u The Commoner 10 i i: t & i). V l' I u- V P.-- Colonel Wetmore's Speech, ' Tho following speech was delivered on July 4 at Columbia, Mo., by Col. M. C. Wotmoro of St. Louis. It shows that there is at least one man of con siderable means who retains his con fidence in tho people and his love for tho early ideals of tho nation. ,Col. Wotmoro is a business man, but no republican oratoi delivered as appro priate an address on tho nation's an niversary: t'Any man who can mako a speech on anything ought to be able to say something on this day of all days to the doraocracy of America. Thp demo crats of tho country have mado the Fourth of July what it has been in tho past, and if it is to signify in tho future what it has in the past, it must surely bo done by the democratic par ty. If in this country all men are to be free and equal, that great conserva tive party which laid the foundation stone of our government must again take charge of tho destinies of the people Tho greatest man that this country or any other country ever pro duced was born one hundred and fifty eight years ago, ovor on the red hills of Virginia. He was not only great in mind, and liberal in spirit, but he had tho sublime courage of his convictions, and was the first man of all the mil lions who preceded him who dared to announce the grand principle of tho equality of man and that govern ments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed. For these two great principles the democratic party has ever contended, sometimes for long periods with ill success, but with an unconquerable faith in the right they have battled,- scorning de feat and becoming stronger In adver sity. What a great people and what a mighty moral power would be ours if we would live strictly up. to the teachings of tho Declaration of Inde pendence, having'in view at all tiraeB the immortal words of Jefferson, that "all men are created equal." From the beginning of the government that has been democratic doctrine. What ' relation the sentiments and principles of tho Declaration of Independence will bear to the government of the future time alone can tell. That we . are drifting from its teachings at the present time no candid man will deny. That our law givers and the interpret ers of our laws have" seen nt to set up their judgments in opposition to the plain terms of our constitution is so plain that it can scarcely te denied by . the most bitter partisan. Their excuse for manifest violations is that circum stances are different from what they were when the constitution was adopted; when that grandest body of men ever assembled on earth wrote what some liberal-minded Englishman declared was an inspired document. It must be plain to any thinking pei son that if the constitution can be set aside, then we are left as a ship with out a rudder, tossed first in one direc tion and then in another, until finally it is smashed to pieces on the breakers. If -we are to be left to the mercy of the majority, no matter what party may have control cf tho government, we are at once placed under the most per fect tyranny. It has often been said, and I believe with truth, that there is no monarch so severe as a majority without something to hold in check tho instinct of tyranny which springs eternal in the hitman breast. If there Is any person here who doubts the state ment I am going to make, that the present national administration has In Great Stock Country. t No hotter cattle and sheep country in America. Cheap lands, pure running water, ana flowing wells, fino climate, no malaria, plenty of hay. Writo for infor mation to J. 0. MORROW, O'Neill, Neb. many cases violated the constitution, I want to cite him one Instance as proof that he has not kept himself well Informed. The 13th amendment to tho constitution of the United States reads as follows: "1st. Neither slavery nor involun tary servitude, except as a punishment fo crime, whereof the party shall have been. duly convicted, shall exist with in tho United States or any place sub ject to their jurisdiction. "2nd. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation." Tho Sulu Islands of the Philippine archipelago wore transferred by Spain to the Unted States pretty nearly three years ago. At the time Spain ceded by treaty those islands to the United States slavery existed there, and al though we claim to have had supreme jurisdiction there, slavery still exists and is likely to continue to exist for years to come The Sultan of Sulu acknowledges tho supremacy 'of the United States in the islands, and when General Bates concluded his treaty and exacted allegiance of the Sultan, it was stipulated that the rights of the subjects of the Sultan of Sulu as' on joyed under the rule of Spain were not to be molested, and many of the insti tutions to be protected. These in cluded polygamy and slavery. I am aware that the president mado the statement that the stipulation, in re gard to slavery, was not expected by him, and that he had notified General Bates that the treaty must be changed in that regard. But there has never been any change in the treaty as made by General Bates, and no one in this country knows that anything in the matter has over been done; and certain it is that slavery exists in those isl ands tho same as it has for the past three hundred years. A commission appointed by the president, of which Judge Taft was the chairman, lately visited Sulu and had an interview with the Sultan and many of his most influ ential subjects, and when they made a report of their visit they acknowledged that slavery still existed there, and then in the most matter of fact way recommended as a policy of- wisdom that no interference with the institu tion of the Mohammedans in that group of islands should be made for tho present. It was some time ago reported by parties who had visited Sulu that some visitors of the neigh boring islands offered $300 apiece for certain slaves who had in some man ner offended their pride and dignity and thoy Wished to purchase them for the purpose of putting them to death; and whilst the Sultan did not accept their offer, the refusal was probably msde for the reason that the Sultan thought the price was not up to the standard. Our republican friends will not under take to deny that the Sulu islands are subject to the jurisdiction of the Unit ed States, and have been for some time. The flag of our country is there raised in token of sovereignty, and the star-spangled banner, that flag we have always looked up to as a protector of liberty and freedom, floats over Isl ands that our friends of the adminis tration claim belong to us, and which Islands contain thousands upon thou sands of people held in bondage- as proporty. There is no escape for the republicans, and they must shoulder the responsibility of making our flag protect slave-holders on land which thoy claim as absolutely belonging to us. Reading tho 13lh amendment of our great Bill of Rights, there Is no opportunity