BLUNDERS OF THE ADMINISTRATION Wilson Has Failed In Foreign and Domestic Policies. ROOT SHOWS HIS ERRORS. Address as Temporary Chairman of New York Republican Convention Points Out Sins of Democratic Com mission and Omission—“We Have Lost Influence Because We Have Been Brave In Words and Irresolute In Action." In his address as temporary chair man of the New York state Republican convention, delivered in Carnegie Hull, yew York, the lion. Elihu Root said: We are entering upon a contest for the election of a president and the con trol of government under conditions essentially new in the experience of our party and of our country. The forms and methods which we are about to follow are old and familiar, hut the grounds for action, the demand of great events for decision upon na tional conduct, the moral forces urg ing to a solution of vaguely outlin ed questions, the tremendous con sequences of wisdom or folly in nation al policy, all these are new to the great mass of American voters now living. Never since 1SG4 has an election been fraught with consequences so vital to national life. All the ordinary consid erations which play so great a part in our presidential campaigns are and ought to be dwarfed Into insignificance. Democratic Party to the Bar. For tlie first time in twenty years we enter the field as the party of opposi tion. and indeed it is a much longer time, for in 1800, in all respects save the tariff, the real opposition to the sturdy and patriotic course of Presi dent Cleveland was to be found in the party that followed Mr. Bryan. It is our duty as the opposition to bring the Democratic party to the bar of public judgment, to put it upon its defense so far as we see just and substantial grounds to criticise its conduct and to ask the voters of the country to decide whether that party, organized as it is, represented as it has been since it came into power, has shown itself competent to govern the country as it should be governed and whether its spirit, its policies, and its performance are the best that the American people can do in the way of popular self gov ernment. In the field of domestic affairs some facts relevant to these questions had 'already been ascertained when in Au gust, 1014. the great European war began. During the year and a half of Democratic control of government in a period of profound peace there had been a steady decrease in American production, in exports and in revenues and a steady increase in imports and expenditures. Enterprise had halted. The Democratic tariff had been framed upon an avowed repudiation of all pro tection. however moderate and reason able. and because all protection was repudiated practically all information from competent witnesses as to the ef fect new provisions would have upon business was rejected. It was with just cause that the enterprise of the country halted, timid and irresolute, because it felt and feared the hostility of government. Foreign Competition After War. The great war lias not changed the lesson which we had already learned when it began. It has but obscured further demonstration. It has caused an enormous demand for some tilings which tlie United States is able’to pro duce in large quantities, and in these lilies of production, while other indus tries still languish, there have been ex tensive employment of labor, great ex ports and a great influx of money. But this is temporary. It must soon cease, and when tlie factories have stopped and their laborers are no longer employed we must deal with a situation for which wise forethought should make provision. More impor tant still, the war has paralyzed the peaceful industries of ail Europe and has stopped that competitive foreign production which in July, 1914, had al ready entered American markets to supersede American products under the tariff law of 1913. The war has thus given to American products an Immunity from competition far more effective than any possible protective tariff. But that is temporary, and when the war is over, when foreign production begins again, the American market compared with impoverished Europe will he more than ever before the object of desire and effort, and we shall become the dumping ground of the world to the destruction of our own industries unless that is prevented ►y a wise and competent government. How Can Be Defend Ourselves? But it is not from domestic ques tions that the most difficult problems of this day arise. The events of the last few years have taught us many lessons. We have learned that civiliza tion is but a veneer thinly covering the savage nature of man. IIow can this nation, which loves peace and intends justice, avoid the curse of militarism ami at the same time preserve its In dependence. defend its territory, pro tect the lives and liberty and proper ty of its citizens? How can we pre vent the same principles of action, the same policies of conduct, the same In, with the president's approval, was signing treaties with half the world agreeing that If any controversy should arise it should he submitted