The Commoner. ffh'o president may have Invited him without con sidering the question that it raises, and Mr. Wash ington may have accepted from a feeling that an Invitation from the president was equivalent to a command. It is to bo hoped that both of them wlil upon reflection realize the wisdom of abandoning their purpose to wipe out race lines, if they enter tain such a purpose. Prof. Washington's work as an educator will be greatly impaired if he allows it to be understood .that his object is to initiate the members of his race into the social circles of the whites, and he will do injustice to those of his own color if he turns their thoughts away from intellectual and moral development to the less substantial advantages if there are any advant ages at all to be derived from social equality. The negro can find a sufficient stimulus in the ambi tion to so elevate himself and the members of his' race as to create a satisfactory society among his own people; his efforts in behalf of his race will be weakened rather than strengthened by any ef fort on his part to desert those of his own color in order to shine in white society. No advantage is tc be gained by ignoring race prejudice; It is wiser to recognize it and to make our plans conform to it. Race pride, like self-respect, is a valuable characteristic. Race pride will do the negro good; he has reason to be proud of what his race has already accomplished and he can employ all the energies of a strenuous life in an effort to show that his race is deserving of a high place among the races of the earth, and that place will depend, not upon social distinctions, but upon mental breadth and moral worth. The race question which we have on hand will require for its proper solution the intelligence and patriotism of all the people, black as well as white. The recent occur rence at the White house will not make that solu tion easier, but it ought to convince all of the folly of adding to those problems which we must ixieet another greater and more complicated race" problem in the orient. JJJ fc , i" ' " . . . M 1') . '" The Money Question Again. The republicans and gold democrats are con tinually declaring that the money question is dead, yet there are at this timG three important financial measures under consideration. The na tional bankers at their recent meeting held in Mil waukee discussed and apparently approved of both the "branch bank" and "the asset currency." 'An effort is to be made to so change the national iBank law as to permit the organization of a great central bank with numerous branches scattered throughout the country. If this effort succeeds the small banks will bo driven out of existence and the business interests of the land will bo under the control and at the mercy of the group of financiers in charge of the central institution. Every sena tor chosen by a legislature elected this fali will have to vote on this question, and yet gold demo crats object to having the people express them selves on this subject. The. national bankers who attended the meet ing above referred to were practically unanimous in their support of what is called an "asset cur rency" a bank currency issued in proportion to and secured by the assets of the respective na tional banks. This system is not only open to all the objections urged against other kinds of bank currency, but In addition to these objections it is evident that the asset currency Is not as safe as a currency based upon bonds; and it Is plain that such a currency impairs the security of depositors. Every senator chosen by a legislature elected this fall will have to act upon this proposition, and yet gold democrats are opposed to allowing the people to express themselves upon this question. A few days ago the St. Louis Globe-Democrat said editorially: There is an excellent chance for the en actment In the coming session of congress of " the silver redemption bill which Representa- c . tive Ovorstreet, of Indiana, Introduced in tho recent congress, but which failed for want of time ,for its adequate consideration. This measure, which will be introduced In tho house immediately after it meets a few weeks hence, proposed the exchange of silver dollars in gold, tho gold for this purpose to come from tho regular redemption fund of the treas ury. This would strengthen tho gold stand ard act of March 14, 1900, in .a place which it would bo desirable to strengthen it. There is no doubt that tho advocates of tho gold standard are planning, first, to make silver dollars redeemable in gold; and, second, to re tire tho silver dollars. When the financiers wanted to bring discredit upon the treasury notes, issued under the Sherman law ,they presented them for redemption and then clamored for gold bonds to furnish tho necessary gold. Having coerced the treasury department into the Issue of bonds, they declared that the treasury notes constituted an endless chain and demanded their retirement. When they had succeeded in securing the uncon ditional repeal of the Sherman law, they resorted to the same tactics to secure tho retirement of greenbacks. They are endeavoring to create a still larger and longer "endless chain" by making the silver dollar redeemable in gold, and if this cru sado against the white metal is successful they will insist that tho silver dollar must be retired in order to protect the treasury. The financiers have several other measures In contemplation, but these threo are now being openly advocated. Every senator chosen by tho legislatures elected this fall will have to vote upon these questions. If the gold democrats do not know this they lack information; if they know it and avoid the subject they lack honesty; and in either case they dp not deserve the confi dence of the democrats whom they offer to lead. It seems incredible that any real democrat should bo deceived by men who spend half the time vociferously declaring that the money ques tion is dead and the other, half in. aiding a:,con. spiracy which" has for its object tho establishing, of a bank despotism. Even In Missouri several