The commoner. (Lincoln, Neb.) 1901-1923, March 22, 1901, Page 5, Image 5

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years go by, until polygamy becomes a thing of
tho past. Any attempt to reopen the question by
giving direct or indirect sanction to the practice
would bring on a political controversy which
could result only in one way, namely, in tho con
tinuance of present laws, and then to tho enforce
ment of the law would bo added tho bitterness
and prejudice which such a contest would be sure
to arouse.
The trusts 'generally issue two kinds of stock
preferred and common. The preferred stock
is intended for the preferred people and the com
mon stock for tho common people. The pre
ferred stock has a fixed dividend, which must be
paid before any dividend can be declared on the
common stock; the common stock, therefore, is
subject to the greater fluctuation. It might with
propriety be called lamb's food, because it iff most
popular with young sheep before they have expe
rienced the iirst shearing.
Grates Harshly "Down with the Americans" is
On American Ears the popular cry among the peo
ple of the Philippines. "Down
with the Americans" iB the cry that resounded
throughout Porto Rico last week." Even in
Cuba they are beginning to whisper, "Down with
tho Americans. When the Spaniards called us
"Yankee pigs" we were not in the least disturbed;
on the contrary, wo rather enjoyed it. Our con
science was clear. It was natural for a people
engaged in upholding a despotism to show their
hatred for a people devoted to liberty and a re
publican form of government. But this cry,
"Down with the Americans," has become alto
gether too popular among, people who have shown
their devotion to liberty as thoroughly as we ever
displayed our love for liberty.
Is it not about time for thoughtful Ameri
cans to ask what we have done to provoke this
popular cry? Why have we done it, and why do
we persist in it to the detriment of our material
interests, the disturbance of our conscience and
the destruction, of our reputation as the fore
most champions. of liberty?
Without a In the case of the Porto Ricans
Country. Congress formally declared them
to be not oitizens of the United
States-r-but "citizens of Porto Rico."
It is interesting also to note that in all former
annexations by treaty, provision has been made
for the "naturalization by election" of subjects
of the sovereign from whom we acquired the
In tho Paris treaty, it will be observed, a. slight
effort was made to conform to this rule.
It will be noted that article 9 of that
treaty provides that Spanish subjects living in
the Philippines, but not born there, may preserve
their allegience to the crown of Spain by comply
ing with certain conditions, in default of which
they "shall bo held to have renounced it and to
have adopted the nationality of the territory in
which they may reside."
This provision under present conditions pro
vides food for interesting thought.
The people of the Philippies who are subject
to our authority have no nationality. They are
not allowed to become citizens of the "United
The Commoner.
States, nor are they allowed to build up a nation
ality for themselves.
If the Spanish-born resident of tho Philip
pines concluded to" avail himself of tho privileges
of Article 0 of the Paris treaty, renounced his
allegience to the crown of Spain, and proclaimed
his allegiance to the nationality of the territory
in which he resided (tho Philippine Islands) what
would be the status of that person? He would
owe allegiance to tho United States of America,
but would he be a citizon or a subject of this
Perhaps he would bo a "citizen of tho Phil
ippine Islands" like the "citizen of Porto Rico"
a man living under a government in which ho
has no voice, owing allegiance to a government
in which he has no share and expected to pay
homage to a government by which he is guaran
teed no rights, privileges or immunities not oven
those which are guaranteed to the subjects of a
The Cost of a Congressman Livingston, tho
World Power, democratic member of tho House
Committee on Appropriations,
has issued a statement comparing the appropria
tions of the recent Congress with that of the Con
gress that died March 4, 1807. The Fifty-sixth
Congress appropriated $1,440,002,545.05. Con
gressman Cannon for tho republicans points out
that this is a decrease of $128,000,000 from the
appropriations made by the Fifty-fifth. Congress,
which was the immediate predecessor of the re
cent one.
But Congressman Livingston maintains that it
is better to make the" comparison with the Fifty
fourth Congress, that being tho last to make ap
propriations for the support of the government
prior to the war with Spain.