to a joint commission and no action should he taken until after a full year had elaps ed. This controversy, slight as it was, arose on the 9th of April, and on the 21st of the same month Vera Cruz was taken. With the occupation of Vera Cruz the moral power of the United States in Mexico ended. We were then and we are now hated for what we did to Mexico, and we were then and we are now despised for our feeble and Irresolute failure to protect rorces or military power which are ex hibited In Europe from laying hold upon the vast territory and practically undefended wealth of the new world? Have we still national ideals? Will anybody live for them? Would any body die for them? Or are we all for ease and comfort and wealth at any price? Confronted by such questions as these and the practical situations which give rise to them, is the coun try satisfied to trust itself again hi the hands of the Democratic party? Impotent Inteference In Mexico. The United States had rights and duties in Mexico. More than 40,000 of our citizens had sought their fortunes and made their homes there. A thou sand millions of American capital had been invested in that productive coun try. But revolution had come, and factional warfare was rife. Americans had been murdered, American proper ty had been wantonly destroyed, the lives and property of all Americans in Mexico were in danger. That was the situation when Mr. Wilson became president in March, 1015- His duty then was plain. It was, first, to use his powers as president to secure pro tection for the lives and property of Americans in Mexico and to require that rules of law and stipulations of treaties should be observed by Mexico toward the United States and Its citi zens. His duty was, second, as the head of a foreign power to respect the independence of Mexico, to refrain from all interference with her internal affairs, from all attempt at domina tion except as he was justified by the law of nations for the protection of American rights. The president of the United States failed to observe either of those duties. He deliberately aban doned them both and followed an en tirely different and inconsistent pur pose. He intervened in Mexico to aid one faction in civil strife aga^st an other. He undertook to pull down Huerta and set Carranza up in his place. Arms and munitions of war were freely furnished to the northern forces and withheld from Huerta. Finally the president sent our army and navy to invade Mexico and cap ture its great seaport, Vera Cruz, and hold it and throttle Mexican commerce until Huerta fell. Americans Outraged in Mexico. The government of the United States intervened in Mexico to control the in ternal affairs of that independent coun try and to enforce the will of the American president in those affairs by threat, by economic pressure and by force of arms. Upon what claim of right did this intervention proceed? Not to secure respect for American rights, not to protect the lives or prop erty of our citizens, not to assert the laws of nations, not to compel observ ance of the law of humanity. On the contrary, Huerta's was the only power in Mexico to which appeal could be made for protection of life or property. That was the only power which, in fact, did protect either American or European or Mexican. It was only within the territory where Huerta ruled that comparative peace and or der prevailed. The territory over which the armed power of Carranza and Villa and their associates extended was the theater of the most appalling crimes. Bands of robbers roved the country with unbridled license. Amer icans and Mexicans alike were at their mercy, and American men were mur dered and American women were out raged with impunity. Thousands were reduced to poverty by the wanton de struction of the industries through which they lived. Yet the government of the United- States ignored, con doned, the murder of American men and the rape of American women and destruction of American property and insult to American officers and defile ment of the American flag and joined itself to the men who were guilty of all these things to pull down the pow er of Huerta. Why? The president himself has told us. It was because he adjudged nuerta to be a usurper, because he deemed that the common people of Mexico ought to have great er participation in government and share in the laud, and he believed that Carranza and Villa would give them these things. We must all sympathize with these sentiments, but there is nothing more dangerous than mis placed sentiment. \\ hen our army lauded at \ era Cruz Carranza himself, who was to be the chief beneficiary of the act, publicly protested against it. So strong was the resentment that he could not have kept his followers otherwise. When Huerta had fallen the new government which for the day had succeeded to his place peremptorily demanded the withdrawal of the American troops. The universal sentiment of Mexicans required the peremptory demand, and the troops were withdrawn. Still worse than that, the taking of Vera Cruz destroyed confidence in the sin cerity of the American government in Mexico, because every intelligent man in Mexico believed that the avowed reason for the act was not the real reason. The avowed purj>ose was to compel a salute to the American ling. Three hundred Mexicans were report ed killed; seventeen United States ma rines were killed and many were woundctU- At that-ven; tune Mr. Bry thc lives and rights of our citizens No flag is so dishonored and no citizenship so little worth the claiming in Mexico as ours. And that is why we have failed in Mexico. Policy of “Watchful Waiting.’’ Incredible as it seems, Huerta tiad been turned out by the assistance of the American government without any guaranties from the men who were to be set up rn his place, and so the mur dering and burning and ravishing have gone on to this day. After Huerta had fallen and the Vera Cruz expedi tion had been withdrawn President Wilson announced that no one was entitled to interfere in the affairs of Mexico; that she was entitled to settle them herself. He disclaims all re sjionsibility for what happens in Mex ico and contents himself with a pol icy of watchful waiting. And for the death and outrage, the suffering and ruin of our own brethren, the hatred and contempt for our country and the dishonor of our name in that land the administration at Washington shares responsibility with the inhuman brutes with whom it made common cause. When we turn to the administra Jtion’s conduct of foreign affairs inci dent to the great war in Europe we I | cannot ran to perceive that'mere Is | much dissatisfaction among Ameri cans. Dissatisfaction is not in itself ground for condemnation. The situ ation created by the war has been ditli ! cult and trying. Much of the corre | spondence of the state department, especially since Mr. Lansing took charge, has been characterized by ac ! curate learning and skillful statement of specific American rights. , Three Errors In European Policy. A study of the administration's pol icy toward Europe since July, 1014. reveals three fundamental errors: First, i the lack of foresight to make timely provision for backing up American di plomacy by actual or assured military and naval force; second, the forfei ture of the world’s respect for our as i sertiou of rights by pursuing the policy , of making threats and failing to make them good; third, a loss of the moral , forces of the civilized world through failure to truly interpret to the world I the spirit of the American democracy 1 in its attitude toward the terrible | events which accompanied the early stages of the war. First, as to power: i When the war in Europe began, free, ! peaceable little Switzerland instantly mobilized upon her frontier a great I army of trained citizen soldiers. Stur | dy little Holland did the same, and l both have kept their territory and their independence inviolate. Great, peaceable America was farther removed from the conflict, but her i trade and her citizens traveled on ev | cry sea. Ordinary knowledge of Eu ' ropean affairs made it plain that the : war was begun not by accident, but i with purpose which would not soon be | relinquished. Ordinary knowledge of i military events made it plain from the ! moment when the tide of German inva sion turned from the battle of the | Marne that the conflict was certain to | be long and desperate. Ordinary knowl | edge of history—of our own history | during the Napoleonic wars—made it plain that in that conflict neutral rights would be worthless unless powerfully maintained. j ne i >einocratio government at Wash ington did not see it. Others saw it, anil their opinions found voice Mr. Gardner urged it, Mr. Lodge urged it, Mr. Stimson urged it, Mr. Roosevelt urged it, but their argument and ur gency were ascribed to political mo tives. and the president described them with a sneer as nervous and excited. Wilson Has Shifted Ground. But the warning voices would not be stilled. The opinion that we ought no longer to remain defenseless became public opinion. Its expression grew more general and insistent, and finally the president, not leading, but follow ing. has shifted his ground, has revers ed his position and asks the country to prepare against war. God grant that he be not too late. But the Democrat ic party lias not shifted its ground. A large part of its members in congress are endeavoring now to sidetrack the movement for national preparedness, to muddle it by amendment and turn it into channels which will produce the least possible result in the increase of national power of defense. What sense of effectiveness in this effort can we gather from the presence of Jose phus Daniels at the most critical post of all—the head of the navy depart ment—when we see that where preparation has been possible it has not been made, when we see that con struction of warships already author ized has not been pressed and in some cases after long delay has not even been begun? If an increase of our country’s power to defend itself against aggression is authorized by the