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of an enormous campaign fund which they
thought necessary to save the nation's honor.
As a matter of fact, nearly every southern
democrat in both House and Senate voted for free
and unlimited coinage from 1870 to 1893 not
only voted for free and unlimited coinage but
voted for the ratio of sixteen to one, without
waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation.
A few of the southern democrats were won
over by Mr. Cleveland botween 1893 and 1890,
but nearly all of these were immediately retired
to private life.
Both Good.
A New
Definition.
Some of our contemporaries are
discussing the relative merits of
an inheritance tax and a tax on franchises. Why
not have both? One does not interfere with the
other and both are meritorious. In the course of
time the cities will own and operate their water
systems, their lighting plants and their street car
lines, but until that time comes municipal and
other franchises ought to be made to contribute to
the expenses of government.
Cannot Bo In the House of Representatives,
Defended. Congressman Richardson, of
Tennessee, exposed an attempt
to loot the treasury in the interest of the Stand
ard Oil Company's bank, in New York City. It
is worthy of note that at the conclusion of Mr.
Richardson's remarks, Congressman Moody, of
Massachusetts,' a republican member of the House
committee on appropriations, said: "I realize
the force of the criticism the gentleman has made.
I do not intend to answer his argument." This
was an interesting admission, and that it was sl
necessary one on the part of a candid man musi
be impressed upon anyone who examines the
facts.
Congressman Lentz, of Ohio, in
a recent speech quoted a distinc
tion which some one has drawn
between the statesman and the politician, viz.,
that the statesman is a man who lies awake
nights, thinking and planning how he may do
something for the people, while the politician is
a man who lies awake nights thinking and plan
ning how he mayget the people to do something
for him.
Paraphrasing this distinction, Mr. Le'ntz says,
"a democratic democrat is a man seeking1 an op
portunity to do something for everybody, while
a degenerate democrat is a man seeking an oppor
tunity to do everybody for something. " It is no
a bad distinction and is in line with his 'epigram-
atio statement that if ' dempcracy, 'as an organized
faction or party in this country, is to have a
future worthy of consideration, it will be because
the leaders of that democracy believe something
rather than because they want something.
$
Republican The New York Commercial Ad-
Protests, vertiser, an ardent republican
organ, speaking of Mr. Hanna's
ship-subsidy bill says: .
The democrats and the populists show no sign of
relenting and they are amply able to continue the
debate 'for a fortnight if they wish.
But in spite of all these superficial appearances it
is known to those on the. inside' that the opposition to
the bill is being slowly undermined by a process
which will never be made public if the bill should be-
The Commoner:
come a law; and it is on this quiet work that the
friends of the measure now rest the hopes which they
undoubtedly entertain.
The Chicago Tribune, another and equally
ardent republican newspaper, speaking of this
same measure, says:
It is manifestly a tainted measure for the specific,
benefit of certain rapacious corporations which are
scheming to secure the lion's share of the subsidies it
is proposed to vote ostensibly "to promote the com.
merce and increase the foreign trade of the United
States.
And yet this bill has the cordial support of
the administration and is the pot measure of the
chairman of the republican national committee.
But "confidence" has been restored, "national
honor" has been maintained, the "full dinner
pail" has been vindicated, and the people have
"let well enough alone," and what does it matter
if the national treasury bo raided in the interests
of the men w'ho furnished the campaign funds?
According to its own logic the
New York Post has become a con
vert to populism. For nearly
five years it has accused the dem
ocrats of being populists because the Chicago plat
form declared for certain reforms already advo
cated by the populists. Now that the Post has
come out for the election of senators by the peo
ple a reform demanded in the democratic platform
of 1890 but suggested in previous populist platforms
it ought to be consistent and call itself a populist
paper. Iff however, it insists that it has a right
to endorse a good policy no matter what party
proposes it, it ought to withdraw its criticism of
'the democrats who are advocatingmeasures entirely
in line with democratic precepts and practices, but
first specifically demanded in a populist platform.
N. Y. Post
Embraces
Populism.
Beggars Big
and Little.
