The voice. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1946-195?, May 14, 1953, Image 1

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    George Randol Homes
Open For Inspection -
IMKITTiiitiffiPii -
This beautiful ranch-type dwell-,
ing with picture windows is one of i
the houses located at 10th & Park
Streets that will be formally
opened for showing on Sunday,1
May 17th through the 22nd.
This is one of many units con-j
templated for Lincoln during the
next several months that will;
come into being as a direct result'
of planning, pressure and activities'
of the NORTHSIDE IMPROVE
MENT ASSOCIATION.
Built by Bartlett and Company,
this fine dwelling is not a cheap
house but a small better home.;
Workmanship and finishing are of j
the same quality that you will find
in homes located in the Country'
Club District. Every detail is taken
care of that will make the home
more comfortable. This particular
house has three bedrooms, large
living-dining room, full bath and
large kitchen with plenty of utility
space, built-in cabinets, plenty of
closets, plaster walls, hardwood
floors, expertly laid linoleum in
bathroom and kitchen. Double
sink in kitchen. Full basement
with showerhead, gas furnace,
floor drain, large guaranteed hot
water heater, all so located to
leave plenty of room for storm
windows and screens, and any ap
pliances such as washers and iron
ers. Xet, there is ample space lor
finishing a recreation room. Large
lot, sodded lawn.
“Property Is
The Fruit
Of Labor”
Every left-winger is adept in
catch phrases. One standard ex
ample is the cry that “human
rights” must be superior to “prop
erty rights.”
This appeal to the unthinking
evades the fact that the right to
own property is one of the most
basic and important of the human
rights. That idea was powerfully
expressed by Abraham Lincoln, as
great a humanitarian as ever lived,
in these words: “Property is the
fruit of labor; property is desir
able; it is a positive good in the
world. That some should be rich
shows that others may become
rich, and hence is just encourage
ment to industry and enterprise.
Let not him who is homeless pull
down the house of another, but
let him work diligently and build
one for himself, thus by example
assuring that his own shall be safe
from violence when built.”
What Does
“Liberalism” Mean ?
“Liberalism implies freedom
and individualism,” writes Bob
Munger in the American Student,
official publication of Students
for America.” “. . . true liberal
ism stresses the dignity of the in
dividual rather than the omnipo
tence of the state.”
Keep that in mind next time
you hear the term “liberalism”
applied, as it usually is, to some
plan for giving government more
and more power over the indi
vidual citizen, at the expense of
our rights, responsibilities and
freedoms.
No word has been more mis
Butler Urges
Approval Of
Land Legislature
Senator Hugh Butler (R-Neb)
has urged the United States Con
gress to give final approval of
proposed'submerged lands legisla
tion, recognizing title of the states
to a narrow belt along the coast,
“as the only means of compromis
ing a difficult controversy which
has stalemated oil and gas devel
opment.”
Under this proposal, Butler
pointed out, the Federal Govern
ment retains about nine-tenths of
the mineral resources under the
water surrounding our coasts,
while state titles of long-standing
within a three-mile belt are rec
ognized.
“Many people do not seem to
realize that this legislation af
fects a great many other things
besides oil,” Butler said. “Thou
sands of people have invested
money in wharves and docks ex
tending out into the ocean; in
buildings, including hotels built on
made land along the ocean shore;
and in many other ways. If the
Federal Government had tried to
seize title to all these waters along
the coast, it would have been the
same as confiscating the proper
ties of all these people who in
vested in good faith.”
“Furthermore, this bill gives a
clear title to Nebraska for all of
our inland waterways and lakes,
[including any wharves that may
be built in them. I do not thhink
we could afford to let the Federal
Government take title to our in
land waters away from our state,”
he concluded.
| used in recent years—none has
been more distorted. The true
liberal philosophy holds that gov
ernment is the servant of the
people, not the master.