present congress it must be largely through Republican votes, because all the traditions and convictions of that party are for na tional power and duty and honor. As to the policy of threatening words without deeds: w nen Germany gave notice or her purpose to sink merchant vessels on the high seas without safeguarding the lives of innocent passengers our gov ernment on the 10th of February one year ago informed Germany in unmis takable terms that In attacking and sinking vessels of the United States and in destroying the lives of American I citizens lawfully traveling upon mer chant vessels of other countries she would act at her peril. They pledged the power and courage of America, with her hundred million people and her vast wealth, to the protection of her citizens, as during all her history through the days of her youth and weakness she had protected them. On the 28th of March the passenger steamer Falaba was torpedoed by > German submarine and an American citizen was killed, but nothing was dme. On the 28th of April the Amer ican vessel Cushing was attacked and crippled by a German aeroplane. On the 1st of May the American vessel Gulflight was torpedoed and sunk by n German submarine and two or more Americans were killed, yet nothing was done. On the 7th of May the Lusita nia was torpedoed and sunk by a Ger man submarine and more than 100 Americans and 1,100 other uoncoru batants were drowned. The very thing ■ which our government had warned ' Germany she must not do, Germany did of set purpose and in the most con temptuous and shocking way. Then, when all Ambrica was stirred to the depths, our government addressed an other note to Germany. It repeated its assertion of American rights and renewed its bold declaration of pur ; pose. It declared again that the Amer ican government “must hold the im ! perial German government to a strict I accountability for any infringement of ! those rights, intentional or incidental,” and It declared that it would not “omit i any word or any act necessary to the performance of Its sacred duty of main taining the rights of the United States and its citizens and of safeguarding their free exercise and enjoyment.” Still nothing was done and a long and technical correspondence ensued, haggling over petty questions of de tail, every American note growing less and less strong and peremptory until the Arabic was torpedoed and sunk and more American lives were destroy ed. and still nothing was done, and the correspondence continued until the allied defense against German subma rine warfare made it unprofitable and led JoJts afeandoijmeni, and the cor reSpondence'Ts'Tippareufly approaching its end without securing even that par tial protection for the future which might be found in an admission that I the destruction of the Lusitania was j forbidden by law. The later corre i spondeuce has been conducted by our . state department with dignity, but it has been futile. Ail admission of lia bility for damages has been secured, but the time for real protection to American rights lias long since passed. The brave words with which we be gan the controversy had produced no effect, because they were read in the I light of two extraordinary events. | One was the report of the Austrian j ambassador. Mr. Dumba, to his gov ernment that when the American note J of Feb. 10 was received he asked the I secretary of state. Mr. Bryan, whether j it meant business and received an au ! swer which satisfied him that it did ’ not, but was intended for effect at home in America. “Too Proud to Fight.” Tlie other event was the strange and unfortunate declaration of the presi dent in a public speech in Philadelphia the fourth day after the sinking of j tlie Lusitania that “a man may be too I proud to light.” Whatever the Aus trian ambassador was in fact told by the secretary of state, the impression which he reported was supported by the events which followed. Whatever the president did mean, his declaration, made in public at that solemn time, amid the horror and mourning of all our people over tlie murder of their children, was accepted tlie world over as presenting the attitude of tlie Amer ican government toward tlie protection of the life and liberty of American ! citizens in the exercise of their just rights, and throughout the world tlie phrase “too proud to fight" became a byword of derision and contempt for the government of the United States. Later, in another theater of war—the Mediterranean—Austria, and perhaps Turkey also, resumed the practice. The Ancona and then the Persia were destroyed, and more Americans were killed. Why should they not resume ■ tlie practice? They had learned to he- i liove that, no matter how shocked the | American government might be, its resolution would expend itself in [ words. They had learned to believe that it was safe to kill Americans, and j the world believed with them. Shaking Fist and Finger. No man should draw a pistol who dares not shoot. The government that shakes its list first and its finger after ward falls into contempt. Our