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About The Loup City northwestern. (Loup City, Neb.) 189?-1917 | View Entire Issue (Feb. 13, 1908)
JAPAN TIGHTENS HER GRIP ON THE COAST OF ASIA Continued Military Activity of the Japanese Shows an Especially Significant Feature Just Now in the Strong Naval Base Which Has Been Established at Makung, Six Hundred Miles from Manila. THOSE observers who have ' made a study of Japan’s policy, long ago became im pressed with her apparent determination to be the dominant nation of the east, to control Asia and to enthrone j Nippon as mistress of the entire Ori- ] ent. That the Pacific will be the theater of the great commercial wars of the future, if it is not the scene of conflict of some other nature, has also been freely predicted. Thanks to the territory which she wrung from the conquered in her two recent wars, Japan has now an almost unbroken cordon strung along the great eastern seaboard of China. A glance at the appended map will show her chain of island possessions reach ing southward as far as Formosa and the Pescadores, a chain of isles which are reckoned as of vast importance in certainly cannot afford to go to war now, and her government knows this. Hut it sees with equal clearness the necessity of looking forward and the necessity of making provision for the things that may happen; or, to put it differently, the wisdom of taking measures to prevent what it is desired should not happen. Makung harbor is in the Pescadores, islands which lie in the 100-mile-wide waterway that separates Formosa from the Chinese mainland. It is nearly 1.000 miles from the nearest naval base in the Japanese islands proper, and is only about 600 miles from Manila. Hitherto the island of Formosa had been something of a bur den upon Japan. Hut her possession of that island, together with her pos session of Pescadores, has made pos sible to Japan a strategic advance which may fairly be compared for im Residence of Governor General, Formosa. Japan’s struggle for dominion, be that struggle for commercial supremacy or for military success. What Japan has been doing with these outlying possessions becomes therefore a subject which at the pres ent moment must have a peculiar in terest. Realizing this the New York Times has made an exhaustive inquiry into the matter and herewith presents the results of its investigations. BESIDES heavily fortifying the island of Formosa, a part of the territory which she had wrested from China after her triumph over that nation, Japan has now estab lished a strong naval base at Makung, a harbor in the Pescadores. Makung lies about 600 miles distant from Ma nila, and Japan's purpose in establish ing a naval base at that place is the most interesting feature of the work in which she has recently been engaged. Against what nation will she make use of Makung as a base? What Could Be Done with Makung as a Base Against the Philippines. The first suggestion—and one that seems to be particularly natural in view of our present relations with Japan—is that Makung would serve as a base of operations against the Philippines The nearest American naval base to the Philippines is Ha waii, 4,800 miles away. With Ma kung only 600 miles from Manila, the Japanese fleet would have obviously a great advantage over an American fleet, supposing that the operations would take place in the neighborhood of Manila. And certainly, unless the United States proceeds much more rapidly in the future than it has in the past with the building of a complete naval station in the Philippines, the Japanese will have superior repair facilities at Makung. In the case also of an attempt by Japan to occupy the Philippines with troops, Makung harbor would make an admirable hiding place and protection for transports, which would be out of reach of an American fleet in case the Japanese warships were defeated in battle, and which could be readily brought to Manila and other Philippine ports in the event of a Japanese naval victory. This is a possibility that naval offi cers in Washington have been quick to see and appreciate. There is no actual belief that Japan intends war—at pres ent. Yet the existence of a powerful naval base at Makung, occupied by a nation of great naval efficiency, and a nation which would also profit greatly bv possession of the Philippines, 13 naturally considered a matter of im portance to this country. Japan is heavily in debt, and she portance to Japan with the advance made by Russia vt hen she reached Port Arthur. Its Marked Strategic Advan tages as a Well-Protected Harbor. From the point of view of protection by land fortifications. Makung bay is exceptionally well situated. It has also an outpost at Amping, on the south west coast of Formosa, with which it is connected by cable. The practical value of this cable connection will bo evident if it is assumed that a Japan ese fleet is lying at Makung harbor in wait for an enemy. In fact, the situa tion as it existed in the