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"
:J?rmi
Whatever may bo one's opinion as to the im
portance that the word "God" appearing in the
constitution, it would seem that if this country is
good enough for this clorglyman and his asso
ciates to live In, and its form of government is
good enough for this clergyman and his asso
curlty under, they should ho willing to as
sume the responsibilities of citizenship.
Responsibilities of citizenship are assumed by
swearing loyalty to the constitution. This does
not mean that men who take this oath approve
of the omission from the constitution of all men
tion of the Creator. There may be, too, in other
respects amendments and improvements which a
man might suggest to the constitution, but tho fact
that that great article could bo improved does not
justify a man in refusing to declare his allegiance
to his adopted country by swearing loyalty to tho
constitution of that country.
Tho charge that tho constitution is an "Im
moral document" is an interesting one when read
in tho light of the constitution itself and the his
tory of the amendments and revisions in that
document. It is always advantageous to the
American citizen to study the constitution, of his
country. Let us take a glance through this great
Btato paper, and see if tho charge that it is an
"immoral document" can bo supported.
In the first place, let it be remembered that
tho Declaration of Independence, the greatest of
all stato documents ever written in tho history of
the world, did recognize the existence of God, and
the signers of this declaration solemnly declared
their "firm reliance on the protection of divine
providence." Human slavery existed at that time
and long after the Declaration of Independence was
signed, and yet tho institution of slavery was
wholly inconsistent with the sublime truths con
tained in the declaration.
Did men who, like Jefferson, hated slavery and
as 'ho said, in tho presence of that institution,
trembled when he remembered that God was just
did men like Jefferson refuse to append their
signatures to that declaration- because . it was
hypocritical in tho presence of slavery and hence
immoral? By no means. Jefferson and the men
who believed as he did in regard to human
slavery, understood that when they were framing
tho declaration, they were building for eternity
and they believed that this declaration would bo
tho guide and model by which all future constitu
tions and statutes would be shaped.
. Wo have seen in our own time how tho fed
eral constitution has been remodeled in order to
bring it more in keeping with the declaration. Wo
have seen in our own time tho institution of hu
man slavery fall to the ground in the presence 'of
Jefferson's "passionate chant of human freedom."
Tho preamble of this "immoral document" de
clares the purpose of its framers to be to "estab
lish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide
for the common defense, promote tho general wel
fare and secure the blessings of liberty to our
selves and our posterity." Is there anything im
moral in that? On the contrary, does it not seek
to carry out the purposes of a wise and just
God, who has Himself recognized the necessity
of providing law and order for frail humanity in
order that justice among men may bo established?
From the beginning to the end of this great
constitution there is tho evident purpose of its
framers to protect tho weak from the strong, to
produce the greatest good to the greatest number,
to seo that every man living under that constitu
tion is permitted to enjoy tho inalienable right
to life, liberty and tho pursuit of happiness.
The provisions for representation in the law
making body were framed with the purpose -of see
ing that exact justice was done, and the rules for
enactment of laws were shaped with the evident
purpose that the interests of tho many should be
preserved, and that tho selfish purposes of tho
few should be defeated.
Throughout, the greatest care was taken bv
tho men of the colonial period, according to their
The Commoner.
information at the time, to provide a well ordered
government in which morality and justice would
bo maintained.
When tho constitution was first adopted no
bill of rights was Included, but it was promised
that a bill of rights would bo incorporated, and
tho first ten amendments to our present constitu
tion were in part the fulfillment of this pledge. In
this bill of rights is guaranteed the very privilege
which tho men of tho Reformed Presbyterian
church have of worshipping God according to tho
dictates of their own conscience.
Perfect religious freedom, freedom of speech
and of tho press, the right of the people peaceably
to assemble and to petition tho government for
a redress of any grievance that may exist, these
are some of the guarantees in this "immoral docu
ment." No soldier shall, as is the case in some coun
tries, in time of peace be quartered In any house
without the consent of the owner, nor in time of
war but in a manner to be prescribed by law.
This is a provision In this "immoral document." N
The people are guaranteed in this "immoral
document" security in their persons, liouses, pa
pers and effects against unreasonable searches and
seizures. Provision is explicitly made in this "im
moral document" for the protection of, the life and
liberty of the individual and for the guarantee of
the safeguards essential to a fair and impartial
trial of one charged with crime.
Excessive fine, cruel and unusual punishment
are prohibited by this "immoral document;" and
it is explicitly stated in this same "immoral
document" that nothing contained therein shall be
construed to deny or disparage any rights re
tained by the people. And in order to make it
clearly understood that tho power is with the peo
ple and that the men who administer govern
ment have only that authority which the people
gave in the constitution, it is explicitly stated
that tho powers not delegated by the constitution
or prohibited by it to tho states, are reserved
to the states respectively or to the people. -
Later this great document was amended so
that the institution of slavery would be denied a
place under the flag of this country, and states
were denied tho right of making or enforcing any
law which would abridge the privileges of citizen
ship ;pr the making Of any law that would .deprive
any, person of life, liberty or property without duo
process of law; or to deny to any person the equal
protection of the law.
