yet perfectly irresistible workings of natural law, which are drawing us closer and closer to re action. Those having the skill and the power probably recognize the futility of opposing the natural swing of the pendulum better than anything else; but they have a burden to carry, and it is within their power to delay such reaction until that burden Is at least par tially shifted upon the shoulders of others. ' 31 . ! M f: -