persons have been "mentioned" for the United States senate who, if they boldly announced their views on tho money question, could not carry a single primary in the slate; but they will not announce their position on. the money question; they will plead for har mony and claim that they are loyal democrats. Their first effort is to get rid of the Kansas City platform and then they will try to secure tho nomination of uninstructed representatives who are under secret pledge to them. The corporations stand ready to furnish money to elect members of the legislature who can be re lied upon to vote for senators satisfactory to the corporations, but such senators will not only be hostile to the democratic party on all phases of the money question, but they will be so obligated to organized wealth that they cannot be trusted to give earnest support to any needed reform. The money question cannot be eliminated from poli tics so long as the financiers are proceeding step by step to secure new privileges and new advant ages at the expense of tho rest of the people. JJJ A Successful Experiment. On the 23d of last January the first issue of The Commoner appeared. A little more than nine months have passed and every day has seen an increase Jn the number of subscribers. After care ful" deliberation I began the publication of The Commoner in tho belief that there was a demand for a weekly journal devoted to the discussion of political, economic and sociological questions. I have been very much gratified at the success which has attended the experiment and encouraged by the hearty commendation which has been be stowed upon the paper. Through The Commoner I am able to keep in touch with public questions and to address those who desire to keep informed tipon tho tendencies of tho times. While a largo majority of the readors of tho paper supported my candidacy in 1800 and In 1900, a considerable num ber of republicans read tho paper In order to know tho democratic side of pending issues. I enjoy tho editorial work and shall continue the publica tion of the paper as long as tho subscribers con tinue to show their interest In the paper's work. While the editorial department of tho paper is given the placo of paramount importance, tho reader will find a great deal of useful philosophy an well as many political and moral lessons on Mr. Maupln's page. In the "Homo Department" will be found articles and suggestions of value to tho household and some choice poems gathered from tho world's best writers. Tho "Forum of tho Weekly Press" is especially intended for the edi tors of tho weekly press. Their exchanges do not as a rule cover the entire country and there is no paper in which they can find the Information which The Commoner supplies. The annual subscriptions which began with tho first number will soon expire and it will mako the work of renewing much easier if those de siring tlie paper for another year will send In their remittances at an early day. While a great many subscriptions have been sent in by local agents and by newspapers having a clubbing rate, a large part of the paper's growth it- due to the personal interest taken by readers who bring tho paper to the attention of friends and neighbors. They do so In the belief that they are advancing the cause and strengthening the principles which The Commoner defends. Their efforts are fully appreciated. Tho next year will be one of great interest to the reading public. The long session of congress begins In December and every week will bring forth some matter which will challenge the atten tion of all thoughtful and patriotic people. The republicans must fight their next congressional campaign upon the record which they make during the coming session of congress. ...f.I shall analyzo and discuss, all the measures which are likely to raise issues between the parties. The Mourning Perioci. It is announced that the "mourning period" for the death of President McKinley terminated October 13. The flags which had flown from half mast on every public building In the country were hoisted,. This date, however, merely marked the termination of the "official" period of mourning. It would be useless for men and women, in this active and progressive world, to continually wear the badges of grief. Common sense has Sug gested that during a certain' period such badges shall be worn and signs of grief displayed; but the world moves on and It is necessary that after a time the public shall abandon the formal indica tions of its sorrow in order that it may devote its energy to the activities of real life. More than thlrty-3ix years have elapsed since Abraham Lincoln was assassinated. More than twenty years have elapsed since James A. Gar field was assassinated. .And yet the "mourning period" in the hearts of the American peoplea people devoted to the Institutions of their country, a people naturally tender and sympathetic, a peo ple who believe that any government is better than no government, but whose lives, whose fortunes and whose sacred honor are dedicated to tho theory that the republican form is the be3t form of government in the hearts of these people tho "mourning period" for the untimely death of Abra ham Lincoln and James A. Garfield has never yet terminated. So In the case of William McKinley, October 13 marks the termination of the "official mourning period," but tho "mourning period" for President McKinley will be interminable. This is true, not solely because of his many excellent traits of character, but because the as sassination of a president of a republic, dedicated under God to freedom, leaves a scar upon tho heart of every patriotic citizen that even time with all its power cannot efface. This is true be cause an assault upon the life of the head of a re public Is an assault upon the humblest citizen of whom the president is the representative. Among thoughtful men and women It will al ways be a matter of keen regret, apart from indi vidual considerations, that within one generation in this land of freedom three presidents have fallen victims of assassination.