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since the Spanish war, and now endorsed by so
great an editor as Mr. Wattcrson,' is not only
dangerous, but it is immoral. It is politically
dangerous because it encourages the republican
party to shirk responsibility for its sins and
shield itself behind the pretense that it is work
ing out the will of the Almighty; and it is
immoral because it obliterates the distinction
between right and wrong. The republican argu
ment is built upon the theory that wrong done
upon a large scale loses its evil character, and
becomes an integral part of God's plan. It is
in keeping with the tendency to call an
embezzler a Napoleon of finance, provided the
amount embezzled is large.
Mr. Wattcrson has not in the past been in
the habit of defending his position with the
philosophy which he now employs. In former
years ho was known as the special champion of
" the star-eyed Goddess of Reform." When the
democratic party went down to defeat, as it
often did, he did not say: "God moves in a
mysterious way His wonders to perform. lie
made protection and'tho republican party, and,
therefore, we must bow to both." On the con
trary, he raised the democratic banner aloft and
appealed time and again to the intelligence of
the American people Neither has he been in
the habit of excusing the crimes of individuals
by attributing them to divine inspiration. When
Gov. Goebel was assinatcd Mr. Wattcrson ,did
not say:, " God moves in a mysterious way His
wonders to perform; He prompted the assasin
to kill! Wo cannot understand His all-wise
purpose, but there wo were, and here we are,
and there is nothing ft be dono alpput it."
Instead, ho insisted that a murder had been
committed and that the guilty should be
brought to justice, v
When the Louisville and Nashville Railroad
entered the arena of politics, and began its
work of corruption and intimidation, Mr.
Wattcrson did not say: "God moves in a
mysterious way Jlis wonders to perform. This
Railroad Company has sprung into existence
and must be carrying out the purposes of an'
all-wise Ruler."
Far from it! Ho insisted that the railroad
should keep out of politics, and attend to the
business for which it was organized.
There is no more reason for throwing upon
the Almighty the responsibility for a war of
conquest, and for an imperial policy which
burdens our nation with a large army and sup
presses the aspirations of distant peoples for
self-government, than there is to blame Him
because one individual chooses to kill auother,
or because a great corporation attempts to
controLa state government.
Questions must be decided by the applica
tion of iixed and immutable principles. Jeffer
son said: "I know of but one code of morality
for men, whether acting singly or collectively";
and Franklin expressed the same idea, only in
different language, when he said: "Justice is
as strictly due between neighbor nations as
between neighbor citizens. The highwayman
is as much a robbor where he plunders in a
gang as when single, and the nation, that wages
an -unjust war is only a great gang." ,
If Jefferson and Franklin were' right, how
The Commoner.
can we delude ourselves with the doctrine of
destiny which is being developed now?
Yielding to a bad principle because it seems
triumphant is simply an easy method of avoid
ing labor and sacrifice. It is a complacent but
unsound philosophy, which teaches compromise
with wrong merely because the enemy is
strongly entrenched.
No one has a right to assume that error
will be permanently victorious. If some of our
citizens condemn small crimes but seem
inclined to condone grand larceny and killing
on. a large scale, Mr. Wattcrson should remem
ber his lecture on morals and point out to the
deluded ones that a nation can, no more than
an individual, avoid the consequences of trans
gression. If he believed the authors of the
Constitution and "the wisest of our statesmen"
wrong he would be justified in repudiating
their counsels, but believing them right it is
surprising that he should be carried away by
the brutal and barbarous doctrine upon Avhich
empires are built. His influence might help to
restore American ideals; he cannot afford to
aid in their overthrow.
