Q
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r-'AfltiM
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is. communicated and cauglit, and the
o oitcn, l admit, is tno overtnrow 01
Dispersed over such an immense
that on -which the people of Spanish
i are spread, their physical, and I bo-
!0 their moral condition, both favor
jrty."
Who Wrote It?
are words of weighty import. They
consequences or, tne most momentous
r. I take leave to say that if the prin-
us announced should ever receive the
of a majority of this court, a radical
ihievous change in our system of gov-
t will be the result. We will, in that
pass from the era of constitutional lib-
arded and protected by a written con-
pn into an era of legislative absolutism."
xe is a serious charge brought against
ajority of the Supreme Court of the
States. The court is accused of bring-
ut a "change in our system of govern-
not only a change but "radical and
lovous" cnanore. it is cnargea mat in
ent of that decision and the decision
iiade "constitutional liberty" would be
,nd "an era of legislative absolutism
in.
hat graver indictment could be brought
nst our highest judicial tribunal? Who
rote it? Who is eruilty of thus reflecting.
n the patriotism and purpose of the court?
t the republican papers ferret out the .culprit
visit condign punishment upon him. Let
feel the righteous wrath of those pure and
.maculate souls who always bow to a court
ecision (when it is on their side), and never
tter a reflection against a judge (unless he do
dos against them).
Who wrote the words above quoted? Did
ey emanate from a demagogue; was this the
ail of a defeated candidate; was it the speech
if some disturber of the peace some stirrer
of discontent?
No, the words will be found in a dissenting
fpinion of a justice of the supreme court of the
nited States of America. A democratic jud-
ice? No. A populist justice r Jno. A sil-
er republican justice? No.
What then? They arc the words of a re-
ublican justice of the supreme court Justice
arlan appointed by a republican president.
Hereafter, when republican papers desire to
sondemn those who criticise a supreme court
r
decision, let them begin at tho top and assail
Justice Harlan first. After they have adminis
tered to him the rebuke which he, from their
standpoint, deserves, they will be too much ex
hausted to attack those who quote Justice Har
lan against the court.
w "":'
Let the Dispatch Answer.
The Pittsburg Dispatch is very much dis
turbed because tho editor of The Commonek
ig 'egotistic" enough to differ from the Su
preme Court.
Why does the Dispatch single me out for
condemnation? Why does ;it not criticise the
four Supreme Judges' who had the temerity to
The Commoner.
dissent from tho majority? Why does it not
castigate Justico Harlan f 05 saying that the de
cision marks tho beginning of an "era of legis
lative absolutism"?
If the editor of Tho Dispatch desires em
ployment that will last during the heated term,
lot him try to answer tho following questions:
Is a constitution a good thing for the people of
the "United States? If he answers "No" he at
tacks constitutional liberty. If he answers
"Yes", then let him answer tho second ques
tion, why is a constitution good for the people
of the United States but not good for tho
people of Porto Rico?
These two questions look easy, but he can
not answer them to his own satisfaction or to
tho satisfaction of his readers. Therefore, ho
will content himself with scolding those who
refuse to accept the court's decision as binding
upon a great political question. But those
questions will have to be answored.
W
Be Vigilant!
Several states hold elections this fall and
these elections will have an important bearing
upon the party as well as upon the nation.
The reorganizing element is seeking to se
cure control of the party; it does not openly
proclaim its hostility to the Kansas City plat
form, nor does it propose a platform for tho
consideration of tho voters.
Its plan of operation is to put forward can
didates for the party organization who are. not
in harmony with tho principles or purposes ot
the party. They work under cover of a desire
for harmony, but it is tho harmony which tho
burglar desires when ho hopes that the mem
bers of the family will not awake until the val
uables are removed from the house. Tho dem
ocratic party has no reason for existence ex
cept as it champions the rights and interests of
the masses.
It has made its recent campaigns, begin
ning with 1896, almost without money and
yet the party has polled a larger vote than it
ever polled when it had a largo campaign fund.
It can secure a campaign fund again whenever
tho leaders of the party make secret pledges to
the corporations, but these pledges will not be
made by leaders whom tho people trust.
If the men who deserted tho party in 1896
or in 1900 are put at tho head of the party be
fore they give evidence of a change of heart
they will drive more voters away from the
party than they will bring to it.
The rank and file of the democratic party
can respect an honest republican who calls
himself a republican, but they will not respect
a dishonest republican who calls himself a dem
ocrat. Tho democratic party has adopted a
patriotic platform; it has asserted the right of
the American people to have a financial policy
of their own, to have industrial independence
among the people and constitutional govern
ment wherever the flag floats. If the party
will stand firm it can expect victory whenever
the people realize the dangerous tendency of
republican policies. But if the democratic
party passes under the control of men who are
in harmony with republican ideas the party
will be in no position to appeal to the confi
dence of the people. If republican policies are
good tho republican party has a right to ad
minister them, and it should bo permitted to
enjoy the protection of its copyright. Those
who boliovo in democratic principles as sot
forth in tho Kansas City platform must bo vig
ilant and that vigilance must begin with tho
primaries. Do not allow a man to bo placed
upon any committee, precinct, county, stato or
national, unless he is a believer in the Kansas
City platform. If a man opposed to the Kan
sas City platform is sent as a delegate to any
convention ho should bo bound by instructions
and should have associated with him a suffic
ient majority who are sound on tho platform.
If a man objects to instructions, leave him
at homo; no democratic delogato will object to
an expression from the voters whom he seeks
to represent. '
W
Chandler Locates the Hero.
The republican national platform in 1800
declared in favor of international bimetallism,
and referring.to this used the language, "Which
wo pledge ourselves to promote." One year
ago, William E. Chandler, then asonator from
the state of Vermont, offered a reward of $100
to tho delegate to the republican convention at
St. Louis who inserted the words: "Which
we promise to promote."
Mr. Chandler has discovered that theso
words were interlined in tho concluding draft
of tho platform in the handwriting of Senator
Lodge of Massachusetts, Mr.. Chandler has.,
therefore sent to Sonator Lodge his check for ,
$100., accompanying the same with a letter
from which this extract is taken:
. "By reason of tho promises you should with
out hesitancy accept tho ono hundred dollars aa
rightfully your money. All wlso
A Bit of mem know that McKinloy and
Vermont Hobart would not have beon
Sarcasm. elected if tho platform had not,
while declaring opposition to tho
free coinage of silver, except as tho result of an in
ternational agreement, also declared that tho re
publican party favored such an international agree
ment If It could bo secured'. If McKInley and Ho
bart had not been elected in 1896, Mr. McKInley
would not have beon re-elected in 1900.
"Therefore those six words were of priceless
value, and I trust that when all tho facts 'are
known my humble offering of one hundred dollars
will bo supplemented by such generous donations,
not only from many members of the republican par
ty, but as well from democrats who have so much
trembled at every prospect of tho election of Mr.
Bryan as to adequately recognize the sagacity and
courage which led you not merely to conceive, but
to actually Insert into the platform of 189G con
cerning bimetallism the words 'which we pledge '
ourselves to promote.'
"That immortal declaration twice made Mr.
McKInley president, and tho fidelity with which
the pledge has been fulfilled the world knows."
The Washington Times commenting upon
this letter makes an interesting analysis as fol
lows: -
"The peculiar significance and yalue of this let
ter lie in the extreme probability that every state
ment contained In It is literally
Deliberate true. That this pledge was in-
Hypoc- serted to conciliate the silver
rj5y. men in the republican party and
hold them to the support of MV. .
McKInley Is beyond 'any question. That it was