diplo macy has lost its authority and influ ence because we have been brave in words and irresolute in action. Men may say that the words of our diplo matic notes were justified; men may say that our inaction was justified, but no man can say that both were wise and creditable. I have said that this government lost the moral forces of the world by not truly interpreting the spirit of the American democracy. The American democracy stands for something more than beef and cotton and grain and manufactures; stauds for something that cannot be measured by rates of exchange and does not rise or fall with the balance of trade. The American people, informed by their own experience that is confirmed by llieir observation of international life, ftave come to see that the independence of nations, the liberty of their peoples, justice and humanity cannot be main tained tipon the complaisance, the good nature, the kindly feeling of the strong toward the weak; that real independ ence, real liberty, cannot rest upon suf ferance; that peace and liberty can be preserved only by the authority and observance of rules of national con duct founded upon the principles of justice and humanity; only by the es tablishment of law among nations, re sponsive to the enlightened public opin ion of mankind. To them liberty means not liberty for themselves alone, but for all who are oppressed. Justice means not justice for themselves alone, but a shield for all who are weak against the aggression of the strong. io tins people the invasion or liet giuui brought a shock of amazement and lion01. If the public opinion of tile world was to remain silent upon that, neutral upon that, then all talk about peace and justice and international law and the rights of man, the progress of humanity and the spread of liberty is idle patter, mere weak sentimentality; then opinion is powerless and brute force rules and will rule the world. If no difference is recognized between right and wrong then there are no moral standards. There come times in the lives of nations as of men when to treat wrong as if it were right is trea son to the right. The Wrong Done to Belgium. The American people were entitled not merely to feel, but to speak con cerning tbe wrong done to Belgium. It was not like interference in the in ternal affairs of Mexico or any other nation, for this was an international wrong. Tlie law protecting Belgium which was violated was our law and the law of every other civilized coun try. That law was the protection of our peace and security. It was our safeguard against the necessity of maintaining great armaments and wasting our substance in continual readiness for war. Moreover, that law was written into a solemn and formal convention, signed and ratified by Ger many and Belgium and France and the United States in which those other countries agreed with us that the law should be observed. There was no question here of inter fering in the quarrels of Europe. We had a right to he neutral, and we were neutral as to the quarrel between Ger many and France, but when as an in cident to the prosecution of that quarrel Germany broke the law which we were entitled to have preserved and which she had agreed with us to preserve we were entitled to be heard i in the assertion of our own national right. Neutral Between Right and Wrong! Yet the American government ac quiesced in the treatment of Belgium and the destruction of the law of na tions. Without one word of objection or dissent to the repudiation of law or the breach of our treaty or the vio lation of justice and humanity in the treatment of Belgium .ourjsovernment enjoimTa'upon TB6 People oT the~"CiTItell States an undiscriminating and all em bracing neutrality, and the president admonished the people that they must be neutral In all respects In act and word and thought end sentiment. We were to be not merely neutral as to the quarrels of Europe, but neutral as to the treatment of Belgium, neutral be tween right and wrong, neutral be tween justice and injustice, neutral be tween humanity and cruelty, neutral betweeu liberty and oppression. Our government did more than acquiesce, for in the first Lusitaifia note, with the unspeakable horrors of the conquest of Belgium still fresh in our minds, on the very day after the report of the Bryce commission on Belgian atroci ties, it wrote these words to the gov ernment of Germany: Recalling the humane and enlightened attitude hitherto assumed by the imperial German government in matters of inter national right and particularly with re gard to the freedom of the seas, having learned to recognize the German views and the German influence in the field of international obligation as always engaged upon the side of justice and humanity, etc. And so the government of the United States appeared as approving the treat ment of Belgium. It misrepresented tlie people of the United States In that acquiescence and apparent approval. It was not necessary that the United States should go to war in defense of the violated law. A single