The Commoner.
;
rlca and, the British nation, the American sym
pathies must ho with the South Africans.
President Itooseyelt is preparing his message
to congress. He has an opportunity to express tho
sympathy of the American people with tho re
publics of South Africa. He has an opportunity
to reflect tho overwhelming popular sentiment in
this country and to give voice to tho well-nigh
unanimous hope and prayer that Great Britain
may not succeed in its offorts to destroy tho two
republics.
It is not necessary that any unfriendly spirit
should ho shown towards Groat Britain on tho part
of tho one who expresses tho hope that the people
of tho Transvaal will win in this great battle. It
would, indeed, be surprising if tho American people
were not heart anu soul in sympathy with the
South Africans, and there is no good reason, in
low or In morals, why this sympathy should not
find reflection in the president's message. There
aro models at the president's hand for such an
expression.
In 1822 President Monroe, in a message to
congress, said:
"Europe is still unsettled, and although the
war long menaced between Russia and Tur
key has not broken out, there is no certainty
that the differences between those powers will
bo amicably adjusted. It is impossible to look
at tho oppressions of the country rcspecting
which those differences aroso without being
deeply affected. Tho mention of Greece fills
tho mind with the most exalted sentiments
and.arousea in our bosoms the best feelings of
which our nature is susceptible. Superior skill
and refinement in the arts, heroic gallantry in
action, disinterested patriotism, enthusiastic
zeal and devotion in favor of personal and
public liberty, are associated with our recollec
tions of ancient Greece. That such a country
should have been overwhelmed and so long
hidden, as it were, from kthe world under a
gloomy despotism has been a cause of unceas
ing arid deep regret to generous .minds for
ages past. It was natural, therefore, that the
reappearance of those people in their original,
character, contending iniavor of,Jheirf,lib-.v
.erjties, should produce that great excitement
oand sympathy in their favor which1 have" been "
so signally displayed throughout the United
States. A strong hope is entertained that
these people will recover their independence
and resume their equal station among the na
tions of the earth."
In 1823 President Monroe, in a message, to
congress, said:
"A .strong hope has been entertained,
founded on the heroic struggles of the Greeks,
-that they would succeed in their contest and
resume equal station among the nations of the
earth, it is believed that the whole civilized
world takes a deep interest in their welfare.
Although no power has declared In their favor,
yet none, according to our information, has
taken part against them. Their cause and
their name have protected them from dangers
which might ere this have overwhelmed any
other people. The ordinary calculations of
interest and of acquisition with a view to ag
grandizement, which mingles so much in the
transactions of nations, seem to have had no
effect in regard to them. From the facts which
have come to our knowledge there is good
cause to believe that their enemy has lost for
ever all dominion over them; that Greece will
become again an independent nation. That
slid may obtain that rank is the object of our
most ardent wishes."
In 1827 President John Quincy Adams, In a
message to congress, speaking of "the suffering
Greeks," said:
"Tho friends of freedom .and of humanity
rn-y indulge tho hope that they will obtain re
lief from that most unequal of conflicts which
. they have so long and sp gallantly sustained
that they will enjoy the blessings of self-government,
which, by their sufferings in the
cause of liberty, they have richly earned, and
that their independence will be secured by
those liberal institutions of which their coun
try furnished tho earliest examples in the
. history of mankind, and which have conse
crated to immortal remembrance the very soil
for which the people and government of tho
United States have so warmly indulged with
their cause have been acknowledged by their
government, in a letter of thanks, which 1 .
have received from 'their illustrious president,
a' translation of which is now communicated
to congress; tho representative of that nation
to whom this tribute of gratitude was intended
to be paid, and to whom it was justly due."
President Taylor, in 1849, In a message to con
gress, said:
"I haVe scrupulously avoided any inter
ference in the wars and contentions which
have recently distracted Europe. During the
late conflict between Austria and Hungary
th-ro seemed to be a prospect that the latter
might become ar independent nation. How
ever faint that prospect at the time appeared,
I thought it my duty, in accordance with tho
general sentiment of the American people,
who deeply sympathized with the Magyar pa
triots, to stand prepared, upon the contingency
of the establishment by law of a permanent
government, to be the first to welcome inde
pendent Hungary into tho family of nations.
For thi3 purpose I invested an agent then in
Europe with power to declare our willingness
promptly to recognize her independence in tho
event of her ability to sustain it. The power
ful intervention of Russia in the contest ex
tinguished the hopes of the Magyars. The ,
United States did not at any time interfere
with tho contest, but 'the feelings of the na
tion were strongly enlisted in the cause and
by the sufferings of a brave people, who had
made a gallant though unsuccessful effort to
be free."
In 1850 President Taylor, In a message to con
gress, said:
"It will be seen by the documents now
transmitted that no minister or agent was .
accredited by the government of Hungary to
this government at any period since I came
into office, nor was any communication ever
received by this government from the minister
of foreign affairs of Hungary or any jother
executive officer authorized to act in her be
half. "My purpose, as freely avowed in this cor
respondence, was to have acknowledged the
independence of Hungary had, she succeeded. .
