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The Commoner.
WILLIAfl J. BRYAN, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR.
1
Vol. i. No. 50.
Lincoln, Nebraska, January 3, 1902.
$1.00 a Year
Republicans Prevent Discussion.
Since the adoption of the Reed rules the re
publicans have allowed but scant time for the dis
cussion of important questions. They often bring
up a proposition, rush it through the committee at
break-neck speed, adopt a rule allowing a few
hours for delate and dispose of it before the peo
ple at large know what is going on. When the
Reed rules were adopted they were defended on
the ground that they were intended to cut off fili
bustering, but they are now used to prevent the de
liberation necessary to intelligent action.
While the democrats are powerless to secure
sufficient time for debate so long as the republicans
are disposed to deny their request they ought to
register a protest every time an attempt is made to
summarily dispose of important measures. The
democrats have a right to demand a roll call and
on roll call they can vote no, thus throwing upon
the republicans responsibility for any unreason
able curtailment of discussion.
The time allowed for "debate on the Philippine
tariff was grossly inadequate, and in view of the
time wasted by adjournments and recesses, the
limitation was utterly inexcusable. Other, bills
Will be pressed involving the welfare of the whole
country, and the democrats ought to see to it that
there is ample time for debate or at least compel
the republicans to bear the odium that must ulti
mately fall upon those who prevent aJthorojyhJUs-
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to a rule which allows too limited a debate, they
then share responsibility with the republicans;
when they resist the rule they compel the republi
cans to bear the responsibility alone. A resolute and
persistent opposition on the part of the democratic
minority will force the republicans to give more
time to debate than will be allowed if the demo
crats surrender their contention on the theory that
a contest is useless.
No effort is useless which calls public atten
tion to vicious measures; no debate is prontiess
.which informs the public in regard to tnose
'measures.
JJJ
Cabinet Changes.
Last week The Commoner contained the fol
lowing paragraph: "Postmaster General . Smith
as resigned from the cabinet and a snrewa pon-
ician wire-puller has been appointed to succeed
im. The changes have commenced Next: ii-
the paper went to press, but before it reached
inp.rlhers. another change in the cabinet oc-
rred, and rumor has it that the friction between
president and some other secretaries is in-
ising daily. Already Long and Hay have been
sed of entertaining a purpose to resign. In an-
nniumn will V found the New Yonc world's
int. on Mr. Payne's appointment. His selec-
fja not only surprising when we remember
?qi dent's reiterations about "civic virtue,"
"is nrnnf positive that the president is shap-
tag lS administration to secure a nomination at
je Hands of the next republican convention.
The postofflce department comes into contact
k more federal officials than any otner depart
& and is the most influential part of the admin-
ive machine. Mr. Roosevelt's anxiety to
this machine in his own interests has never
lade so apparent before. Of course he will
thdraw Mr. Payne's appointment, notwitn-
but
Kh.
standing the severe caEiigation administered by
the World, but ho is likely to alienate those who
have boasted of his independence and courage,
without conciliating those who look to Mr. Hanna
for counsel.
The appointment of ex-Governor Shaw to the
place made vacant by the resignation of Secretary
Gage is evidence of his purpose to let the financiers
havo their own way in the conducting of the treas
ury department.
If there is anything bad in finance that Mr.
Shaw has not indorsed it is because the matter
has not been brought to his attention. He has boon
an ultra-gold man and an ultra-advocate of the
doctrine that the treasury department should bo
run according to the wishes of Wall street. On
the trust question ho is entirely in harmony with
the corporations. At the conference of western
and southern governors called to consider the
trust question, he was the only one who spoke of
the subject in a flippant vein the only one who
dared to espouse the cause of the trusts. As gov
ernor of Iowa he has been the friend of the cor
porations. With him at the head of the nation's
finances the ordinary every-day people who make
their living by labor will receive little considera
tion. With the treasury department And the post
office department in the hands of Payne and Shaw,
the president makes a good start toward con
trolling the next republican , convention,, if, pf.
t?course,the"OfflceholderguuaWi'jfgiitldu'ifan
control it.
