Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (May 3, 1901)
r,r- tm-rTii ff , lp"- c ""!'-"1Hl tW
lowed a contest of a year's duration between
tho gold clement on the one side, led by the ad
ministration and supported by tho banks, rail
roads and most of the daily papers, and on the
other side the bimotallio element, led by the
silver committee. The battle was fought out
at tho primaries and the administration, in
apito of its powerful allies, lost.
When tho convention met, about two-thirds
of tho delegates were under instructions to vote
for a platform favoring tho free coinage of gold
and silver at sixteen to one, and yet, nqt
withstanding this well known fact, the ad
ministration forces, undor the direction of Mr.
Whitnoy, tried to induce tho delegates to vio
late their instructions and betray their constit
The minority opposod the money plank of
tho platform and offered a substitue favoring
international bimetallism. A few weeks later
the same men met at Indianapolis and, forget
ting all about international bimetallism, de
clared for tho gold standard and nominated a
separate ticket. Thon forgetting all about the
ticket which they had nominated, they for the
moat part voted the republican ticket. During
tho campaign every conceivable fraud was re
sorted to. Wherever a republican court would
aid them (as in Nebraska) they had the bolting
electors put on tho ticket as "democrats" to de
ceive tho voters.
Tho Palmer and Buckner ticket. carried just
-oiio precinct in the United States-and yet the
.men who put that ticket in the field volunteer
aa leaders of the democratic party and promise
to win a .glorious victory. " '
. They do not seem to think it necessary to
discuss the principles which the platform shall
contain or to suggest' any remedy for existing
When the election of 1890 was over, the
leading gold democrats of the nation met at tho
Waldorf lEotol, boasted of their opposition to
the democratic ticket and claimed credit for
the eleotion of a republican president.
After four years of republican administra
tion, marked by high tariff legislation which
the gold democrats always professed to abhor,
marked by trust domination which the gold
democrats always pretended to dislike and char
acterized by imperialistic tendencies against
which the leading gold democrats loudly pro
tested, another national campaign was fought.
Some of the men who left the party in '90 re
turned in 1900 and were warmly welcomed-,
but a majority of the prominent gold democrats
supported the republican ticket again last
'year, proving either that they regard the money
question "as more important than industrial in
dependence, which is attacked by tho trust, and
the declaration of independence, .which is at
tacked by imperialism, or else that 4 the same
principles which lead them to support the finan
cial policy of the republican party also lead them
to support the other policies of that party.
The election of 1900 resulted in a second
defeat more pronounced than that of 1890, b.ut
not as overwhelming as tho defeat of 1894.
Now the men who wore responsible for two
national defeats are talking about harmony and
offering to guarantee success, provided the party
will follow the instructions which they give.
And what are the conditions?
First, that the party shall abandon the doc
trines set forth in the platform of 1890, re
affirmed by nearly every democratic state con
vention in 1900 and reiterated by the national
convention of that year.
. Second, That it shall drive away the popu
lists and silver republicans who came to the
support of the democratic ticket when the gold
democrats went over to the enemy.
These conditions are impossible ones. The
men who make these demands would not feel
at home in any democratic party worthy of the
name, and they would not only drive democrats
out of the party, but would repel allies and
keep young men with democratic inclination
from coming into the party. Whether circum
stances reduce or increase the importance of the
silver question, the samqjnunciples are involved
in other phases of the money question, in the
question of monopoly and, in fact, in all the
other questions now before the country.
The harmonizing of personal differences is
an easy matter.
Mr. Cleveland and Mr. Hill were thought
to be personal enemieB, but the money question
brought them together and at the Chicago con
vention the latter offered the resolution endors
ing the administration of the former. Mr.
Hanna and Mr; Foraker are supposed - to be
personally unfriendly but they act together
when the roll is called. The harmonizing of
radical differences of opinion between consci
entious men is, however, more difficult.
Reconciliation between the two elements of
the democratic party must be brought about, if
at all, in one of two wayB: First by such a
change of opinion in. either element as will, pro
duce "concord or agreement."