And the last amendment to this "immoral
document" was a declaration that the right of a
citizen to vote shall not be denied or abridged by
tho United States or by any state on account of
race, color or previous condition of servitude.
It may be true that there are important amend
ments yet to be made to this constitution. It is
not true, however, that any man living under the
protection of this constitution, has the moral right
to brand it as an "immoral document." The con
stitution is an ordinance of civil government and
vThile no mention of the Creator Is- made in that
ordinance, the existence of God is recognized and
men's obligations to Him are considered in tho
various forms and ceremonies by which our offi
cial bodies are conducted. The houses of congress
are opened with prayer; the usual form of oath
calls upon the Creator as a witness; presidents
and governors in their messages pay tribute to tho
divine being; the chaplains in our legislatures, in
our penal institutions, in our army and our na
vy all provide testimony that the government,
based upon this constitution, is a "government of
Christian people.
JJJ
Ex-Governor Taylor's Case.
Governor Durbln, of Indiana, has refused 'to
honor a requisition made upon him by the Ken
tucky; authorities for ex-Governor Taylor, who is
now enjoying protection in the Hoosier state.
Governor Durbin gives his reasons at length, but
. the reasons are all to enforce his statement that
Governor Taylor would not receive a fair and im
partial trial in Kentucky. This is a serious charge
to be made by tho chief executive of one stato
against the courts of a sisteu, state, and the weight
of the objection is entirely destroyed by the fact
that Governor Taylor is a -prominent member of
the republican party, and is being shielded from
arrest by another prominent member of the samo
party. It will be recalled that Governor Goebel
was shot down as the result of a political con
spiracy, and it will also bo recalled that many of
the republican papers throughout tho land failed
to express any indignation- or condemnation of
the act. Governor Taylor escaped from Kentucky
before arrest and has since been a fugativo from
justice.
On June 13, 1900, Governor Mount, "of Ind
iana, refused to honor a requisition for Taylor on
substantially the same grounds as those given by
Governor Durbin. Six days afterwards, on Juno
19, ex-Governor Taylor appeared at the republi
can national convention. Tho papers reported
that Temporary Chairman Wolcott recognized
"Governor-Taylor of Kentucky," and addressing
him, said: "Come to the platform, governor, they
want to see you." Mr. Taylor accepted tho invita
tion, and Chairman Wolcott advanced to meet
him, and, according to the press reports, "the
convention cheered."
This is the way that the republican national
convention acted toward a man at that time
charged with participation in the assassination of
the chtef executive of one of the states of the
union. ""While the republicans are denouncing an
archy they ought not to forget that among tho
causes which lead up to the assassination of presi
dents is the heroizing of a man charged with the
assassination of a governor. No one is able to
form a correct opinion as to the guilt or innocence
of Governor Taylor until the evidonco is presented
in "court, but an indictment rendered by a grand
jury raises a presumption that cannot be over
thrown by the partisan opinion of a governor, !wlio
has a political Interest in the welfare of tho man
under accusation.
The above facts are given that the readers of
The Commoner may seo how political conditions
affect the action of republican leaders. President
McKinley was assassinated by an anarchist whose
act had no political significance and could not be
traced to anything said or done by any member
of the opposite party, and yet republican papers
were quick to try to make political capital out of
, the terrible deed, and some of them boldly charged
the responsibility upon the democratic party. The
Goebel assassination was purely a political act,
participated in by republicans, and after an indict
ment was returned against the mot prominent of
these republicans, the chairman of a republican
national convention invited him to the platform,
republican delegates cheered his appearance, and
two republican governors refused to surrender
him, for trial.
If a republican cannot be tried in a democratic
, state, will the republicans insist that a democrat
could have a fair trial in a republican state? If
the reasons presented by Governor Durbin aro
sound, then it is perfectly safe for a republican to
kill any democratic executive and flee to aj-epubli-can
state, and if democratic governors act upon
the same principle, it is safe for a democrat to kill
a republican official and then flee to a democratic
state. Jn other words, the position taken by Gov
ernor Durbin, if accepted as a precedent, invites a
reign of lawlessness, and ought to alarm tho
frieindAst of law and order regardless of political
affiliations.
JJJ
Evading the Civil Service.
The civil' service law in regard to the collec
tion of tribute from federal employes is being very
adroitly evaded by the republicans. A reader -of
Tho Commoner sends in a bit of literature that was
received by all the employes of one of the larger,
postoffices. It is as pointed a demand for contri-
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