'X f-IT'W ropriwww? 'p " 'iiwiPIs5R555w?w5!55S9wS lIPVJUti The Commoner. a VOL. I. ISO. II. LINCOLN, NEBRASKA, APRIL 5, 1901. $1.00 a Year AiIlieim J. Bryan, JEdltor and Proprietor The Capture of Aguinaldo. The most important event of last week was the capture of Aguinaldo. General Funston planned, and with the aid of a few Americans and a number of natives, exeouted a brilliant and dar ing plot for the trapping of the leader of the Filipino forces. Learning of the whereabouts of Aguinaldo, he organized a small band and arranged with some friendly Filipinos to conduct the Americans in the guise of prisoners through some ninety miles of the enemy's country to the pres ence of the chief, who was then taken into custody by General Funston and conveyed to Manila. The already famous Kausan displayed great courage in the undertaking for he risked a double danger the treachery of the natives who accom panied him and the possibility of encountering a superior force. It is difficult to t say 3vhat will -.bem the immedi ate effect of the capture, but it is more than pos sible that it will hasten the end of hostilities. When the administration comes to deal with its distinguished prisoner it will be compelled to decide whether it is dealing with a rebellious subject or with a foreigner who owes no alleg iance to this government. To treat Aguinaldo as a rebellious subject, the administration must assert that a defeated monarch can bargain, sell and convey title to the subjects, and that a republic can first incite the subjects of a monarch to rebellion, or assist them in rebellion, then make allies of them and after wards buy title to them Jrom the king whose sovereignty. was disputed. Aguinaldo has proven his ability as a leader and his military genius; it remains to be seen whether in prison he will continue to proclaim the right of his people to independence or advise his countiymen to submit to the conquest of their country by an overwhelming force. The question of imperialism is not settled by the imprisonment of the commander-in-chief of the native forces, nor will it be settled by the surrender of all who are in arms. If the.Filipi nos fail in their appeal to force there is still left an appeal to the American conscience. The re publicans have taken refuge behind the fact that war existed and have tried to cry down criti cism as unpatriotic; they have asked, "How can we treat with people who arc shooting down our soldiers?" Peace will multiply the embarrass ments of the administration for it cannot long conceal the real character of the civil government which is to be imposed upon the Filipinos. The war in the Philippines' has been an hind- erance rather than an aid to those who have boon resisting the introduction of European ideas and methods of government into the United States. W The Future of Cuba. A subscriber asks what position the demo-, cratic party takes in regard to the annexation of Cuba. The democratic party has not had occa sion to take a position on this question. A dis cussion of annexation at this time would be pre mature; it would be like proposing to a widow at the funeral of her husband. The United States declared the Cubans entitled to independence and went to war with Spain to enforce the decla ration. To discuss annexation now would cast suspicion on the good faith of the nation; neither is there anything to be gained by raising that question. No matter whether annexation is desirable or undesirable, it is both right and expedient that the Cubans should be given their independence. If annexation is undesirable there can' be no ex cuse for delaying independence; if, on the other hand, annexation is desirable the granting of in dependence will hasten it. Annexation to bo satis f actory must be voluntary, and it. will never, be voluntary unless the Cuban people have confidence in and affection for the people of the United States. And how can they have confidence in or affection for the American people, if our nation violates its promise and shows more interest in the franchises secured by private syndicates than in the nation's honor. The imperialistic policy of the republican party has induced the leaders to abandon the peaceful and persuasive methods formerly em ployed by our government, and to adopt the harsher methods employed by arbitrary rulers. As a result we are apt to lose the prestige which a war for humanity gave us; by inspiring hatred where we should have implanted love, we are apt to make enemies of people who wanted to be friends. W A Hopeful Sign. The Ohio. State Journal, published at Colum-. bus, is a strong republican organ, but it is far sighted enough to see that the people are bound to revolt ultimately against the great railroad trust which is being organized. In an editorial of some length it reviews the situation and con cludes with a warning which will be read with interest by those who have been pointing out the evils of private monopoly while republican lead ers, and even the republican newspapers to a large extent, have seemed blind to them. The Journal says: Every advance in railway rates is an additional tax on productive industry, and that tax falls inevi tably upon the consumer. If by this "community of interest" the few immensely rich men who control the transportation trust can bring the hundreds of millions of dollars of water in the railroad capitali zation of the country to the point where dividends can be earned and paid upon it, they will have multi plied their already vast fortunes directly at the ex pense of the people of the United States. This great railway trusts represents, in fact, one of the gravest problems before the people of the United States. Some plan must be devised for a closer and more absolute control of the railways by tho nation than now exists, or government ownership of tho en tire railway system of the United States is not far distant. The people of the United States will not long consent to bo placed at tho mercy of any little group of men. Tho men themselves may be as hon orable, as honest and as just as it is possible for men to be. Tho public will not consider that so much a the menace which such a tremendous monopoly holds for tho people. In a word, tho near approach to completion of the plans of tho great railway trust forces an Issue upon tho people which grows tho moro it is studied, and which promises to submerge and overwhelm all others. Will the railway magnates consent to a close gov ernment regulation of rates that will bo a genuine protection to tho public against extortionate charge, or will they pursue a policy that will force the Amer ican people to take tho railways of tho nation under national ownership and control? The answer to the question cannot long bo deferred. Severe But True. A republican reader of this paper complains that it criticises republican policies and republi can leaders too severely. I am glad to have re publicans read This Commoner. I have faith in the honesty and good intention of the errcat ma jority of the members of all parties and am anx-s ious to convince rather than to offend, but severe criticism is necessary because the republican lead ers have grievously offended against our princi ples of government and against the interests ov ino peopie. iz is iue auty or a newspaper lostai facts and it is its right to draw conclusions from tho facts and to point out the influences which con trol public officials. Nothing is published in The CosraroNER un less it is believed to be true, and any mistake a. to a fact or any injustice done to a person will be gladly corrected. If any republican reader doubts tho truth of any statement made in Tub Commoner let him investigate and ascertain the facts. If I am in error I will make acknowledge ment of tho same; if I am not in error, let him have the candor to admit his mistake. Thomas Jefferson. On tho second day of April, 1743, Thomas Jefferson was born and his life of eighty-three years spanned an important epoch in the nation's histoiy. At the age of thirty-one he .drafted the ad dress to the king, setting forth the rights of the colonists. Two years later, at the ago of thirty three, he wrote the Declaration of Independence, and for fifty years thereafter, until his death on July 4, 1820, he was the greatest champion of human rights in all the world. His service as a representative in state and federal legislatures, as governor of Virginia, am bassador to France, secretary of state under Washington, vice-president under Adams, and president, together with his service in minor offices, covered more than forty years of his event ful career. But the work which he did for man kind was so far-reaching in its effect and so en during in its character that he is remembered for his ideas rather than for the positions which he held. Ho was the greatest constructive statesman known to history. His birth aud environment were such as might naturally have made him an aristocrat, but he became the greatest demo- l i