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srmnl conduct mid bearing, with other officers'of tlint
grade as far as his technical education would permit.
0. It i earnestly to be hoped, however, that the
secretary of the navy will not find it necessary to
take advantage of the authority which I understand
is to he granted him to appoint a certain number of
warrant ofllcers to the grade of ensigns.
While it is true that these men are selected from
a large class of men of very unusual ability, which
distinguishes them as perhaps the professional equals
of their oHlcors as far as their technical education
stands, it is also true that they are recruited from a
class of men who have not had the social advantages
which are requisite for a commissioned ofllcer.
It is submitted that in time of peaco the navy's
function consists to a certain extent of representing
the country abroad, and it is important that the navy's
representatives should be men of at least refinement.
While there is perhaps a certain few among the war
rant ofllcers who could fulfill this requirement, I am
of the opinion that the vast majority of them could
not.
Onco they are commissioned they will have tho
same social standing as other ofllcers, and no distinc
tion properly could be made in extending general in
vitations. The consequences that would arise from
their acceptance might not redound to tho credit of
tho navy or the country which the navy represents.
I do not mean to detract from tho sterling worth
of the warrant ofllcers of the navy. I merely mean
to suggest to tho department that, unfortunately for
them, they have been deprived of certain natural ad
vantages, and, in consequence, their proper place is
that of leading men among the crew and not as rep
resentatives of the country in the ward room, and
stcorago.
4. I request that this may bo brought to the per
sonal attention of the secretary of the navy.
W. T. Sampson,
Rear Admiral U. S. N.-, Commandant.
, And when you have read them suppress your
indignation long enough to ask yourself whether
Admiral Sampson is a snob and an arristocrat, or
whollier ho is merely a representative of tho
"now order of tilings" which is to follow miliar,
ism and imperialism. If this is only an individual
opinion no condemnation can he too severe, "but if
ho speaks for those who are dominating the admin
istration and shaping our national policy, then
tho rebuke should he administered to the system.
Gunner Morgan will prove a. public benefactor if
this correspondence opens the eyes of the Amori;
can peoplo to the fact that we cannot have impe
rialism, with its largo army and navy, without ac
cepting with it aristocracy in society and plu
tocracy in government.
If it is the aim of this nation to shine among
tho "world powers," we will Wo to have titles
and ranks and orders of nobility or our represent
atives will not feel at home abroad. Sampson's
assininity can almost bo forgiven if it aids in re
storing that American simplicity and democracy
which were once the pride of our nation.
More Important Than Millions.
Charles II. Roberts, an aged millionaire of
2jTov York state, has explained to tho public how
every man may become enormously rich. Mr.
Roberts says:
I am a director of the TCanawa and Michigan Rail
way Company, but outside of this and looking after
investments, I am in no active business. I am worth
at least half a million, all of which I have earned by
my own exertions. I am in no sense a stock specula
tor, although I have made large sums by the purchase
and sale of stocks and bonds.
When I have found railroad securities selling at a
price which to mo seemed below their real value I
Jmve gone over the lines of these roads, ascertaining
The Commoner.
fully their condition, the quantity and kind of their
rolling stock, etc. I have examined their past earn
ings and endeavored to learn what their future earn
ings would be. I have looked into the question of
over or fair capitalization, indebtedness, capable or
incapable management, and in short have obtained
all possible information as to the condition of tho
property. .If, in my judgment, the securities of such
roads are selling greatly below their real value, I buy
largely and eventually reap the profit resulting from
such purchase.
This is a very simple plan. It is true somo
embarrassment will attend the proceedure along
tho lino suggested by Mr. Roberts. Everybody
has not the money necessary to purchase stocks.
Everybody is not in the position to travel around
and discover which stocks give tho largest promise
of profit. Everybody has not the ability to de
termine which stock is the most promising invest
ment. As a matter of fact, everybody docs not aspire
to bo a millionaire. The larger number of peoplo
would bo content with earning a sufficient sum
with which they could buy bread and educate
their children. It would seem, therefore, that
Mr. Roberts, out of his large fund of experience,
might contribute 'a suggestion whereby every indi
vidual who was willing to work and eat his bread
in. the sweat of his brow could be able to obtain
labor, and find for that labor a recompense that
would enable him to feed and educate his children.
