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About The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923 | View Entire Issue (May 3, 1901)
The Commoner. I Vol. i. No. 15, Lincoln, Nebraska, May 1901. $1.00 a Year William J. Bryahi Editor arid Proprietor. Senator JlcLaurin's Bolt. The republican papers are making much of the speech recently delivered by Senator Mc Laurin, of South Carolina, at Charlotte in that state. And well they may, for it marks the begin ning of a movement in the south which will have an influence upon the politics of the nation. It is not likely that Mr. McLaurin will be the leader of the movement because he is handicapped by the fact that lie is using his official position to misrepresent the views and interests of his constituents, bub some leader will arise to give direction and force to the aristocratic and plutocratic element for whioh Mr. McLaurin speaks. There is such an ele ment in every community and now that the race question no longer unifies the white people pf the southern states, it will do ubtless mani fest itself. Then, too, the corporations are in creasing in nuniber and magnitude in the south and with their growth will come attempts to secure from the government privileges, favors and immunities. The commercialism which has debauched municipal and state govern ments in the north will soon be apparent in the south and the senatorial contests which thus far have been comparatively free from scandal south of the Mason and Dixon line will show the handiwork of organized capital. . Senator Tillman has already taken up the gauge of battle thrown' down by Senator Mc Laurin and wilj. doubtless be able to marshali a considerable majority in that state, but the same influences are at work in other states where there is greater danger of their success. Imperialism gives to the plutocrat his op portunity. He can hide behind a pretended patriotism and conceal his mercenary purposes by profuse declamation about the nation's ex panding greatness and international obliga tions. Those who are willing to purchase trade with everybody's blood but their own and who would sell any political or moral principle for a pecuniary consideration rush to defend the administration's Philippine policy. The democratic sentiment is strong enough to resist and overcome the McLaurin move ment, but those who believe that the man is more important than the dollar will have to bestir themselves. The corporations are not much on public meetings but they are diligent in securing delegates to conventions. The real democrats, confident of the merits of their cause, often lack organization and are, there fore, at a disadvantage.' Their hope lies in a prompt, open and persistent appeal to the voters at the primaries. A white republican party in the south may bring some compensation in that it is likely to divide the colored vote in the north and answer the argument of those northern republicans who have been able to give no better reason for re maining with their party than that the south was solidly democratic. A Timely Protest. The two Grand Army posts of Terre Haute, Ind., have joined in an address relative to the observance of memorial day. It reads as fol lows: Christians, Patriots and Countrymen: Through the thoughtlessness of youth, the greed of gain and the pleasure of debauch, Me morial day is being more and more prostituted from its original intent, and to such an extent that reverence for the dead has been so dishonored that . a fearful degeneracy of patriotism is imminent, and the loss of all sense of the sacredness of human feelings and sacrifices. The sporting events on this national funeral day are as great an offense against good taste and patriotism as for children or other members of the household to turn from the grave of a dead father or natron to similar revelries. The bbys ought to stop playing while the funeral is talcing place, and not make a gala day of the occasion when even the birds sing a requiem for the na tion's dead and the flowers yield their choicest perfume. As. now prostituted, the holiday is an affront to the living soldier and the widows and orphans of the dead. Unless the sacredness of Memorial day can be maintained, It were better that it were stricken from the calendar as a national holiday. It is a timely protest. Memorial day is set apart for a sad and solemn ceremony. On this day patriotism and afEection join in doing rev erence to the dead and in decorating with flowers the sweetest product of nature the graves of those who in their lives gave su preme evidence of their courage and devotion to duty. It is not a day for festivity and mirth, but a day for retrospection and conse cration a time for that reflection upon the past which will give higher ideals and a nobler purpose for the future. If an entire day is too long for memorial services it would be better to shorten the holi day than to have a part of the time so em ployed as to detract from the services appro priate to the occasion. w Tolstoi's Noble Appeal. Count Tolstoi has. done much for humanity. He has been a heroic figure in his time, and although he has been excommunicated by his church and exiled by his country, he will live in history as one of the greatest of men. Tol stoi's most recent notable action was to address a lottor to the Czar of Russia in which the great humanitarian made this striking appeal: "Why will you fight with Trhat you can never subdue by force, Instead of covering your name with imperishable fame by treading the way of justice? You protect injustice, sire. "Free the peasant from the brutal tyranny of the officials; give him equal rights with other ranks; do away with the present police system, which demoralizes society, degrades the empire and breeds spies and informers. Do away with re straints on education, so that the road to enlight enment may lie open to all. Prohibit no man from having his free belief, a:.d lot religious per secution cease." It is indeed strange that the monarch who has taken so pronounced a stand in favor of peace as the Czar of Russia has should neglect the opportunity suggested by Tolstoi. It is strange that this monarch has nob exerted him self in the direction of making his own sub jects happy. As Tolstoi says, the Czar of Russia has an opportunity to cover himself with imperishable fame if he will but do those things that will bcBt contribute to the happiness of his people. What, indeed, is the prestige of a crown that depends solely upon .the sword for its existence? " How much greater, how much happier, is the monarch whose authority and power do not depend upon the bayonet,but whose government is supported because of the happines and the contentment of the people over whom he rules. W An Executive Monopoly. Sometime ago the federal court at New Orleans was asked for an injunction to prevent further shipments of horses and mules to the British troops in South Africa. This judicial proceeding was considered at a meeting of the cabinet, and the dispatches say that the cabi net took the position that the courts have no jurisdiction in matters affecting the interna tional policies of the government. The mem bers of the cabinet agreed that inasmuch as the New Orleans case involved neutrality the ju diciary was without jurisdiction, and that the executive should enjoy a monopoly of authority in the premises. It will occur to a great many people that the administration is very sensitive on any point that may appear to the disadvantage of the British Empire and to the advantage of the South African Republics. -The claim that in such cases the judiciary has no authority is not sound nor in keeping with well settled practice. During the administration of Benjamin Harrison, while civil war was pending in Chili, the United States Court at San Diego, Califor nia, issued a writ for the seizure of a vessel that had been loaded with munitions of war, tiujLMjaCt, 'tliftiMMMJiMfi'-i