spring of 1905, when the Russian fleet under Rojest venskv was making its way toward Japan, is an excellent example by which to test the question. When the Russian fleet was ap proaching the Strait of Malacca, Japa nese scouts went far south through the China sea to keep watch of the enemy's movements, but the main fleet was of necessity kept in strictly home waters, both because of the ex istence of several avenues by which the Russians might approach Vladi vostok and of the extreme undesira bility of attempting to fight a battle many hundreds of miles from a naval base where necessary repairs could be made or where the fleet could go into retreat in case of defeat. It is quite likely that Admiral Togo would not have chosen to fight the Russian fleet in the north of the China sea, even had Makung been a fully developed base at that time. But if Makung had been so developed in 1905, it would have been entirely practicable for Togo to have met the enemy far from Japanese waters. Watching Straits of Formosa an Easy Matter from Makung. Any European fleet, moving against Japan would almost of necessity take the course followed by the Russians front the time they left the Indian ocean; and from Makung as a base, Japan would be in a position to keep close watch over Formosa straits, Pes cadores channel, and the passages to the east between Formosa and the Philippines. In the case of a German fleet there would be an obvious ad vantage in giving battle in this region, because the German fleet would then be still far distant from its only home port in the east—Kiao Chow. German warships which might have to take flight, as some of the Russian cruisers did after the battle of the Sea of Japan, would have to take refuge in neutral ports, where they would be in terned dining the rest of the war. From another point of view Makung as a naval base would give Japan a position of peculiar value in relation to the great commercial routes. Of the lines from North America to east ern Chinese ports along the Hong Kong lie either between the Japanese islands at the north, or through the Ballingtan channel, between Formosa and Luzon. The trade routes from Eu rope to all Chinese ports along the Hong-Kong lie in the space between Formosa and China. A fleet at Ma kung would, therefore, have at its mercy practically all the trade with China north of liong-Kong. Com merce destruction is charitably sup posed to bo a thing of the past. Yot if commerce destruction ever showed that it would turn the scale in a great naval warfare it is not to be doubted that belligerents would adopt it. But even short of commerce destruction, the Japanese position at. Makung would give Japanese warships a pe culiarly good chance to embarrass commerce by search for contraband. Formosa Treated Differently in Japan’s Plans for Supremacy. While it appears that Japan lias directed her chief energit toward the establishment of a strong naval base at Makung, her efforts in Formosa have been on an equal, though some what different, scale. This was her^ first effort at colonization, and shows what the little brown men are capable of. When China, after the stress of her war with Japan, ceded Formosa to her conquerors the island was one of the wildest of all in that region, savage head-hunters occupying most of its territory, and the few seacoast towns the embodiment of the worst features of Chinese occupancy— squalid, filthy, out of touch with civili zation, unprogressive. A recent vis itor to the island, who had been made familiar with it prior to Japanese oc cupancy, testifies that there was little or no machinery to carry out the work of civil government. The treasury was ‘depleted, the records were in a state of hopeless confusion, there had been no attempt at sanitation, and the filth and squalor of the towns were appal ling. The natives had grown accus tomed to this state of affairs and were ill-suited for the system and order which their new rulers seemed deter mined to bring about. Effects of Japanese Rule as Seen in Better Regulations. Baron Shimpel Goto, a physician by profession and formerly president or the bureau of hygiene in Tokyo, is now the civil governor of Formosa. He re cently made an extended report of his administration of the island's affairs. In this he said that when Formosa was placed under the sovereignty of Japan a feeling of anxiety w.as enter tained as to the effects of the new regime. The recurring outbreaks of I — statement that in the first year of tlie Japanese administration China con tinued to enjoy the lion's share of the Formosan trade. Ten years later Japan's trade with Formosa exceeded tiie total trade of Formosa with all foreign countries. The foreign ex ports in 1904 were 12,391,124 yen, the imports for the same year being 12, 838,443 yen. With Formosa and the Pescadores already in her possession, Japan now only needs the Philippines to complete the chain of islands guarding the entire eastern seaboard of Japan. In the en tirely unlikely