)w rgfTFy" Vf'V. t " The Commoner. ii clause of the constitution was not intended to be restricted to such territory as the United States then possessed, there is nothing in the constitu tion to indicate that the power of congress in deal ing with them was intended to be restricted by any of the other provisions;' and that 'the execu tive and legislative departments of the government have for more than a century interpreted this si lence as precluding the idea that the constitution attached to theso territories as soon as acquired.' ERA OF LEGISLATIVE ABSOLUTISM. "These are words of mighty import. They Involve consequences of the most momentous char acter. I take leave to say that if the principles now announced should ever receive the sanction of a majority of this court, the result will be a radical and mischievous change in our system of government. We will, in that event, pass from the era of constitutional liberty, guarded and pro tected by a written constitution, into an era of legislative absolutism, in respect of many rights that are dear to all peoples who love freedom. "Although from the foundation of the govern ment this court has held steadily to the view that the government of the United States was one of enumerated powers, and that no one of its branches, nor all of its branches combined, could constitutionally exercise powers not grante'd, or which were not necessarily implied from those ex pressly granted, we are now informed that congress possesses powers outside of the constitution, and may deal with new territory, acquired by treaty or conquest, in the same manner as other nations have been accustomed to act with respect to terri tories acquired by them. In my opinion, congress has no existence and can exercise no authority outside of the constitution. Still less is it true that congress can deal with new territories just as other nations have done or may do with their new territories. This nation is under the control of a written constitution, which is the supreme Jaw of the land, and the only sourco of the powers which our government, or any branch or officer of it, may exercise at any time or at any place. MEANS A COLONIAL SYSTEM. "Monarchical and despotic governments, un restrained in their powers by written constitutions, may do with newly acquired territories what this government may not do consistently with our fun damental law. To say otherwise is to concede that congress may, by action taken outside of the con stitution, engraft upon our republican institutions a colonial system such as exists under monarchical governments. That result was never contemplated by the fathers of the constitution, and if that in strument had contained a word suggesting the possibility of a result of that character, it would never have been adopted by the people of the United States. The idea that this country may ac7 quire territories anywhere upon the earth, by conquest or treaty, and hold them as mere colonies or provinces the people inhabiting them to enjoy only such rights as congress chose to accord to them is wholly inconsistent with the spirit and genius, as well as with the "words, of the constitu tion. "The idea prevails with some indeed, has found expression in public speeches and addresses that we have here in this country substantially two national governments; one, to be maintained under the constitution, with all its restrictions; the other to be maintained by congress outside and independently ot that instrument and exercising powers that belong to the other nations of the earth. It is one thing to give such a latitudinarian construction to the constitution as will bring the exercise of power by congress, upon a particular occasion or upon a particular subject, within its provisions. It is quite a different thing to say that congress may proceed outside of the constitu tion. The glory of our American system of gov ernment is that it was created by a written con stitution which protects the people against the ex ercise of arbitrary, unlimited power, and the lim its of which may not be passed by the government It created, or by any branch of it, or even by the people who ordained it, except by amendment or chango of its provisions. INJUSTICE FROM ENGLISH RULERS. "The wise men who framed the constitution, and the patriotic people who decreed its adoption, were unwilling to depend for their safety upon what, in the opinion referred to, is described as 'certain principles of natural justice inherent in Anglo-Saxon character.' They well remembered that Anglo-Saxons across the ocean had attempted, in defiance of justice, to trample upon tho rights of Anglo-Saxons on this continent, and had sought, by military force, to establish a government that could at will destroy the privileges which inhere in freedom. They resolved that the establishment of a government here that could administer public affairs according to its will only, without regard to the inherent rights of freemen, would be ruinous to the liberties of tho people and expose them to tho oppressions of arbitrary power. Hence, the constitution enumerates tho powers which con gress and tho other departments may oxerclso, leaving unimpaired, to tho states cr tho people, the powers not delegated to tho national govern ment nor prohibited to tho states. That instru ment so expressly declares In tho tenth article of amendment. It will be an evil day for American liberty if the theory of a government outside of the supreme law of tho land finds lodgment in our constitutional jurisprudence." In showing how tho constitution was framed, Justice Harlan said that the fact that the conven tion struck out tho words "the supreme law of the several states" and inserted "the supreme law of the land," is a fact of great significance. Tho "land" referred to manifestly embraced all the territory, whether within or without the states, over which the United States could exercise juris diction or authority. ASSIMILATION OF THE RACES. "If a particular race will not assimilate with our people, and cannot with safety to our institu tions be brought within the operation of tho con stitution, that is a matter to be thought of when it is proposed to acquire their territory by treaty. When the acquisition of territory becomes com plete, by cession, the constitution necessarily be comes the supreme law of such new territory, and no power exists in any department of the govern ment to make 'concessions' that are inconsistent with its provisions. The authority to make such concessions implies the existence in congress of power to declare that constitutional provisions may be ignored under particular or embarrassing circumstances. No such dispensing power exists in any branch of our government. The constitu tion is supreme over every foot of territory, wher ever situated, under the jurisdiction of the United States, and its full operation cannot be stayed by any branch of the government in order to meet special or extraordinary emergencies. "If the constitution Is in force in any territory, it is in foce there for every purpose embraced by the objects for which the government was or dained. Its authority cannot be displaced by con cessions, even if it be true, as asserted in argu ment in some of these cases, that if the Dlngloy act took effect in the Philippines of its own force, the inhabitants of Mindanao, who live on imported rice, will starve, because the import duty is many fold more than the ordinary cost of tho grain to them. Tho meaning of the constitution cannot depend upon accidental circumstances. Even this court, with its tremendous power, must heed the mandate of tho constitution. No one in official station, to whatever department of tho govern ment he belongs, can disobey its commands with out violating the obligation of the oath he has taken. By whosoever and wherever power is ex ercised in the name and unuer the authority of the United States, or of any branch of its govern ment, the validity or invalidity of that which is done is to be determined by the constitution. REGARDS IT AS JUGGLING WITH WORDS. 