The U.S. Negro, 1953
| A decade of progress has wrought a revolution in his life,
brought him more prosperity and freedom—and problems
Editor s Note (Taken from ad
vance proof sent to The Voice
fr^ra James A. Linen, Publisher
of Time Magazine, that appeared
in the May 11th, issue of Time).
“Tell me,” asked the Br;tish
visitor, “do your Negroes day
Memphis
Cancer Tests
May Cover V.S.
MEMPHIS, Term.—A vast ex-;
periment in mass cancer detec-,
tion, already saving many lives;
here, may expand into a nation-:
wide project equal in scope to the
TB X-ray program.
Dr. C. C. Erickson, co-ordinator
of the project, says the Memphis
Cancer Survey, which he reports
is the first program of its type
in the country, has “fulfilled all
hopes and expectations at this
level.”
The Memphis survey expects
to screen 125,000 women for
cancer of the uterus in the next
two years. Since the survey
started last July, 28,000 have been
examined and more than 100
women are being treated who
never dreamed they had cancer.
“By far the majority of these
women will be completely cured
and continue to lead normal, use
ful lives because their cases were
discovered early,” said Dr. Erick
son.
The cost-free detection process
is quick, simple and painless.
Fluid is removed from the vagina
with an instrument similar to a
medicine dropper. The specimen
is studied under a miscroscope.
If cancer cells or other sus
picious looking cells are seen, a
confirming surface biopsy (small
slice of tissue) is taken from the
cervix (mouth of the womb).
The vaginal fluid technique,
which weeds out noncancerous
patients, is primarily an aid to
diagnosis. Final diagnosis of all
suspicious cases is made by ex
amination of the surgically re
moved tissue.
The Memphis experiment is
expected to answer two big
questions:
1. Will the cost of a nation
wide program be prohibitive?
2. Will public response war
rant a nation-wide program?
A test for uterus cancer
normally costs from $3.50 to $7.50.
Officialls have not yet made an
estimate of cost under the mass
survey experiment.
Response has been excellent,”
says Dr. Erickson. “The women,
physicians, head of industries and
department stores — all have
shown co-operation.”
The tests, which take less than
five minutes, are being made by
private physicians and hospital
clinics and at large plants and
stores.
The survey is financed by the
U.S. Public Health Service. Facil
ities and personnel are provided
by the University of Tennessee
Medical School here and the
Memphis health department.
The survey has confirmed that
uterus cancer, which can prove
fatal in one to five yars, occurs
in three women out of a thou
sand. It kills about 14,000 a year.
golf?!’
The question, pul to a U.S. busi-l
nessman, brought a stammering ■
answer. * j
Yes, said the businessman, he
supposed that U.S. Negroes played j
golf, but he had never seen one
with a club in his hand. Come to
think of it, he’d seen a picture of
Joe Louis on a golf course, but
he had no idea at what club Joe
could play.
The incident illustrates how lit
tle white Americans generally
know about their colored fellow;
citizens. Negroes, in the phrase of[
the sociologists, have “high social
visibility.” But their lives are in
effect invisible to most Americans,1
who rarely bother to look behind [
the Color Curtain at the Negroes’
homes, their places of work or
worship, or their spirit. There is,
as a matter of fatt, some news
about Negro golfing.
Atlanta and New Orleans re
cently opened golf courses for
Negroes.
In Seattle, Negroes are now
free to play on all public' golfj
courses (but they still may not
take part in tournaments played
on the same courses).
In Chicago, where they play on
public courses without restriction,
the number of Negro golfers has
gone up from 25, a few years ago,
to more than 2,000.
In New York there are no re
strictions on public courses, and
Negroes do play in tournaments.
These facts and figures, modest'
in themselves, are symptoms of a
major revolution in the life of the
U.S. Negro—only half-noticed by
the rest of the nation. It is a revo
lution which, although still far
from overthrowing segregation,
amounts to the biggest, most hope
ful change in Negro history since j
Abraham Lincoln, just 90 years
ago, signed the Emancipation
Proclamation. Says Negro Pub
lisher (Ebony Jet) John H. John
son: “Every Negro is a Horatio
Alger . . . His hfek up from slavery
is the greatest success story the
world has ever known.”