official expression by the government of the , United States, a single sentence deny- ) ing assent and recording disapproval of what Germany did in Belgium, would have given to the ]ieople of : America that leadership to which they ; were entitled in their earnest groping for tlie light. It would have ranged i behind American leadership the con- ! science and morality of the neutral 1 world. It was not to he. The American government failed to rise to the de mands of the great occasion. Gone were the old love of justice, the old passion for liberty, the old sympathy with the oppressed, the old ideals of an America helping the world toward a better future, and there remained in | the eyes of mankind only solicitude for 1 trade and profit and prosperity. Shrank From the Truth. The American government could not really have approved the treatment of Belgium, but under a mistaken policy it shrank from speaking the truth. Such policies as I have described are doubly dangerous in their effect upon foreign nations and in their effect at home. It is a matter of universal ex perience that a weak and apprehensive treatment of foreign affairs invites en croachments upon rights and leads to situations in which it is difficult to prevent war, while a firm and frank policy at the outset prevents difficult situations from arising and tends most strongly to preserve peace. On the other hand, if a government is to he strong in its diplomacy its own peo ple must lie ranged in its support by leadership of opinion in a national cause worthy to awaken their patri otism and devotion. We have not been following the path of peace. We have been blindly stum bling along the road that continued will lead to inevitable war. When our government failed to tell the truth about Belgium it lost the opportunity for leadership of the moral sense of the American people and it lest the power which a knowledge of that leadership and a sympathetic re sponse from the moral sense of the world would have given to our diploma cy. When our government failed to make any provision whatever for de fending its rights in ease they should be trampled upon it lost the power which a belief in its readiness and will to maintain its rights would have giv en to its diplomatic representations. When our government gave notice to Germany that it would destroy Amer ican lives and American ships at its peril our words, which would have been potent if sustained by adequate preparation to make them good and by the prestige and authority of the moral leadership of a great people in a great cause, were treated with a contempt which should have been foreseen, and when our government failed to make those words good its diplomacy was bankrupt. upon tne record or performance which I have tried to describe will the American people say that the Demo cratic party is entitled to he continued in power^ The defects of the present adminis tration arise from two distinct causes. The lirst is the temperament and train ing of the president. The second is the incapacity of the Democratic party as it is represented in Washington both in the legislative and in the executive departments either to originate wise policies or to follow them when pro posed by others or to administer them effectively if they are established. The Democrats in congress are never con trolled except with a club, and gov ernment with a club is always spas modic and defective. We must not deceive ourselves by assuming that the critical period aris ing from the great war has passed. The real dangers and the real tests of the strength of our institutions lie be fore us. The most exacting demands upon the wisdom, the spirit and the i or-rage of our country are still to be made. In this great conflict all forms of government are on trial, democracy with the rest. The principles of na tional morality are on trial. We must 1 lay our part in the universal trial whether we will or no, for upon the re sult depends directly the question whether our republic can endure. What Are People to Expect? But what are the people to expect if the Republican party is restored ta power? This much we can say now: They may expect, with confidence, that their government will meet the economic situation with which we must deal immediately upon the close of the war, witli a policy of moderate hut adequate protection to American industry. They may expect that the govern ment will be administered with the honesty and efficiency which have marked Republican administrations In j the past. They may expect that the best possi ble course for the preservation of peace will be followed by a foreign pol icy which, with courtesy and friendli ness to all nations, is frank and fear less and honest In its assertion of American rights AT THE OPERA HOUSE' Revival Meetings Every Evening W. A. Erwin, Evangelist. FRIDAY: “Self Destruction, or Moral Spiritual Suicide.” SATURDAY: “Tin* Moral Man.” SUNDAY: 11 A. M.—“The Resurrection of Jesus.” 7:30 P. M.