The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, November 01, 1901, Page 3, Image 3

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    The Commoner.
ffh'o president may have Invited him without con
sidering the question that it raises, and Mr. Wash
ington may have accepted from a feeling that an
Invitation from the president was equivalent to a
command. It is to bo hoped that both of them wlil
upon reflection realize the wisdom of abandoning
their purpose to wipe out race lines, if they enter
tain such a purpose. Prof. Washington's work as
an educator will be greatly impaired if he allows
it to be understood .that his object is to initiate
the members of his race into the social circles of
the whites, and he will do injustice to those of his
own color if he turns their thoughts away from
intellectual and moral development to the less
substantial advantages if there are any advant
ages at all to be derived from social equality. The
negro can find a sufficient stimulus in the ambi
tion to so elevate himself and the members of his'
race as to create a satisfactory society among his
own people; his efforts in behalf of his race will
be weakened rather than strengthened by any ef
fort on his part to desert those of his own color in
order to shine in white society. No advantage is
tc be gained by ignoring race prejudice; It is wiser
to recognize it and to make our plans conform
to it. Race pride, like self-respect, is a valuable
characteristic. Race pride will do the negro good;
he has reason to be proud of what his race has
already accomplished and he can employ all the
energies of a strenuous life in an effort to show
that his race is deserving of a high place among
the races of the earth, and that place will depend,
not upon social distinctions, but upon mental
breadth and moral worth. The race question
which we have on hand will require for its proper
solution the intelligence and patriotism of all the
people, black as well as white. The recent occur
rence at the White house will not make that solu
tion easier, but it ought to convince all of the
folly of adding to those problems which we must
ixieet another greater and more complicated race"
problem in the orient.
fc , i" ' " . . . M 1') . '"
The Money Question Again.
The republicans and gold democrats are con
tinually declaring that the money question is
dead, yet there are at this timG three important
financial measures under consideration. The na
tional bankers at their recent meeting held in Mil
waukee discussed and apparently approved of
both the "branch bank" and "the asset currency."
'An effort is to be made to so change the national
iBank law as to permit the organization of a great
central bank with numerous branches scattered
throughout the country. If this effort succeeds
the small banks will bo driven out of existence and
the business interests of the land will bo under the
control and at the mercy of the group of financiers
in charge of the central institution. Every sena
tor chosen by a legislature elected this fali will
have to vote on this question, and yet gold demo
crats object to having the people express them
selves on this subject.
The. national bankers who attended the meet
ing above referred to were practically unanimous
in their support of what is called an "asset cur
rency" a bank currency issued in proportion to
and secured by the assets of the respective na
tional banks. This system is not only open to all
the objections urged against other kinds of bank
currency, but In addition to these objections it is
evident that the asset currency Is not as safe as a
currency based upon bonds; and it Is plain that
such a currency impairs the security of depositors.
Every senator chosen by a legislature elected this
fall will have to act upon this proposition, and yet
gold democrats are opposed to allowing the people
to express themselves upon this question.
A few days ago the St. Louis Globe-Democrat
said editorially:
There is an excellent chance for the en
actment In the coming session of congress of
" the silver redemption bill which Representa-
c .
tive Ovorstreet, of Indiana, Introduced in tho
recent congress, but which failed for want of
time ,for its adequate consideration. This
measure, which will be introduced In tho
house immediately after it meets a few weeks
hence, proposed the exchange of silver dollars
in gold, tho gold for this purpose to come
from tho regular redemption fund of the treas
ury. This would strengthen tho gold stand
ard act of March 14, 1900, in .a place which
it would bo desirable to strengthen it.
There is no doubt that tho advocates of tho
gold standard are planning, first, to make silver
dollars redeemable in gold; and, second, to re
tire tho silver dollars. When the financiers wanted
to bring discredit upon the treasury notes, issued
under the Sherman law ,they presented them for
redemption and then clamored for gold bonds
to furnish tho necessary gold. Having coerced the
treasury department into the Issue of bonds, they
declared that the treasury notes constituted an
endless chain and demanded their retirement.
When they had succeeded in securing the uncon
ditional repeal of the Sherman law, they resorted
to the same tactics to secure tho retirement of
greenbacks. They are endeavoring to create a still
larger and longer "endless chain" by making the
silver dollar redeemable in gold, and if this cru
sado against the white metal is successful they will
insist that tho silver dollar must be retired in order
to protect the treasury.
The financiers have several other measures In
contemplation, but these threo are now being
openly advocated. Every senator chosen by tho
legislatures elected this fall will have to vote
upon these questions. If the gold democrats do
not know this they lack information; if they
know it and avoid the subject they lack honesty;
and in either case they dp not deserve the confi
dence of the democrats whom they offer to lead.
It seems incredible that any real democrat
should bo deceived by men who spend half the
time vociferously declaring that the money ques
tion is dead and the other, half in. aiding a:,con.
spiracy which" has for its object tho establishing,
of a bank despotism.