The position of Mr. Wattcrson would be
untenable,! oven if the issue of imperialism had
been the only issue presented last fall and the
people had deliberately endorsed the republican
policy. Suppose the campaign of 1900
hac been fought with no other question before
, the people, even then it would still Jbe the duty
of those who are conscientiously opposed to
impcrialisni to continue the discussion, with
the hope of convincing a majority of the peo
. pie. But, as a matter of fact, there were a
number of issues in the campaign. While im
perialism was declared by the democratic con
vention to be paramount, every one knows that
other questions entered into the contest, and it
is also well known that the republican party
constantly denied that it had any thought of
attacking fundamental principles, or of convert
ing a republic into an empire. The indictment
brought against the republican party was so
severe that a great many refused to believe the
party capable of such intentions as were
charged.
Then, too, the republicans sought cover be
hind the fact that a war was in progress. They
circulated misleading reports from tlfe Philip
pine islands, and declared that the lives of
American soldiers were imperiled by the fact
that the democrats were criticising the admin
istration. What the democratic party needs is not ad
vice to surrender, but courage to resist the at
tacks which are being made upon American
doctrines and democratic principles.
The campaign of 1890 was the first one in
recent years when there was a radical issue be
tween the parties. The republican party pre
tended to want international bimetallism; when
it really wanted the gold standard. It won its
victory under the cover of international bimet
allism and as soon as the . election was over,
threw off the mask and came out for the gold
standard; Many of. the democratic papers
which had supported the ticket, and all of the
democratic papers which had cleserted thoparty
in that'ear, counseled the party to' ace'ept a de-
cision, won by fraud, as conclusive of the ques
tion. And for four years the leading demo
cratic dailies gave no assistance whatever to
the democratic party in its fight against the
money power.
In the campaign of 1900 the republican
party practiced another fraud upon the people
on the subject of imperialism, and nowMr.
Wattcrson and a few other democratic editors
advise the acceptance of the republican position
on that question.
On the trust question the republican party
also practiced deception, and some of our dem
ocratic papers seem willing to concede the tri
umph of the trust principle. :
Nothing is to be gained from a party stand
point, and everything is to be lost from the
standpoint of principle by Mr. Watterson's
method of dealing with the questions at issue.
He expects the democratic party to endorse
the colonial system, and then promise to send
better carpet-baggers to Manila than the re
publicans have sent. Such a course .would
make our party a laughing stock.
No party is good enough to administer' a
colonial system honestly and for the benefit of
the subjects. A nation that is selfish enough
to want a colony is too selfish to do justice by
it, and a party demoralized enongh to endorse
a colonial system would be impotent to admin
ister it satisfactorily.
The Commoner is pained to see so able and
brilliant an editor as Mr. Wattcrson, uncon
sciously lend his influence to the republican
party. Far better that his voice should com
mand a charge upon the republican strongholds
than that it should call a retreat in the midst of
a battle which must determine, not only the
fate of this republic, but the fate of all lepub
lics for years to come.
Hanna For 1904.
Several weeks ago a paper printed at Lan
caster, Ohio, and called the Fairfield Comity
Republican, had this to say:
While in Washington, attending the inaug
ural, we were much impressed with the greatness
of Senator Hanna. He has been an important fac
tor in the first term of William McKinley, and his
wisdom will be more apparent to the American
people in the second. He possesses the prescience
and wisdom that are absolutely necessary in the
management and solution of the momentous ques
tions of the day. The best citizens of the country
are beginning to regard him as the greatest man in
the land, next to the president. He is a safe and
conservative gentleman, and would make as safe a
president as William McKinley,
When the people come to know him they will
esteem him as highly as c-e president. He is for
the whole people, the masses as we.i as the classes.
The country has nothing to fear from the brainy,
wise and conservative Senator . -arcus A. Hanna.
If Senator Hanna were not an Ohio man, he
would be, without a doubt, the next president of
the United States. The candidate nominated, for
president in 1904 by the republican party will
not be an Ohio man. If it could be so, it would
be the Hon. Marcus A. Hanna.
Senator Scott of Virginia has recently come
out boldly in favor of Hie selection of MaVk
' Hanna as the standard bearer of the republican
' party in 1904. 'Senator Scott says: 'f"
There is no greater leader in the republican
