The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, April 26, 1901, Image 1

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    The Commoner.
7! .
"
Vol. i. No. 14.
Lincoln, Nebraska, April 26, 1901.
$1.00 a Year
A Bit Personal.
The Sprinfield, (Massachusetts) Republican,
in a recent issue lias this to say:
There is some speculation here and there in
view of Mr. Bryan's opposition to the regular dem
ocratic candidate for mayor of St. Louis, as to
what he is up to. Judging from a letter concern
ing the St. Louis contest which he wrote, it is a
fair presumption that Mr. Bryan has determined
to make the stiffest possible warfare against the
reorganization of the democratic party by the
Cleveland democrats, in the letter referred to he
expressly stated that Wells should be defeated be
cause his election would encourage every so-called
reorganizer in the country. Mr. Bryan's course in
this matter, together with his Commoner editor
ship and the freedom of his editorial writing,
would indicate that another democratic presiden
tial nomination is of less moment to him than the
defeat of the plans of the conservatives to recap
ture the party. It is probable that Mr. Bryan has
no expectation of being nominated again, but
doubtless he intends to have something to say as
to who shall be nominated and as to the principles
the next convention shall adopt. An editorship
is a bad place for a candidate, but an editorship is
not so bad a place for naming candidates. On the
whole, Mr. Bryan's present attitude is distinctly
belligerent, but not necessarily belligerent in his
prsonaribehalf.rHis present -course is entirely -consistent
with a determination that his prin
ciples, on the whole, shall prevail. -
It is only fair that the readers of The
Commoner should know what I am "up to,"
and if they will pardon me for being a little
bit personal t will tell them. I have twice re
ceived at the hands of my party the highest
honor it can bestow, and twice has my nomi
nation "been endorsed by our allies, the popu
lists and silver republicans. The first nomina
tion came from the delegates in attendance
upon the three conventions, the second nomi
nation came directly from the voters of the
three parties. These honors wore bestowed,
not because of personal merit, or as a personal
compliment, but because of my advocacy of
democratic principles. I still believe in those
principles, and expect to advocate them during
the remainder of my life. Now issues will
arise from time to time "but the principles set
forth in the Chicago platf orm and in the Kan
sas City platform are fundamental, and can be
applied to all questions.
I am not planning for another presidential
nomination if I were I would not bo editing
a paper; if I ever become a candidate again
it will e because it seems necessary for the ad
vancement of the principles to which I adhere,
and that does not now seem probable. I shall,
however, take an interest in politics for several
years yet, if I live, and can be relied upon
to support those who as candidates advocate
democratic principles, and who can be trusted
to enforce them if elected.
I have no enemies to punish. Ho matter
what a man may have said or done against the
ticket in 1890 or in 1900, that man becomes
my friend the moment ho accepts democratio
principles. Neither have I any disposition to ,
reward political friends at the expense of our
cause. No matter what a man may have
said or done for the ticket in 1890 or in 1900,
that man becomes an opponent the moment ho
turns against democratio principles. Political
battles arc fought, not in the past or in the fu
ture, but in the present. The heretofore can
not be recalled, and the hereafter cannot be an
ticipated, but the NOW is all important.
I shall say whatever I think ought to be
said, and shall write whatever I. think ought to
be written. This course may not be popular,
but I trust that it will aid in the restoration of
Jeffersonian principles.
I shall ask no reward, because I am not
working for others entirely. As a citizen I am
interested in having a good government under
which to live; as a father I am interested in
leaving a good government to my children. If
a good government can be secured it will be
reward enough for all that I or any one else
can do.
W
He Bows to Force.
The manifesto of Aguinaldo, which will be
found in full on another page, will not live in
history as a. great state paper, neither will it be
exhibited with pride by the administration.
The Filipino general doubtless did the best
that he could to meet the expectations of his
captors, but the document lacks the earnest
ness and the heroic element which character
ized his utterances when he urged his country
men to begin the struggle for independence.
"The time has come, however, in which
they find their advance along this path to be
impeded by an irresistible force" he says.
This is the final argument in an empire. Irre
sistable force! In his own case he might have
described the means employed to check his ad
vance by even less complimentary terms, for it
was not an irresistable force but forged letters
and the treachery of some of his former. friends
that brought an end to his resistance. Irre
sistible force is a new argument for republics
to advance. Government by the consent of the
governed, taxation with representation and the
self evident truths proclaimed in 1770 and re
vered until two years ago all these have been
exchanged for "irresistable force,' ' and boast
ing about our superior strength is to take the
place of rejoicing over the triumph of ideas.
Piatt Amendment Objectionable.
The Cuban Constitutional convention,
by a vote of eighteen to ten, condemned the
Piatt amendment to the army bill, taking
special exception to clauses 3, 0 and 7. The
paragraphs specifically mentioned arc the one
permitting interference in tho domestic affairs
of Cuba, tho one relating to tho Isle of Pines,
and tho one ceding coaling stations. Later a
commission was appointed to visit Washington.
Whether tho administration will modify its
demands remains to be seen. If it insists, it is
possible that tho demands will be complied
with, for Cuba is in no position to enter into a
physical contest with the United States. But
this ought not to be a government of might.
Our nation cannot afford to insist upon unjust
terms merely because it can support its claims
with an army, and it is a short-sighted policy
to do so. The United States and Cuba must
necessarily live side by side. They can be of
great service to each other, or they can be a
constant annoyance to each other. As it is
better for two neighbors to deal fairly with
each other and live friends, so it is wiser for
nations to do justice to each other and dwell
in peace.
To secure a seeming but only apparent ad
vantage today, the republican party is laying
the foundation for generations of discord.
Politics in Business.
When-The Commoner was ro'auV' tptytakojp
advertising, a card giving rates and terms was
sent to a list of advertisers published in one of
the directories. Among the answers received
was one reading as follows:
"Replying to yours o the 13th, would say that
wo would not place an advertisement in your paper
ii it cost us nothing. We do not agree with the
principles brought forth by Mr. Bryan during the
last campaign, and uo not wish to do anything that
would throw encouragement or assistance in his
way."
The matter is referred to for a double pur
pose. First, to show the readers of this paper the
disadvantages under which one labors who at
tempts to protect the public at large from
the evils of private monopoly. It will be no
ticed that the advertiser did not refer to the
money question, which was the paramount issue
of the campaign of 1890, but to the principles
brought forward in the last campaign, evidently
referring to the democratic platform on the
trust question or on the question of imperial
ism. As an advertiser would hardly make
such a protest against the principles set forth
in the Declaration of Independence for they
were the principles applied to the question of
imperialism it is probable that this corporation
took offense at the effort made by the demo
cratic party to prevent the organization of
trusts. It is hardly possible that any dem
ocratic paper will be led to compromise with
wrong merely because the wrong doers, or the
supporters of wrong doing, threaten to with
hold their patronage. But those who are in-
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