'I reject altogether the theory that congress, in its discretion, can exclude the constitution from a territory which we have held to be a domestic 'territory of the United States,' acquired, and which could only have been acquired, in virtue of the constitution. I cannot agree that it is a do mestic territory of the United States for the pur pose of preventing the application of the Dinglcy tariff act imposing duties upon imports from for eign countries, but not a domestic territory and part of the United States for the purpose of en forcing the constitutional requirement that 'all duties, imposts, and excises' imposed by congress 'shall be uniform throughout the United States.' I do not understand how Porto Rico can bo a do mestic territory of the United States, as we have distinctly held in De Lima vs. Bidwell, and yet that it is not, as is now held, embraced by the words 'throughout the United States.' The 'ex panding future of .our country justifying the be lief that the United States is to become what is called a 'wo: Id power' of which so much was heard at the argument does not justify any such juggling with the words of the constitution as would authorize tho courts to hold that the words 'throughout the United States,' in the tax ing clause of the constitution, do not embrace a 'territory of the United States.' This -is a dis tinction which I am unable to make, and which I do not thinlc ought to be made when we are en deavoring to ascertain the meaning of a great in strument of government. "Conceding that the national government is one of enumerated powers, to bo exerted only for the limited objects defined i- the constitution, and that congress has no power except as given by that instrument, expressly or by necessary im plication, it is said that a new territory, acquired by treaty or conquest, cannot becomo incorporated into the United States without the consent of con gress. Of course, no suoh territory 'an become a stata without Uio consent of tho legislative branch of tho government, for only congress Is given pow er by the. constitution to admit now states. But it Is an entirely different question whether a terri tory, without becoming a state, may not, for all purposes of government by tho nation, como un der the complete jurisdiction of tho United States, and therefore a part of the United States, subject to all the authority which tho government may oxcrt over any territory or people. If Porto Rico, whoso officers aro appointed as if it were not a part of the United States, then Now Mexico, Ari zona,, and Alaska, may he treated as not parts of tho United States, and subject to bucIi legislation as congress may choose to onact without reference to tho restrictlo i .mpdBed by tho constitution. NO VALUE TO CONSTITUTIONAL LIBERTY. "This court has distinctly held that the pcoplo of the organized territories of the United States, and the p oplo of this district, are entitled to tho benefit of those provisions of tho constitution which protect life, liberty, and property against the arbitrary power of government. What will it bo but judicial legislation for this court to say that tho express requirement of tho constitution that all duties, imposts, and excises prescribed by congress 'shall bo uniform throughout tho United States,' shall not apply to a territory which this court holds to.be a part of the United States? The concession, therefore, that no power can be exer cised under and by authority of tho United States oxcopt in accordance with the constitution is of no practical value to constitutional liberty if, as soon as the concession is made, the constitution is so in terpreted as to produce the same results as those which flow from the theory that congress may go outside of the constitution in dealing with newly acquired territories, and give them the benefit of that instrument only when and as congress shall direct. "The addition of Porto Rico to the territory of tho United States has ben recognized by direct ac tion upon the part of congress. It has legislated in recognition of the treaty with Spain. If Porto Rico did not by such action become a part, of the United States, it did become such at least when congress passed the Foraker act. 1 cannot be lieve that' congress may impose any duty, impost, or excise with respect to that territory and its people which is not consistent with the constitu tional requirement that all duties, Imposts, and ex cises shall -be uniform throughout the United States'." While the sweet girl graduate's dress is being fixed up by the dressmaker, her essay is having the flounces put upon it by the teacher. Kansas City Times. Judge "You are charged with stealing six turkeys from Colonel Smilax. Have you any wit nesses?" Rastus "No, sah; you bet I ain't. I doan' steal turkeys befo' witnesses, sah." Judge. "111 speak my mind!" This was the threat From chappie that we heard. And then the dear boy sat and sat And never said a word. Pick-Me-Up.' WHEKE'S. THE USE? Drugging with Coffee and Keeping Sick all the Time. A coffee drinker is liable to a smash almost any time and without much warning. A New York man, C. W. Bedford, 10(35 Lex. Ave., says that when ho was in apparently perfect health, weighing about 185 pounds, with good appetite, he suddenly had a severe attack of gastritis. Ho lost his appetite and the doctor put him on a rigid diet and gave him reme dies, but all to no purpose. He says, "Everybody I met had & cure, and I tried a lot of them. I lost weight until I reached 144 pounds, I had those nasty gastric staggers. About the middle of summer, when on a vaca tion, a friend asked whether I drank coffee or not. Being told that I did, he suggested that I quit it and take Postum Food Coffee and Grape-Nuts breakfast food. I laughed at him and told him that I was through with special articles of diet One day tho nerves had another bad smash and I concluded to quit coffee and see if that was really the cause of the trouble. Next morning I had Postum for breakfast and it was well made, and tasted good. I also had Grape Nuts for breakfast, and from that day my troubles began to fade away. I am steadily gaining in flesh, can sleep natur ally, and can eat whatever I want What is the use of a man's drinking an article like coffee 'that poisons him, and causes such troubles as I have hnd when you can have a delicious Food Coffee like Postum that builds up instead of tearing down." Health is worth more than all the coffee on earth. ' i J