—“The Divinity of Jesus ” TUESDAY: “The Second Coning of Jesus, and the Relation of that Event to the Present Crisis in the World’s History, Especially the Great European Wars.’’ WEDNESDAY: “The Relation of the Lodges to the Church and the Betterment of the World.” ^ _ They "mfl wMTpeet that their govern ment will stand for full and adequate preparation by the American people for their own defense. The Republican party loves peace and hates war; it abhors and will never submit to mili tary domination; but it is composed of men who love our country and who deem that the independence, the liber ty, the honor and the opportunity of the American democracy are not mere ly to be talked about with weak and flabby sentiment, but are to lie main tained and safeguarded by the prac tical power of a virile and patriotic . people. It is clearsighted enough to see that preparation for defense must have due relation to the possibilities of attack; that under the conditions of modern warfare much preparation must be made before a possible attack or all preparation will be impossible after the attack. Tlie Republican par ty stands for a citizenship made com petent by training lo perform the free man’s duty of defense for his country. It stands for a regular army no larger than is necessary, but as large ns is necessary to serve as a first line, a nucleus, a source of instruction and of administration for the army of Ameri can citizens who may lie called upon to defend their country. And the Re publican party stands for the gospel of patriotic service to our country by every citizen, according to bis ability in peace and in war. It stands for a reawakening cf American patriotism. It is not content that while the people of other lands are rendering the last full measure of devotion in sacrifice and suffering and dying for their coun tries America shall remain alone dull to the call of country and satisfied in the comforts and pleasures of pros perity. Our Power For Peace. They may expect that assured readi ness for defense will give power to our diplomacy in the maintenance of peace. They may expect that the power and , will of a united people to defend their I country will prevent the application to j our peaceful and prosperous land of j the hateful doctrine that among na- I tions might makes right regardless of ' tlie rules of justice and humanity. They may expect that the manifest, j potential strength and competency of ] the nation will maintain the effective- j ness and reality of that great policy of national safety which in the declara tion of President Monroe forbade tlie destruction of our security by the es tablishment of hostile military powers in our neighborhood. They may expect that their govern ment will not forget, but will ever maintain, the principles of American freedom, the duties of America to the peace and progress of the world and those ideals of liberty and justice for all mankind which above all else make the true greatness of the American democracy. WASHINGTON TOWNSHIP Mr. and Mrs. Cl. W. Anderson visited at R. P. McClarey’s place Sunday. Mr. and Mrs. diaries Jewell visited at C. C. Darrow's place Friday even ing. Mr. and Mrs. Edgar Fowler visited at Milton Kee’s place one day last week. Mrs. W. H. Jewell and daughter. Pearl, visited at William Minne’s one day last week. Mr. and Mrs. W. H. Jewell and Miss Amanda Carlson, visited at Hans Pederson’s place Sunday. Mr. and Mrs. J. H. Welty and Mr. and Mrs. J. W. Darrow visited at C. C. Darrow’s place Sunday. Mr. and Mrs. Robert Leininger and Mr. and Mrs. Charles Jewell visited at Pearl Slawson’s in Lee Park on Sunday. James Martin of Polk county, and Oscar Thelander, of Lee Park, took dinner at G. W. Anderson’s place on Saturday. Alfred Malm and Misses Edith, Bettie, and Marie Malm .and Miss Katie Fagan, visited frineds in Valley county Sunday. James Turvey returned last Sat urday evening from Corning, Iowa, where he had been called on account of the death of his mother. The "scribe” of these items hates very much to confess that he ever makes mistakes, but a great mistake was made last week, as an article appered stating tahat a number of the neighboring women had helped Mrs. John Anderson clean house, but it should have been "Mr.” as John is still a bachelor and has not yet an nounced any intentions of entering into any matrimonial contracts, but this is leap year, so it is hard to tell what may happen before Christmas. Straight. War has so greatly increased the cost of quinine and whiskey, the popu lar remedy for a cold, that many of the sufferers have been obliged to do without the quinine. “Elasticity can often be restored to rubber by soaking it in a mixture of one part of household amonia to two of water,” chirps an exchange. This, however, does not include the mas culine neck when a pretty ankle is in sight. The m. n. is perpetually elas tic. The National Housewives’ League has hopped into the preparedness arena by inaugurating a campaign for elevating the food question and build ing up the health of the men in order that they may become physically fit for service. We’re a patriot! Pass the honey!