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ranks today than the Ohio senator, and I believe
him to he the logical candidate for our party in
1901. Senator Hanua has had abuse and calumny
heaped upon him not only by the democratic
party, but also by members of his own party, and
the strictures of the latter are uncalled for and
iu excusable.
Mr. Hanna is an honest, conscientious Chris
tian gentleman. He has stood by McKinley and
the republican party through thick and thin, and
lie has indicated by his great skill as an organizer,
and his adroitness as a leader, that he is without
a peer in this great American republic. Senator
Hanna has made many sacrifices in order to
stand at the holm of his party, and he has on ac
count of his position been traduced shamefully.
Only recently did the jealous-minded accuse
him of selfish and dishonest motives in his atti
tude in the Delaware senatorial struggle, but I am
here to state that Senator Hanna is an honest man,
not only, in business, but also in politics, and sel
fishness is not found in his composition. For
these various reasons I believe he is good presi
dential timber, and should ho be successful in both
the nomination and election he would be a worthy
successor, to the present incumbent.
Many people smile when Mark Hanna is
suggested as the possible republican nominee
in 1904, but there is no real occasion for these
smiles. The fact is that Mark Hanna is the
best possible representative, of the republican
party as at present constituted. His ideas are
entirely out of harmony with the ideal of the
founders of the republican party and yet he has
brought that party to his way of thinking. He
has shattered traditional notions; he has forced
many republican leaders into the background;
and he is today the master of the republican
party. This is not exaggeration; it is a state
nieiit of Very apparent facts.
Why 'should the republicans hesitate 'to 'put
forward the man most truly typical of modern
republicanism?
W
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Choosing a Location.
The Editor of The Commoner has received
, stoj many inquiries from young lawyers in
rqgard to choosing a location, that lie deems it .
'worthwhile to discuss, the matter editorially.
M-mi-No 0I1C can advise-another in regard, to
violation without knowing all of the facts which
ehter into a man's decision of so important a
question. There is no part of the country
which has any great ana permanent superiority
..over another part; every portion has its advan
tages and its disadvantages, and in making a
choice a number of things should be considered.
First, the matter of health cannot be overlooked.
Some persons find it necessary to seek a mild
climate while others find a cold climate prefer
able. Some are driven to the high-altitudes,
while some find, lower levels more healthful.
The young lawyer must also decide whether
he wants to practice in a large city or
in a smaller town, and this is to a
great extent a matter' of taste. A young man,
can, as a rule, start more quickly and more
cheaply in a small place but, generally speak
ing, the maximum of professional income
which it is possible to secure varies with the
size of the city.
.,The law is a stepping stone to politics.
That profession, in proportion to its numbers,
furnishes more pubjic officials than any other.
The Commoner.
. ',
Therefore, the political complexion of a slate
often enters into the young man's calculations,
although it is not always safe to figure upon
political conditions. Questions arise from
time to time which cause ' political upheavals
and these may interfere with the plans of a
man who locates in a state for political rea
sons. It is much wiser for a young man to
study public questions, form his opinion, stand
by his convictions, and trust to the triumph of
the principles to which he adheres.
Sometimes there are special reasons which
determine a young man's choice; for instance,
lie may, because of business relations or kin
ship, find it to his advantage to 'locate in a
particular place, or to take up some special
department of law.
The above suggestions are made to show
how difficult it is for one person to decide what
another person ought to do.
Before locating in a new place the young
lawyer should visit the place and make a
thorough investigation for himself.
The rules which govern success at the bar,
eliminating accidental circumstances which may
hasten or retard a lawyer's progress, are" the
same everywhere:
First, Honesty honesty in dealing with
the court and honesty in dealing with the
client this is to a man's advantage wherever
he practices.
Second, Industry nothing' will take the
place of application, constant arid' untiring." A
knowledge of the law does hot come by intui
tion, it is the result of research, aiui4this'is true
no matter where one locates.