The New York Tribune in a re
cent issue contains this editorial:
Although this is the season of prosperity, and
the number of people out of employment is compar
atively small, beggars seem to be even more numer
ous, persistent and insolent, both uptown and down
town, tliau in former winters. Cannot the police do
more to keep them within bounds than they have
been doing?
It is not difficult to understand why beggars
are persistent and insolent; but when we are
told by the New York Tribune that they are even
more numerous than in former winters, the fact
would seem to call for some explanation. In this
connection it may not be out of place to say that
if the New York Tribune was as zealous in its
efforts to keep subsidy beggars within bounds as
it is to curtail- the privileges of the common every
day beggar, who will be satisfied with a loaf of
bread, the Tribune would be remembered by a
grateful people for other reasons than that it was
once edited by Horace Greeley.
It will be remembered that in
December, 1899, Mr. McKinley
suggested to Congress the ad
visability of giving the people
some relief on the trust question. Just before
Congress adjourned for the summer the republi
cans prepared a constitutional amendment which
they pretended to believe would provide a remedy
but which, in fact, was intended to take away
from the states the power which they already
The Trust
Question in
Congress.
have to deal with this question. The democrats
voted against the amendment and the republicans
then brought in an anti-trust bill, which was sup
ported by both tho republicans and democrati,
and which was passed by an almost unanimoui
vote. It went to the senate and there it lies bur
ied. When Congress reassembled last December
no effort was made to resurrect this bill. Tht
election was over, the purpose of tho bill was ao
complished and the republican senators were in
different to it. If a tithe of tho onergy which
has been wasted on the subsidy bill had been de
voted to the anti-trust bill it would have passed
the senate long ago.
Congressman Babcock has introduced a meas
ure abolishing duties on certain iron and steel
products, being prompted to do so by the forma
tion of the billion dollar steel trust. The Kan
sas City platform contains the following plank:
"The tariff laws .should be amended by putting
the products of trusts upon the free list, to pre
vent monopoly under the plea of protection."
Mr. Babcock is therefore carrying out a plank of
the democratic platform and tho democrats will
doubtless give him all the assistance possible.
But as the republican platform did not commend
this remedy, and as the republican leaders do not
favor any remedy at all, Mr. Babcock is likely to
fi. himself as unpopular among his republican
colleagues aB Mr. Littlefield was when he opposed
the Porto Rican bill, or Mr. McCall was when lit
denounced the army bill. The republican who
does not recognize the insincerity of republican
promises upon the trust question, must be blind
indeed.
Lincoln's Chief Mr. Wu, the Chinese Minister,
Title to Fame. delivered one of the most inter
esting addresses of the many
given on th'e celebration of Lincoln's birthday,
Mr. Wu said:
What constitutes Lincoln's chief title to fame and
greatness depends, in a large measure, upon the point
of view from which his life work is considered. By
the Americans he will always be remembered as th
preserver of the Union, who piloted the Ship of Stat
through four years of fierce storm and tempest,
which threatened to upset it at every moment, safely
into the haven of peace. By the negro he will ever
be held in grateful reverence as the deliverer of his
race, who broke the chains asunder that bound his
people as slaves. By the rest of tho world he will
ever be known and honored as the vindicator of hu
man rights, who by a stroke of the pen carried into
eJFect the fundamental principle of government that
"all men are created equal."
. As a matter of fact, the Chinese minister ac
curately explained Lincoln's chief title to fame
and greatness. ' Is it not strange that no republi
can orator on the occasion of the celebration of
Lincoln's birthday deemed it expedient to touch
upon Lincoln's true claim to greatness? These
republican orators contented themselves with gen
eralities, avoiding quotations from Lincoln's
utterances, and claiming that a monopoly of Lin
colnVmemory is vested in a political party that
hap repudiated Lincoln's principles. As Mr. Wu
said, Lincoln was "The vindicator of human
rights, who by a stroke of the pen carried into
effect the fundamental principles of government
that all men are created equal." How did it hap
pen that republican orators refrained from touch-
iug upon this point? .