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3
r.
Nobel's fortune was made -in the manufacture
of guns, ammunition, and other explosives.
For years lie held contracts for supplying sev
eral of the great armies of Europe with fight
ing material. That this man should oiler such
a munificont reward to those whose talents are
spent in preventing war is thought by Mr.
Curtis to he very strange.
Probably no man had a better opportunity
than Nobel to rightly estimate the disas
trous consequences of an appeal to arms.
Men did not fight because Nobel made ammu
nition and guns. Nobel made ammunition and
guns because men fight, and consequently re
quire ammunition. and'gunB with which to set
tle their differences. But having amassed
a fortune because of the disposition toward
war, it was brought forcibly to the atten
tion of this man that no greater service could
bo performed by a human being than to con
tribute to the peace of the world. Ho fully
realized, as few other men do, the awful wasto
when nations embark upon an organized dis
turbance of the peace, and however much wo
may say by way of compliment to his wisdom
in seeking to contribute to the advancement of
physical science, chemistry, medicine and liter
ature, nothing that wo may say on these points
:could bo of so complimentary a character as
the tribute, we must pay to him because of his
evident disposition to advance the peace of the
world.
Above all the other prizes, the peace prize
increases in importance according to the oaro
with which wo scrutinize present day condi
tions throughout the oivilized world.
W
u ,
Attention, Ambassador Choate!
A terrible commotion is on among the
English, nobility. A number of balls are to be
given during the ceremonies attending the cor
onation of the King of England. It has been
the intention of the politicians in England to
make the American guests on this occasion
more conspicuous than they have been on any
previous occasion. The purpose, of this is to
give emphasis to the claim that American, sym
pathy is with Groat. Britain in its ' struggle
with the Boers, and that the relations between
Great Britain and the United States are grow
ing closer as the days go by.
, But it has suddenly been discovered that
American women do not know how to dance,
and an "expert on dancing," writing for a Lon
don publication, makes this startling state
ment: American ladles especially appear ridiculous
when they try to dance. Their vertical demonstra
tion is exaggerated and their bodies (I will not say
their grotesque bodies) sway about most absurdly
in an attempt to follow their male companions.
American Jadies never dance acceptably in the
smart circles of London without first- getting in
struction at the hands of capable teachers who are
Englishmen. Englishmen find it -quite impossible
to follow their vigorous, complicated gyrations.
This is a terrible arraignment. The gen
erous impulses of our British cousins, however,
.will probably be shown on this occasion when,
pven in spite of this defect, they admit women
as guests at the coronation ceremonies.
"Ve have heard much in recent days of tho
The Commoner.
many things in common between Englishmen
and Americans. These, we have been told,
speak the same language, worship tho same
Godr follow tho same social customs in many
respects, have coirsing through their veins tho
same Anglo-Saxon blood; and yet just as wo
have prepared ourselves to participate in King
Edward's coronation ceremonies we arc sud
denly told that we do not"danco acceptably."
It is too bad, indeed 1 But it is interesting
to observe that this same "dancing expert" in
conclusion holds out the hope that there is
possibility for reform even in this respeot. If
American women will but put themselves in
the hands of capable teachers who are English
men, tho Englishmen who attend the corona
tion balls "may find it possible to follow their
vigorous gyrations." Let us not overlook this
veiy pressing duty. Wo must , not appear to
disadvantage at tho coronation ceremonies. All
the sacrifices wo have made for the purpose of
courting English approval will have been
wasted if our women do not "dance acceptably
in the smart circles of London."
This is a matter which Ambassador Choate
should immediately take under consideration,
if, indeed, he has not already realized its enor
mous importance.
W
Nebraska Democrats Firm.
The Democratic State Convention held, at
Lincoln September 17, adopted a strong plat
form endorsing the principles of the Kansas
City platform, and nominated one candidate
for Supreme Judge and two candidates for re
gents of State University. The convention
was one of the largest over held in tho state.
The Populists met at the same time and the
ticket named was agreed upon by both conven
tions. Tho candidate for the bench, Judge
Conrad Hollenbeck, is a Democrat and J. H.
Bayston and L. G. Hawksby candidates for re
gents are Populists. The fusitin committees ex
pect to get out a full vote and elect tho entire
ticket. Mr. Bryan had not met the representa
tives of the two parties since the last presiden
tial election. In addressing tho conventions he
avoided partisanpolitics owing to the death of
the President. In the course of his remarks he
said that the loss of the state brought more hu
miliation to him than the national defeat (not
that he regretted it more, as some papers re
ported). Ho said that he would remain a citi
zen of Nebraska and help win back the state.
Slavery in the Philippines.
The Chicago Tribune of August 21 con
tains a Washington dispatch in which it is set
. forth .that the war department is having con
siderable difficulty with the question of slavery
in the Philippines. It is announced that the
war department has determined that the "sale
of children in the Philippines shall be stopped."
In this dispatch it is stated:
In the third district of the department, where
Major O. J. Sweet is in command, the slavery ques
tion is a constant source of. trouble on account of
slaves escaping from one master to another. That
officer says: "Whenever a question relating to
slaves coraos before me I simply make the owner
provo tholr slaves boyond doubt,' in which caso I
have nothing to do with them, but In case I can
pick aflaw In tholr title I give tho alleged slaves
freedom papers. Thousands of Moros are held as
slaves who aro by right free people."
It would be interesting for the people of
tho United States to seo one of their army
officers on territory where United States sov
ereignty has been proclaimed, sitting in judg
ment on the ownership of human beings. It
is reassuring to bo told by this Solomon, now
sojourning in tho Philippines as tho represent
ative of the greatest republic on earth, that
whenever a question relating to slaves comes
before him he "simply makes the owners prove
their slaves boyond doubt." It would be all
the more interesting if this army officer would
reveal to the American peoplo the character of
evidence which he requires in such cases. Cer
tainly tho evidence must be strong, because ho
insists that tho proof shall bo "boyond doubt."
What proof can establish title to a human
being according to American law?
It is also interesting to be told by this
army officor "in case I can pick a flaw in their
title I give the' alleged slaves freedom papers;"
and yet wo aro at liberty to infer from tho
tone of this officer's statements that there have
been cases in which ho could not "pick a flaw
in their title." Perhaps it has never occurred
to this, 6r any other army officer, that it is tho
easiest thing under tho sun to pick a flaw in
any alleged title to a human being on territory
over which United' States sovereignty has been
declared and over which the United States
flag waves. The .evidence at hand is' not tho
mere woid of an irresponsible Filipino native;
it is not the unsupported testimony of a by
stander; it is nothing more nor less than tho
constitution of tho 'United States, the 13th
amendment to-whicli declares that neither
slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist
"within the. United States or any place subject
to their jurisdiction." That is the weapon
that hews to pieces any claim made, on terri
tory under United States sovereignty, to tho
body-of a human being; and that weapon de
stroys the alleged title, of the Sultan of Sulu or
any other pretending monarclf as effectually as
4t,dqe8 the alleged title of the humblest farmer
in the Philippine archipelago.
W '-
A Good Bill.
The commission which is at work revising
the federal statutes suggests a bill making it a
. capital offense to kill or attempt to kill an ex
ecutive officer of the federal government, when
the attempt is made for the purpose of.ob
trucjing the government. The suggestion is
a good one. The qualification avoids tho ob
jection which might bo urgeflif the law applied
to all kinds of assault, but where the purpose
of the assault is not to injure tho man as an in
dividual but to injure the government through,
him, it becomes an offense against all tho
-people.
Suppress anarchy and then make the gov
ernment so just that no one can doubt its
beneficence.
