The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, December 13, 1901, Page 2, Image 2
HiPi W mi i ' i ' t v - a a ''" "wnwi iiyHijw"'"i The Commoner. tloubt to the corporation, and nowhere expresses ac much solicitude for the rights of the masses .of the people as he does for the interests of the great combinations of capital which in his opinion "will tako tho lead In the stilfo for commercial suprem acy among the nations of the world." To em barrass them would bo, in his opinion, to '"cramp and fetter the youthful strength of the nation." The only remedy suggested by him is publicity, . and in discussing the subject he uses illustrations -which convince one that he has no objections o private monopolies. He puts them upon the same footing as a national bank, and simply insists that they shall inform tho public as to their busi ness methods. Ho refers to tho evils of over-capitalization, but does not suggest any specific rem edy therefor. We are to have publicity first, and Investigation afterward. It will take some time to get the idea into operation, then the constitutional ity of the law will be attacked and prosecution will have to be suspended a few years until the case is reached in tho supreme court, and that will tide the party over another presidential election. If the president is in earnest in his desire to shackle cunning, let him recommend the passage of a bill which will compel the supreme court to give im mediate consideration to questions arising under laws which, like an anti-trust law, affect the en tire people. The president intimates that a con stitutional amendment may be necessary to au thorize congress to take comprehensive action against tho trusts. It is to be hoped that thla suggestion will not be made an excuse for delay. The American people are losing millions of dol lars every week because of the extortion of trusts, and there is no time for delay in dealing with this question. The fatal mistake made by the presi dent is that he fails to recognize that a privat? xnonopoly is always, and under every circumstance, a menace to the public. There can be no sufficient or satisfactory regulation of a. private monopoly. It is essentially and "eWnaJJy wrong. It has a, -ways been regarded as an. outlaw against society;, it has never been defended until recently, and it is lamentable to learn from the president's message that he has been constrained by the trust mag nates to withhold his positive and emphatic con demnation of the monopoly principle. There Is nothing in his message to indicate that he has any fear of the effect of a private monopoly. When he declares "that combination and concentration should be not prohibited, but supervised, and with in reasonable limits controlled," he ignores entire ly tho vicious principle of monopoly. No exten sion of foreign commerce, no' development of do mestic industry could for a moment justify a pri vate monopoly, even though such monopoly could bo shown to be advantageous in both respects. On tho subject of imperialism the president, without attempting to defend tho principles in volved, shields himself behind the force of cir cumstances. He assumes the patronizing air of the advocates of "destiny" and "duty" and Insists that "our earnest effort is to help these people up ward along the stony and difficult path that leads to self-government." And again he says: "Wo hope to do for them what has never before been done for any people in the tropics to make them lit for self-government after tho fashion of tho really free nations." Ho thinks any attempt to give them independence now "such a desertion if duty on our part as would be a crime against hu manity." He seems to regard a government based upon force as tho best government for certain classes, and free government as only possible un der certain circumstances, for he says "it is no light task for a nation to achieve tho tempera mental qualities without which tho institutions of free government are but empty mockery," and he adds that "our people are now successfully govern ing uiemseives because for more than a thousand years they have been fitting thomsolves, sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously, toward this end. He declares that largo portions of the Filli plno race are starting "very far behind the point which our ancestors had reached even thirty gen erations ago." The question irresistibly rises In one's mind, if the Filipinos are a thousand years behind our people and must be governed by us be cause of that fact, how can they ever catch up with us unless they develop more rapidly than we do? Capacity for self-government is a relative term, that is to say, some people are capablo of govern ing themselves better than others. Wo have not reached perfection in this respect and the Fili pinos certainly have some capacity. If we are all making progress it will evidently be necessary for the Filipinos to improve more rapidly than we do in order to narrow the gap between us. This doc trine is a dangerous one, because it justifies the pretensions of an imperial government wherever people can bo found rich enough to invito ex ploitation and weak enough to be conquered, Conscious that "destiny" and "duty" would not appeal to the commercial element of the re publican party, the president proceeds to recom - mend legislation that will give American citizens a chance to garner up the undeveloped wealth of the Philippine Islands. He says: "Of course no business man will go into the Philippines unless it is to his interest to do so, and it Is Immensely to the interest of the islands that he should go in." That is the argument always made in behalf of capital. It is assumed that tho "inferior race" is longing to be developed by foreign speculators, and it is admitted that the speculator will not go un less it can be made profitable to him, therefore, laws must hold out inducements. Congress must take possession of the resources of the Philippine islands and offer them as a reward to Americans who will go there and develop them. The Ameri can people will furnish on army to hold the Fili pinos in subjection, while the synd:ites and cor porations will gather all the wealm in sight. This is the Philippine question in a nutshell: Hold the islands; providence gave them to us and we must make all the money out of them wo can. Show che taxpayer that it is his