Marks of Progress
One of the great facts of U.S.
history is that the Negro, no mat
ter how ill used, has remained
deeply loyal to the U.S., always
hoping for the “Year of Jubilo,”
stubbornly telling himself
The very time I thought I was
lost
The dungeon shook and the
chains fell off . . .
You got a right, I got a right,
We all got a right to the tree
of life . . .
The fruit from tlfe tree of life
is still rationed, and often bit
ter. The U.S.’s 15 million Negroes
are still denied the right to the
pursuit of happiness on equal
terms with whites. Negroes still
do the meanest jobs and get the
lowest pay; they must slowly
wrest from their white fellows a
table in a restaurant, a desk In a
school, a smile, the privilege of
praying in a white church or using
a white swimming pool. This is
true on both sides of the Mason
Dixon Line. While the Negro 1s
generally better off, economically
and socially, in the North (as is
shown by the fact that thousands
[of Southern Negroes still move
north every year), the North has
no cause to feel superior. The
[chains of prejudice can He a*
heavy in New York’s Harlem or
in Chicago’s South Side as any
where in the South. Yet North
& South, the Year of Jubilo seems
a little closer.
In 1942, in a brilliant study of
the American Negro, Swedish
Economist Gunnar Myrdal re
ported: “Negroes ai*e in des
perate need of jobs and bread,
even more so than of justice in the
courts and of the vote.” This
definition of the Negro’s needs is
today strikingly out of date.
For most Negroes, the problem
is no longer bread, but cake. The
Negro wage earner today makes
four times as much as in 1940
(compared to the white wage
earner’s 2l/z times as much). The
Negro’s average yearly income is
still only a little more than half
of the white average, but ten years
ago it was about 35%.
The forces that kept the South
rn Negro from voting—intimida
tion and the poll tax—are largely
beaten. The South has more than
1,000,000 registered Negro voters
(compared to 300,000 in 1938), and
there could be half a million more
if Southern Negroes were politi
cally less apathetic.
The Negro gets justice in the
courts, although in some South
ern courts he still has to fight for
his right (affirmed by the Su
preme Court) to be held by mixed
juries. The big issue today is no
longer justice in the courts, but
justice in daily life, i.e., the fight
against segregation.
Negro college enrollment is up
2,500% over 1930.
The life expectancy of the male
Negro has gone up from 47 years
in 1920 to 59 years. In the same
period, the white’s life expectancy
has risen more slowly, from 56 to
66 years. With improving living
standards, the gap between the
white man’s and the Negro’s life
span is closing.
Prosperity: Cadillacs St Babbitts
The signs of Negro prosperity
are everywhere. On the rooftops
of Manhattan’s Harlem grows
that bare, ugly forest of TV an
tennae which as become a new
symbol of middle-class achieve
ment. On the outskirts of Atlanta
are shiny new Negro housing de
velopments (financed by South
ern whites), with built-in wash
ing machines. Yet the streets of
Harlem are still largely slum
streets, and a few blocks from the
Atlanta apartments stand the old
clapboard huts with outdoor
privies. Where should one look
for the real direction of the Ne
gro economy?
U.S. business, for one, has its
eyes fixed eagerly on the TV an
tennae and the washing machines.
U.S. Negroes today have an an
nual income of $15 billion a year
—almost as much as the national
income of Canada, or more than
the value of all U.S. export trade.
Negro publications, whose adver
tising columns were until recently
dominated by hair-straighteners
and skin-bleachers, are now
agleam with four-color ads of all
national brands—a dUsky glamour
girl smiling above a pack of
Luckies, Negro men if distinction
sipping Calvert, a Negro executive
praising Remington typewriters.
(Most advertising agencies now
have specie Negro market con
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