Third, Ability to so present a "case, either
to court or jury, as to separate the important
points from the immaterial ones, and to illus
trate the points in such a way as to make them
clear, is of great value. Given two persons of
equal honesty and industry, and the difference
in ability will ordinarily measure the difference
in success.
There is room everywhere for the lawyer
who has high ideals, and lives up to them, and
who is willing "to develop character and wait
for his reward.
H
W
A Liberty Tree.
General Harrison's sentence, "I can go and
see Kruger". lias passed into history. The
public has been told that in the delirium inci
dent to the General's last illness, he frequently
referred to the war in South Africa.
The Philadelphia Press in an interesting
article refers to General Harrison's ancestry,
and- one who examines this family tree under
stands, if he did not know before, whv the
Great Indiana statesman was so thoroughly de
voted to the principle of liberty. The Press
says:
General HaHrson is one of the instances too
rare in American life where the scion of an historic
slock continued to make history and add new
luster to a name long ago distinguished. His
father was a member of congress from Ohio from
1853 to 1857. His grandfather was the ninth presi
dent of the United States. His great-grandfather,
after whom he. was named, was active and influ
ential in revolutionary politics and a signer of the
Declaration , of independence. For one , hundred
and flfty years before tho revolution the Harrison
family from father to son through Ave succcsslvo
generations were prominent and influential in tho
colony of Virginia. Some of tho biographies of
Benjamin Harrison trace his descent from Thomas
Harrison, one of Cromwell's major generals, who
polished on the scaffold after tne restoration for
having signed tho death warrant of Charles I. This
is an error, for Bonjamln Harrison's grandfather,
preceded by Ave greatsMaster John Harrison
was settled In Virginia when Thomas Harrison,
tho rogicidc, was still a peaceful subject of Charles
I. It Is not unlikely, however, that the first Vir
ginia Harrison and Major General Harrison,, of
Marston Moor and Naseby, were kinsmen.
Though he came of a Virginia family, his
charap'.er and temperament were more akin to tho
old Puritan and Anabaptist stock, who were un
comfortable to their friends and invincible to their
foes and who did not hesitate to kill their king
for the glory of God and tho good of the common
wealth. W
The Money Question.
A Kansas paper has inquired why the ed
itor of Tins Common'kii docs not explain the
failure of prices to fall, as predicted by the ad
vocates of free silver. Tho readers of Tun
Commoxisu arc well enough acquainted with the
money question to know that the quantita
tive theory is the basis of the science of
money. Other things being equal, the value of
the dollar depends upon the number of dollars
nu increase in the volume of money increas
ing the prices, and a decrease in the volomc of
" money decreasing prices. This is the founda
tion of all argument made in behalf of bimet
allism. For twenty years the price level fell,
and during that time the producers of wealth
and the debtorH throughout the world suffered
an almost incalculable loss, while the owners of
"money and lixed investments enjoyed an enor
mous advantage. Silver was struck down by
those who desired a dearer"1 dollar, and bimetal
lists were called advocates of silver, because
they favored the restoration of silver to its
former place in the currency. If the advocates
of dear money had attacked . gold instead of
silver, the same people who favored the restor
ation of silver would have favored the restora
tion of gold. On one side of the question stood
those who wanted, as Mr. McKinley once ex
pressed it, to make "money the master, and all
things else the servant;" on the other side
stood those who wanted a suflicient volume of
money to maintain the level of prices, and, the
free and unlimited coinage of silver, as well as
gold, at the present legal ratio was urged as a
means to this end.
Since 1890 there has been an unexpected in
crease in the production of gold, and this in
crease, which the republicans neither promised
nor desired, lias brought, in part, the advantage
which the restoration of bimetallism would
have brought more completely.
In so. far as business conditions have been
improved by the increased production of gold,
bimctallists have been vindicated. If any one
will take the trouble to read the literature cir
culated 'by the gold standard advocates in 1890,
he will find that the quantitative theory of
money was denounced, and arising dollar eulo
gized. Nobody eulogizes a dear dollar now,
but the advocates of the gold standard arc seek-
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