Even In Missouri several persons have been
"mentioned" for the United States senate who, if
they boldly announced their views on tho money
question, could not carry a single primary in the
slate; but they will not announce their position
on. the money question; they will plead for har
mony and claim that they are loyal democrats.
Their first effort is to get rid of the Kansas City
platform and then they will try to secure tho
nomination of uninstructed representatives who
are under secret pledge to them.
The corporations stand ready to furnish money
to elect members of the legislature who can be re
lied upon to vote for senators satisfactory to the
corporations, but such senators will not only be
hostile to the democratic party on all phases of
the money question, but they will be so obligated
to organized wealth that they cannot be trusted
to give earnest support to any needed reform. The
money question cannot be eliminated from poli
tics so long as the financiers are proceeding step
by step to secure new privileges and new advant
ages at the expense of tho rest of the people.
A Successful Experiment.
On the 23d of last January the first issue of
The Commoner appeared. A little more than nine
months have passed and every day has seen an
increase Jn the number of subscribers. After care
ful" deliberation I began the publication of The
Commoner in tho belief that there was a demand
for a weekly journal devoted to the discussion of
political, economic and sociological questions. I
have been very much gratified at the success which
has attended the experiment and encouraged by
the hearty commendation which has been be
stowed upon the paper. Through The Commoner
I am able to keep in touch with public questions
and to address those who desire to keep informed
tipon tho tendencies of tho times. While a largo
majority of the readors of tho paper supported my
candidacy in 1800 and In 1900, a considerable num
ber of republicans read tho paper In order to know
tho democratic side of pending issues. I enjoy
tho editorial work and shall continue the publica
tion of the paper as long as tho subscribers con
tinue to show their interest In the paper's work.
While the editorial department of tho paper is
given the placo of paramount importance, tho
reader will find a great deal of useful philosophy
an well as many political and moral lessons on Mr.
Maupln's page. In the "Homo Department" will
be found articles and suggestions of value to tho
household and some choice poems gathered from
tho world's best writers. Tho "Forum of tho
Weekly Press" is especially intended for the edi
tors of tho weekly press. Their exchanges do not
as a rule cover the entire country and there is
no paper in which they can find the Information
which The Commoner supplies.
The annual subscriptions which began with
tho first number will soon expire and it will mako
the work of renewing much easier if those de
siring tlie paper for another year will send In their
remittances at an early day.
While a great many subscriptions have been
sent in by local agents and by newspapers having
a clubbing rate, a large part of the paper's growth
it- due to the personal interest taken by readers
who bring tho paper to the attention of friends
and neighbors. They do so In the belief that they
are advancing the cause and strengthening the
principles which The Commoner defends. Their
efforts are fully appreciated.
Tho next year will be one of great interest to
the reading public. The long session of congress
begins In December and every week will bring
forth some matter which will challenge the atten
tion of all thoughtful and patriotic people. The
republicans must fight their next congressional
campaign upon the record which they make during
the coming session of congress.
...f.I shall analyzo and discuss, all the measures
which are likely to raise issues between the parties.
The Mourning Perioci.
It is announced that the "mourning period"
for the death of President McKinley terminated
October 13. The flags which had flown from half
mast on every public building In the country were
hoisted,. This date, however, merely marked the
termination of the "official" period of mourning.
It would be useless for men and women, in
this active and progressive world, to continually
wear the badges of grief. Common sense has Sug
gested that during a certain' period such badges
shall be worn and signs of grief displayed; but
the world moves on and It is necessary that after
a time the public shall abandon the formal indica
tions of its sorrow in order that it may devote
its energy to the activities of real life.
More than thlrty-3ix years have elapsed since
Abraham Lincoln was assassinated. More than
twenty years have elapsed since James A. Gar
field was assassinated. .And yet the "mourning
period" in the hearts of the American peoplea
people devoted to the Institutions of their country,
a people naturally tender and sympathetic, a peo
ple who believe that any government is better than
no government, but whose lives, whose fortunes
and whose sacred honor are dedicated to tho
theory that the republican form is the be3t form
of government in the hearts of these people tho
"mourning period" for the untimely death of Abra
ham Lincoln and James A. Garfield has never yet
So In the case of William McKinley, October 13
marks the termination of the "official mourning
period," but tho "mourning period" for President
McKinley will be interminable.
This is true, not solely because of his many
excellent traits of character, but because the as
sassination of a president of a republic, dedicated
under God to freedom, leaves a scar upon tho
heart of every patriotic citizen that even time
with all its power cannot efface. This is true be
cause an assault upon the life of the head of a re
public Is an assault upon the humblest citizen of
whom the president is the representative.
Among thoughtful men and women It will al
ways be a matter of keen regret, apart from indi
vidual considerations, that within one generation
in this land of freedom three presidents have
fallen victims of assassination.