duty, to bear the burden, and you will have no difficulty in showing the exploiter that it is his duty to reap the reward. If the republican in the senato and house at tempt to cairy out the president's recommenda tions on ttie Philippine question, the opposition will have a splendid opportunity to manufacture mai trial fo.' the next campaign. An Honest Imperialist. , Imperialism would be more easily overthrown if all of its advocates would 'express themselves with the honest frankness that characterizes au aiticle which recently appeared in a Texas paper. Mr. Scudday Richardson describes himself as one whose people are democrats, but it is evident from his article that he has wandered away from his early training; The following extract from his article is reproduced that the readers of The Com moner may sea the imperialistic idea as it really is when its possessors have the courage to make their innermost thoughts known: A student who has communed deeply with the muse of history and been enlightened as to the constant mutations of human Institutions particularly those of a political nature, may readily observe, from a contemplation of all the nations of the present day, a decided move ment away from the ideals which have per vaded the world more or less since the days of the French revolution. The dream that a number of men may govern is passing away gradually it is becoming apparent, even to tho people at large, that it is a contradiction to suppose that government means anything but somebody in control and little by little tho illusionary idea of the consent of tho governed -is dying from the earth. Not a long while ago this was tested in the United States. Our new imperialistic policy was overwhelmingly upheld, despite the protestations and affrighted cries of journals whose editors became almost hysterical in their warnings. Edward of England has taken a- dominant attitude. Everyone remembers what was said shortly before Queen Victoria died that Ed ward would never be allowed to come to the throne by the English people, because the people presumably had drunk too deeply of liberty. As a matter of fact, it is not surpris ing that the perogative of the crown should have decayed under the sway of a woman. In- j stead of manifesting her power, nho was ruled ' by her ministers. r Germany has never been stronger -than under the empire, and while a good deal of foolish stuff is written about military fc rule, I yet that rule is necessary to a nation sur- 1 rounded by enemies. In this world, despite j the vaporings of theorists, neither a nation, . nor an individual, retains anything long un- i less the ability to protect is present. It is not i from any beneficient lenity or moderation that ( we do not force our young men to undergo f a military service, nor keep so powerful an army as the European nations. It is because we do not yet require such systems. In timo of necessity, we force men into the army just the same as is done by other nations. Imperialism means an abandonment of our ideas of government; it means apostacy from the doctrines that have controlled the nation in the past. Mr. Richardson is in error in pointing to the last election as an evidence that our people are overwhelmingly imperialistic. The fact is that the republicans denied their imperialistic ten dencies until after the campaign was over, an.l ever since the election congress has refused, to de clare itself in favor of imperialism. What it has done can only be construed as imperialism, but it is difficult to persuade republicans that their party really means anything antagonistic to our. ideas of government. It is only a question of tiuva when the real intent of the republican leaders will be made known. Then and not until then will the people sit in judgment upon that issue. In tho meantime, there is an occasional republican wlio admits his conversion to the European ideas c. government. When one departs from government by the consent of the governed he must advocate a government based upon forco, for all forms of government except free government .de rive their authority from superior. force. Imperialism is the polite termaised to .describe wholesale killing and grand larceny. The people who advocate it would not think of applying its principles to every-day life. They think, if they stop to think at all, that theft is purged of its immoral character if islands instead of pocket books are taken, and they see less criminality in the killing of thousands of people who desire self government than they do in a single homicide. Strange that any human mind can be deluded into countenancing imperialism; strange that any hu man heart can consider without horror the results of imperialism and the means employed. JJJ Scaring the Republicans. Now that the republicans are about to have an opportunity to do something on the trust question, it is only fair that they should be warned against reading those papers that are likely to deter them from an effective effort against the trusts. Th9 Commoner, therefore, suggests that republican leaders should boycott the. New York Sun until after they have entirely annihilated the trusts, for the Sun is not only in favor of the trusts, but it is. perfectly certain that any interference with them would bring, upon the country a terrible calamity. Not many weeks ago it referred to a demand for "the suppression of trusts," and said: There is a monstrous proposition. Were there any way of carrying it into effect indus trial disaster more widespread and ruinous than has ever fallen upon the country would bo the result. There would be a commercial cataclysm. The amount of capital and of labor dependent upon these combinations is so vast that to crush them would be to bring on un parallelled economic calamity compared with which the free coinage of silver would have been a fly bite. The republican, of course, do n6t want to bring on a "commercial cataclysm;" they do not want to become responsible for an "economic calamity, compared with which the free coinage of silver would have been a ily bite." If the republi- .uJftrflUtlkifcuUvCi 1P1 .Hi!) iiifiii; rn fciiiiat'tf It 11 Hi naiiriWHh f iff nr-rihtfi'i-" -" & ia'fatoft rifcifcrifti I, I x Hi tiit1iU,,W ,' Ji iftn , n M rit wnn nftt - -. irilrtmnAirtitilgiMirtft M.ftmth,fA nfcift urttm '' -" .AiAmi. . .&. J.iMii..tiLjL,Ji':-r,.adJj....iihja:mi