The best hope of society does not depend upon
the increase in the number of millionaires. It de
pends upon tho increase in the opportunities for
men who are willing to labor, to find work which
will bring thorn just and equitable recompense;
and that moans not only recompense sufficient to
give the family bread, but. recompense with that
margin which will make it possible to give the'
children of tho family the education and training
essential to the rearing of good citizens.
W
The Gathering Storm.
The trade papers are beginning to realize that
the consolidations and combinations which are
now absorbing most of the great industries of the
country are hastening the day of anti-trust legis
lation. Tho Metal Worker, while making a de
fense of the now steel trust, yet sees the possibil
ity of legislation which will make such combina
tions impossible. It suggests that the undertaking
was 'forced by tho desire to protect existing
interests, seriously threatened as they were by
possible warfare, rather than by a desire to unload
tho properties upon the public at inflated prices."
It thinks it sees an advantage in the trust in that
"the concentration of power in the hands of one
large consolidation is expected to bring about a
decided steadying of the markets."
It speaks in a commonplace way of one of the
great evils of tho trust, saying: "As a competi
tor, so huge an organization could develop very
dangerous strength by waging war in one terri
tory and drawing the siuews therefor from uncon
tested markets."
Tho Metal Worker evidently understands the
methods employed by the trusts methods which
somo, strange to say, seem to regard as legitimate
business. And yet tho paper quoted cannot
refrain from a prophesy of trouble. It says:
It will take clever management on the part of
the consolidation to meet and break the force of
aroused public opinion. Imagination is sure to bo
inflamc'd by the colossal undertaking now about to
be consummated, and there will be many who are
eager to fan the ilames.
And again:
It is certain that the new consolidation will lend
much support to the anti-trust agitation, and will be
its shining mark. ICeeneyes will watch every move,
and unscrupulous demagogues and an unbridled
yellow press will distort even the most trivial inci
dent. It will bo seen that even the defenders of
monopoly are conscious that the storm is gather
ing. Although they consider it "unscrupulous"
and "demagogic" for any one to condemn a trust,
yet they are able to measure the force of public
opinion when once it is aroused and they are fear
ful lest the reign of monopoly may, after all, bo
short lived.
W
.
Where Title Rests.
Those who insist that our title to the Philip
pines is perfect base their opinion on the deed
given us by Spain in the Paris treaty.
A republican newspaper commenting at length
upon our abstract of title, says:
Prior to the Paris treaty the record title was in
Spain. Spain conveyed the Philippines to the United
States and the record title is now with us. It is
necessary that title rest somewhere, and the abstract
will always locate it. In this instance the abstract
locates the Philippine title in the United States of
America.
Let us take a look at this position.
In the Paris treaty, Spain "ceded" to the
United States the Philippine Islands and the
Islands of Guam and Porto Rico. According to
this Republican organ that cession placed the title
to that territory in the United States, for "it is
necessary that title rest soinewhere."
In the same treaty Spain "relinquished" its
sovereignty over the island of Cuba.
Where did the title to Cuba rest?
It rested exactly where it belonged with th-e
sovereign people of Cuba; and the eminent lawyers
who framed the Paris treaty knew that it was not
necessary for Spain to convey title to Cuba be
cause the title rested in the Cuban people and the
relinquishment was merely formal notice to the.
world that Spain recognized a fact.
Now if a simple relinquishment was sufficient
in the case of Cuba, it was so because of the fact
that regardless of what deeds might be executed,
the title to Cuba rested with the Cuban people.
Spain could have done nothing to affect that title.
If the title rested with the peoplo of Cuba,
then why did not the title to the Philippines rest
with the people of those islands?
Had Spain ceded Cuba to the United States,
tlie cession would not have altered tho fact that
the title to Cuba rested with the Cuban people,
and tho cession of tho Philippines by Spain to tho
United States does not altar the fact that the title
to the Philippines rests with Filipinos.
To be sure, a kingdom may hold title to a
territory, so long as it maintain order. But al
though a government is the government of kings,
"it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish
it, and to institute a new government, laying its
foundation on such principles and organizing its
powers in such form as to them shall seem most
likely to effect their safety and happiness," This
o