JJJ
An Instance of Tax Dodging
One of the companies established to facilitate
the organization of trusts Las issued an interest
ing little pamphlet setting forth the advantages of
New Jersey over New York. At the same time the
pamphlet throws a side-light upon the motives of
the republican governor of New York.- It quote3
the Now York Herald of December G as saying:
"It was in the hope of attracting aggregations of
capital to incorporate in this state that the gov
ernor had the last legislature to pass an act lib
eralizing the corporation laws by reducing the or
ganization taxes from one-eighth of one per cent
to one-twentieth of one per cent of their capitali
zation, besides making additional exemptions fav
orable to concerns which obtain their charters
here."
The Herald complains that even these conces
sions were not sufficient to .induce the Northern
Securities company to take out a New York char
ter, as New Jersey was even more liberal. The
pamphlet says: "The laws of New Jersey govern
ing the formation and management of corpora
tions are so framed as to invite confidence and In
vestment." In another sentence the pamphlet pays
a doubtful compliment to the New Jersey courts,
saying: "The judiciary of New Jersey is above re
proach and corporations organized in that state
are not subject to nonsensical attacks."
Any law or regulation that has for its object
the protection of the public or the compelling of a
corporation to bear its sbare of public burdens is
always considered "nonsensical" by those who
derive profit from favoritism shown great cor-,
porations.
As an Illustration of the difference between
New York and New Jersey the pamphlet says:
.. "In the year 1899 the United Verde Copper com
pany as a New York corporation paid to New
York city taxes to about tho amount of $34,000 on
an assessed valuation of $1,433,920, to vhich the
court of appeals said one million moro might prop
erly havo been added. In tho year 1900 tho United
Verde Copper company, as a foreign corporation,
paid to Now York city taxes to tho amount of $255
on an assessed valuation of $10,000. In each case
the capitalization, assets and business pf tho cor
poration wore tho same. Tho difference in annual
charges betwc:n $34,000 and $235 represents the
ret disadvantage of a New York corporation."
Instead of making tho laws of New York more
favorable to corporations organized there, why
not mako tho laws moro stringent In regard to tho
foreign corporations during business there? In
tho instance above cited tho people of New York
city lost nearly $34,000 in taxes by a nominal
change in the residence of tho company, and the
rest of' tho people had to pay a little more in
taxes to make up for the loss.
Tho only remedy suggested by corporation
and friends of corporations is to relievo resident
corporations of nearly all taxation in order to in
duce them to remain In the state, notwithstanding
the fact that such a policy would permanently in
crease the burden upon the small property holders.
When Tom Johnson wins his Ohio fight against
the tax dodgers he ought to go to New York and
give some lessons down there. Or, if Mr. Johnson
cannpjt. bo'sparejlfromQhio, probably Jutjge Qw'jui
-IVThomp86n:of-ilii'noi might go-UMliiM
State and with the assistance of a few school
teachers bring the corporations to time as he ha
done in his own state.
JJJ
An Unjust Discrimination.
Tho postoffice department is discriminating
against newspapers published in the interest ot
political reforms. The Challenge, a socialistic
paper published at Los Angeles and later at New
York; the Appeal to Reason, a socialistic paper
published at GIrard, Kansas; tho Farmers' Advo
cate of Topeka, Kansas, and the Pawnee Chief, ot
Pawnee City, Nebraska, (both the latter antagon
istic to republican policies) have recently been
asked to show cause why they should not be de
nied second class rates. Tho postofflce de
partment justified its action in regard to the Chal
lenge on the ground that that paper was violating
the following provision of the statute: "Provided,
however, that nothing herein contained shall be
so construed as to admit to the second-class rate
regular publications designed primarily for ad
vertising purposes or for free circulation at nomi
nal rates." It was asserted by the department that
the Challenge w-s the personal organ of its owner
and publisher; that it was a vehicle for his articles
on public questions, the announcement of his
lecture subjects and their places and dates; the
printing of those lectures or speeches after de
livery; tho printing of newspaper comment there
on, and also the printing of letters and invita
tions to speak and the replies :f tho editor thereto.
The department alleged that these things filled
the columns of the publication; that it contained
little or no matter which xlld not pertain to the
editor, and that he confessed his intention to ad
vertise himself, his sayings and his doings.
Whether the editor conducted his paper in a
modest way or whether he unduly injected him
self into his paper Is not a question with which
the postoffice department has anything to do. Th
er
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