.in establishing a government de facto- on a
basis sufficiently permanent in Its character
to have justified me in doing so according to
. theTUBages- andsettled principles "of this gov
ernment; and although, she is now fallen and
many of her gallent patriots are in exile or in
chains, I am free still to declare that had she
been successful in the maintenance of such a
government as wo could have recognized, we
should have been the first to welcome her into
the family of nations."
What has occurred in the history of the United
States of America, since the days of Monroe, of
Adams and of Taylor that this great republic
cannot give expression to its honest sentiments?
What is there in the atmosphere of the present
day that would restrain an American president
from expressing in a polite, yet vigorous way the
hope and the prayer of the American people that
in every struggle between an empire and a re
public, in every contest between a monarchy and a
people's government, that the republic may live,,
and that the people's cause may prevail?
JJJ
Exit, Jones of Nevada.
Senator Jones of Nevada has by his return to
the republican party given much joy to the gold
organs, both republican and democratic. He claims
to be as firm a believer in bimetallism as when he
left the republican party, but says that the enorm
ous output of gold "has accomplished what bi
metallism would have accomplished," and that
silver is dead. He adds that he has been In har
mony with the republican party on all other issues,
and can, therefore, easily return. It is true that
tho senator from Nevada,, distinguished by his
great service in behalf of bimetallism, has been
in harmony with the republican party on all ques
tions save the silver question alone, and therefore
his apostacy at this time is not surprising, al
though much to be regretted.
If Senator Jones will review tho arguments
which he himself has made, he will be convinced
that the output of gold has not been sufficient to
accomplish "what bimetallism would have accom-
plished." The, restoration of bimetallism would
have raised silver to $1.29 an ounce; It would havo
brought into full monetary use throughout tho
world four billions of silver which has been con
stantly legislated against. It would have raised
prices to the former bimetallic level and placed tho
business of tho world upon a solid basis. Tho out
put of gold has not done this, and as a mere mat
ter of mathematics it Is easy to demonstrate that
it will require a great many years for the' present
output to furnish a quantity of gold sufficient to ac
complish "what bimetallism would have accom
plished." But before gold can bo used to take .the
place of silver we must substract from the annual
product, first, enough for use In the arts; second",
enough to cover lost coins and abrasion, and,
third, enough to furnish tho gold using nations
with the annual Increase necessary to keep pace
with the demand for money. When Senator Sher
man was defending the act of 1890, known as tho
Sherman law, he argued that we needed fifty-four
millions of new money every year . to keep pace
with population and industry. If tha.t quantity Is
necessary for this country alone, what sum would
be sufficient to supply all the gold using nations
of the world?
The financiers, of all countries oppose any per
manent rise in prices because that would lessen tho
purchasing power of the dollar and depreciate the
exchange value of their money and securities. If
they thought that there was any danger of tho
gold supply being sufficient to accomplish "what
bimetallism would have accomplished,"' they would
be clamoring for the use ojf gold in the retirement
cf uncovered paper, and, finally, ttiey would de
mand a limitation of the coinage of gold. There
has been a rise in the level of prices since J96, but
a part of this ws the natural rebound after panic
conditions, part was due to the prevailing wars,
and a part to the manipulation of prices by trusts.
We have not yet reached normal conditions, and,
therefore, cannot" say how much, the general level
of prices will be increased by tne' output of gold.
We do know, however, "that gold,-has not. raised,
and probably will not raise prices to anything like
the bimetallic level. We cannot accept the gold
standard as final until we are sure that we have
gold enough, not only for the nations that now
use it, but for the nations that will be ultimately
driven to it if the United States surrenders Its
contention for bimetallism. Where would tho
three hundred million people of India and the' four
hundred million people of China secure gold
if thjy were to go to the gold standard? What
nation has any considerable gold to spare?
It is evident that Nevada's senator has reached
a point where his interest in other policies of tho
republican party outweighs his attachment for bi
metallism. Tlie fact that he is not alarmed by the
republican advocacy of a "branch bank," an "as
set currency," and trusts, or by the corporate dom
ination and the imperial policy of the republican
party, shows that devotion to silver was due more
to the fact that ho came from a mining state than
to any broad and deep sympathy with the masses
of the people. If his belief in bimetallism had
grown out of his desire to see the government ad
ministered according to the doctrine of "equal
rights to all and special privileges to none," no
increase in the production of gold could have car
ried him back to the republican party. He gained
his reputation as the champion of the rights of
the people on one vquestion the money question!
Let us see if he ever makes a speech in favor of
present republican policies that will compare with
tho speech which he made In denunciation of tho
gold standard..
JJJ
Workingmen at the Pollsr
Tho recent municipal elections in San Fran
cisco illustrate lio power of tho w.orkingmen when
they unite atfthe polls. Members, of the union
labor organizations, organized a prty during tho
campaign, nominated Mr. Schmitz as their