The minority denies -that it has changed
and there is no evidence of change in the ma
jority. Second, the two elements might be brought
together by some question of sufficient .import
ance to overshadow the questions about which
they differ. But in such case the platform
must represent the views of the majority on
minor questions. When the gold democrats
supported the republican ticket in '96 they did
so on account of the money question and were
willing to overlook the tariff plank in the re
publican platform. So in 1900, some of the
most loyal and earnest supporters of' the demo
cratic ticket were republicans who were' op
posed to imperialism and who wpre willing to
overlook differences on minor questions.
! The struggle between plutocracy and democ
racy must be fought put and the democratic party
must take one side or the otlicr. TTiere is no
middle ground. If those who have opposed
the party in recent years are willing to take the
democratic side in this fight there will be no
difficulty in "getting together" and there will
be no lack of harmony. If, however, the men
who have been voting the republican ticket ex
pect to comeaqk and convert the democratic
party into a plutocratic party, to be run along
republican lines and according to republican
methods they -will have to announce their plat-
form and make the issue at the primaries. The
six million and jnore voters who supported tho
ticket will not be led into the republican party
without a struggle. There is no sense in in
viting an opponent into your house to . see
which can put the other out and those who re
mained faithful have a right to know whether
the reorganizes come as friends or as enemies.
The objection to the reorganizes is not
based so much upon what they have done as upon
what they are doing and propose to do, if. they
obtain control of the party.
Fining the Family.
Hearst's Chicago American takes exception
to the present method of fining a man for
drunkenness, and then keeping him in jail un
til he works out' (or stays out) his fine at so
much per day. It'vcry properly suggests that
this method is a. .pensive to the city because
the city has to pay the prisoner's board, and
that it is a burden to his family because the
family loses the benefit of his labor.
The American sa!Js:
But we are bound to say that we think our
public magistrates might find some way cf Viscour
aging drunkenness without making women and
A man gets drunk and is locked up. He is fined
ten dollars. If he pays the ten dollars -l usually,
means that his wife has pawned some of the furni
ture, besides scraping up every penny in the house.
Meanwhile, having appeared drunk in a police
court, the man has lost his work. He and his wife
and children then begin life again without any
money, with some necessary articles in pawn and
without any visible source of income.
Drunkenness is a hideous thing, of course, but
.it; pecms a little out of reason to, inflict on, a pooir
man for drunkenness a fine 'that mearis ruin, when
a prosperous man can get drunk in his club or afc
home, with obliging cabs to act as: intermediaries
between the club and the homo and with all the
In Boston a system prevails of allowing a man
fined for drunkenness to pay his lino in inta.11
.ments. We wish, that our magistrates would con
sider the advisability of adoptii g this system. It
has one great advantage in the eyes of men who
don't care much what happens to ths poor. It real
ly means a saving to the prosperous class, byi-di-minishing
public expenses. :. ,
When a man is fined on the installment plan
ho can nearly always pay. This puts money into
tho public treasury, since he does not have to go
The system also saves the self-respect of a
great many men whose getting drunk was probably
no worse than jthat of college boys in holiday time
or Wall street brokers after ?. very big day oh
The system also enables a man who has ,go,t
drunk to go on supporting his family. It is better
than the system which locks the father up in 'jail
and leaves the rest of the family to shift for itself.
The Watch on the Rhine
BY MAX SCIWECKENBUItqUR.
A voice resounds like thunder-peal,
'Mid dashing waves and clash of steel: '
"The Rhine, the Rhine, the German Rhinoi!
Who guards today my stream divine?"
Dear Fatherland, no danger thine:
.. Firm stand thy sons to watch the Rhine! '
- They stand, a hundred thousand strong, ,
Quick' to avenge their country's wrong;"''
With filial love their bosoms swell,
They'll guard the sacred landmark well!..
The dead of a heroic race
From heaven look down and meet their gaze;;
They swear with dauntless heart, "0, Rhine, '
Be German 'as this breast of mine!"
While flows one drop of German blood,
Or sword remains to guard thy flood, "
While rifle rests in patriot hand ,t
No foe shall tread thy sacred strand! ,
Our oath resounds, the river flows,
In golden light our banner glows;
Our hearts will guard thy stream divine:
The Rhine, the Rhine, the German Rhino.
Powered by Open ONI