for any distinctions be tween states and territories. Article first of the 13th amendment, which I have before quoted, is so plain that there is no escaping this conclusion. "Neither slavery nor Involuntary ser vitude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist with ing the United States or any place sub ject to their jurisdiction." So we are I brought fact to face with the fact that the constitution has been set aside and that these Islands are gov erned by tho president of the United States, who, in fact, if not in name, is the emperor, and can enforce any laws or conditions that may seem to him best, in our recently acquired pos sessions. "Oh, the star-spangled ban ner, long may it wave, o'er the land of the free and the home of the brave." There aro many instances wherein the present administration bus set the constitution aside for a matter of ex pediency. How long the people of this country will submit to the violations of the fundamental law of their coun try remains to be seen. That this ad ministration is absolutely under the domination and control of the concen trated money power of the country, will scarcely be denied by any intelli gent and well informed person. In their platform of 1900 the republicans tried to make the country believe that they would crush out or control the trusts; yet we are aware of the fact that more monetary trusts, and com binations of manufacturing and rail road interests, have been formed since the election in 1900 than ever existed before, and no matter how they may try to deny it, the republican party is the father of the trust system. The trusts are organized in the interests of the few, and against the interests of the many. The intention of the or ganizers is to crush out all competi tion. This in many instances, and in many kinds of business, ha3 already been done. Any young man who starts in a business career now does not have the same opportunity that his father had a generation ago. He may per haps obtain, a position as clerk or other employe of a trust, but there is a, board over his head on which is plain ly written: "Thus far you may climb, but no higher." The trusts are viola tors of the constitution, which guaran tees to all citizens of .the United States equal rights and privileges under the law. They are utterly opposed to the spirit and sentiment of the Declara tion of Independence, which breathes in every line the doctrine of the rights of man to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Not only that, but every organizer of a trust is a violator of .the laws of congress, enacted especially to prevent "combinations in restraint of trade." I believe the Sherman act, if honestly enforced by honest officers of the law, would destroy every trust, or so cripple it that it would be im possible for it to do business. It is asking too much of the credulity of man, however, to believe that attor ney generals from the great states of New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and who have been the representatives and legal advisers of trusts, will exhibit great zeal in the work of driving their benefactors out of business. But it is constantly dinned into our ears that the country is prosperous, and. that all opponents of the policies of the ad ministration are "calamity howlers." True it is that wealth in this country is increasing beyond the dreams of avarice. The genius, intelligence and skill of American workmen have placed this country at the very head of the industrial nations of the earth, and the daring enterprise ot our merchants and manufacturers have made Ameri can products known all over the world. The nation taken as a whole, Is pros perous. But is that the test? If so, it matters not if men, women and chil dren are dying every day in the slums of the great cities from tho countloss diseases of poverty, while the unscrup ulous promoters of trusts build pal aces costing millions and revel in unbounded luxury. Mr. Rockefeller is reported to have said that his com pany pays out over twenty-two mil lions of dollars every year as wages to its employes, and that he considers that the best form of giving. Leaving out the insolence of the assumption of "giving" what has been earned as wages, let us compare this amount, paid out to tho tens of thousands of employes of tho Standard Oil com pany, with Mr. Rockefeller's personal income from his vast wealth. This income has been estimated at $24, 000,000 per year, or more than the to tal sum expended as wages. It is not that the wealth of the country fs not increasing as rapidly as could be de sired, nor even that the majority of the people are not making money; but it is tho injustice of allowing' a few men to monopolize the profits that should go to the many, and of protect ing 'them in their infamous business by the machinery of the law. Inequality of distribution is the evil which, must be remedied. Many people argue from the results of the elections in 1896 and 1900 that the power of the trusts cannot bo brokeli, and that wo must submit to the inevitable. Shall we so tamc-ly yield? To believe that the people aro ready to bow their necks to the yoke, and permit a chosen few to do all thir business and all their thinking for them, to "benevolently assimilate," in other words, the bulk of tho national wealth, is to lose faith in their self governing capacity. In that event, well might Admiral Dewey say that the Philippines are more fit for self government than tho Americans, for the former at least have been fighting for their liberties. Will the American people surrender theirs more easily? 'But trusts are not the only menace to the old" national life. The policy of empire is finding support in high places. The supreme court of tho United States is the most august tri bunal in the world. Its history has been most glorious, and men whohave worn its robes have ranked among the greatest jurists that ever lived.!' But this court, august as it is, is not be yond criticism, Neither is it the court of last resort in this country. The people may be appealed; to.. What do we see? Congress, created by tho provisions of the constitution and in which intrument its powers are de fined and limited, may, according to a late decision, disregard those limita tions, and practically make and un make constitutions. It can clothe tha president with tho power of an em peror, and make the executive as om nipotent and uncontrolled as the Brit ish parliament; except as Wcertain rights guaranteed by tho constitution to the citizens of the organized states, and only "perhaps" as- to them. Tho creature has become greater than tho creator. Instead of resting securely under the solemn, guarantees or a written constitution, we are told that we may safely trust to the discretion of congress and the executive. That has been the argument of kings sinco history began. Is the conscience of the American people benumbed? 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