Mr. Livingston shows that the appropriations
made by the Fifty-sixth Congress exceed those
made by the Fifty-fourth Congress in the sum of
$30.5,482,272.08. He calls attention to the 'fact
that nearly all this increase was due to appropria
tions for the support of tho military establish
ments. For each of the two years prior to the
Spanish-American war, the regular army cost $23,
000,000. Since then, however, it has increased
to $115,000,000 per year. The Fifty-fourth Con
gress appropriated $30,000,000 for the navy, while
the Fifty-sixth Congress appropriated for the navy
$143,703,000. During the last two years the pen
sion appropriations have increased $8,000,000.
Is This The Chicago Tribune expresses
"Sound Money?" marked gratification because of
the "gradual retirement of the
treasury notes." It rejoices to say that these
notes issued under the Sherman law of 1800 to
the extent of $158,451,488, have been redeemed
so rapidly that only $55,256,000 of these notes
remain outstanding.
The Tribune is pleased because these treasury
notes were payable in either gold or silver, and
for them silver certificates payable in silver dollars
have been substituted.
It points with pride to the fact that "under
the new financial law passed a year ago, this
process of changing treasury notes into silver
certificates was expedited," and adds: "Thus it
will be seen that two-thirds of this dangerous
class of paper money has finally been wiped 0111."
The Tribune places itself in a peculiar posi
tion. Republican organs have contended that
gold is tho only sound money, and here wo find
a radical . republican organ boasting that the
administration has succeeded in substituting
$100,000,000 of money that may be redeemed
only in the hated "50 cont silver dollar" for the
same amount of raonoy that would have been
redeemed in tho so called "honest money of tho
Now, as a matter of fact, the financial law
passed a year ago is so framed that it may bo in
terpreted by the secretary of tho treasury to give
authority for the redemption in gold of even the
silver certificate, which on its face provides for
redemption, in silver. This being so, what ad
vantage has been gained by tho substitution of
the silver certificate for tho treasury note?
Is it becauso under tho now law the secretary
would have the option of redeeming the silver
certificate in gold, and that that option would not
rest with tho holder of tho silver certificate? If
this is wise, if this is honest,, what becomes of the
claim so often made by republican orators and
organs, that the option must rest always with the
holder of tho obligation, because an "honest
government" must always bo willing to pay its
obligation in "sound money" otherwise known
as gold?
If tho republican contention on the financial
question is correct, then ono of two propositions
is true: .either nothing has been gained by tho
substitution of silver certificates for treasury noteB,
or else tho administration has perpetrated a fraud
upon the holders of tho treasury notes by pur
suading them to surrender money that always calls
for gold, and accept in its place money that calls
for a "dishonest dollar."
An Insult to
It is unfortunate from a party
standpoint that Mr. Wells was
nominated for mayor by tho dem
ocrats of St. Louis. It would be a reflection on
the democrats of that city to assume that none of
them possessed the necessary qualifications for
mayor. It would be an insult to tho honest, in
telligent and faithful democrats of St. Louis to
say that none of them could be trusted to give
the city a good administration. The main argu
ment, if not the only one, made in favor of Mr.
"Wells' nomination was that he was a man who
could "win." It seems, then, that he was nomi
nated because he was thought available. Why
The Republic says that "Jefferson Club lead
ers nearly all opposed the nomination of Wells,"
and adds that he was nominated by "business
men.' Are these the same business men who have
been giving support to the republican national ad
ministration? According to the Republic's logic
the democratic party must go to the "business
men" whenever they refuse to come to the party.
If so, the situation becomes clearer. When they
refuse to vote for a democrat the remedy seems to
be to nominate a republican. If this is good local
politics, it may .be applied on a larger scale. In
other words, party principles are to be ignored
and party success is to bo the only thing con
sidered. The Commoneb insists upon its original prop
osition. If the situation in St. Louis is such that
democrats are justified in supporting a republican,
the candidate ought not to be called a democrat
or placed in a position where he can make the
party responsible for the enforcement of republi
can idea?.