event of the? United Slates giving up the Philippines and trusting them to the tender mercies of native government it is certain that Philippine Independence would he of exceedingly brief duration. Few seri ously believe that the Filipinos are capable of managing their own affairs without failing Into a state of anarchy that would early In the game demand the forcible Intervention of foreign powers for the protection of their citi zens in tin* islands. Awaiting a Filipino Republic Before Completing Program. Ah the history of the Samoan islands illustrates very vividly, protection of Interests Is exceedingly prompt when there Is anything to be gained by it; and in the event of the coming of a wholly Independent Filipino republic, It is safe to assume tiiat Japanese in terest in the islands would suddenly reach a degree of Importance of which there is no present sign. Germany, and in a leaser degree France, have shown an active disposition to accept such Southern Pacific trifles in the way of Islands as were open to occupation, and American abandonment of the Philip pines would seem to promise the prob ability of a struggle between Germany and Japan for the possession of the Philippines. One obvious motive for Japan's wanting the Philippines is the outlet they would give for her emigration, and the resources they would give her. Manchuria and Korea, it is true, are now- absorbing a great portion of Japanese energy, but no one is so rich or so busy that he would refuse to pick up money that he finds in the street. And the Japanese development of Makung may well be taken as proof that Japan is not unwilling to assume such further enrichment as the prog gress of events may thrust upon her. Controlling Chinese Com merce a Possibility for Japan, The relation of Japan and China as regards strategic questions is curious ly like that of western Europe to the British islands. The position of the British islands makes the British fleet Map Showing Japanese Islands Which Have Been Intrenched and How These Outlying Possessions Dominate the Trade Routes to China and the East. W\AA/\^/WNAAA^sA/NA/SrfWV\/'/V^C^VWW\A/NAA/VNA/VWV insurgents was one of the greatest difficulties encountered. Attempts to suppress them by superior force were resorted to, and then conciliatory measures were adopted. Prior to the Japanese occupancy there were no public schools in For mosa. Now primary schools for Japa nese children have been established in all of the important towns. There are also auxiliary schools, these being for the benefit of the native young. One year after the cession of the island a "central language School" was established for the double purpose of teaching Japanese to the natives and the native dialects to the Japanese. For the savages a large number of schools have been opened in the out lying districts, in order that ail the schools be equipped in accordance with modern ideas, educators were re cently sent to Europe and to this country to make a study of educa tional matters. The island has an area approx imately as large as that of Eong Is land. The population is estimated at about 3,000,000. Seiji Hishida of Col umbia university is authority for the able to threaten the commerce of a large part of western Europe, just as it now practically holds the club over the whole foreign trade of Germany and Russia and the I<ow countries. In a precisely similar way the Japanese, with naval stations stretching from Korea to Makung, have it in their power, in ease of need, practically to stop the foreign trade of China; and in the event of war, this would prove a weapon of the very highest impor tance. In the event of such a strug gle, it is highly improbable that Japan would consent to let pass unharmed merchant ships bound for Chinese ports. The question would not be one of contraband of war. It would be the wider question of Japan’s allowing the passage of cargoes to her enemy’s ports, there to pay customs duties into her enemy's treasury, and thus to in crease her enemy’s capacity for waging war. Unless she resorted to commerce destruction, Japan would not make a positive gain in wealth by this stoppage of commerce to Chinese ports. But she would make a pre cisely equivalent gain by crippling her enemy's resources.—X. Y. Times. OLDEST EX-CONGRESSMAN | Gen. Ephraim R. Eckley of Carrollton, Ohio. H is the oldest living ex-member of congress. He is A now 96 and remains in vigorous health, mentally alert and interested in all that is doing in state || and national politics. He never misses a local A or state convention of the Republican party, and A for many years has been a notable figure at na il tinnjil ronventions either as a delegate or as a ; lived under the administrations of every -m president save Washington, Adams and Jefferson. | He cast his first vote when Jackson was a candi | date for president and has never missed voting £ even at a primary contest in his home village. He j| remembers the report of Napoleon's downfall at (j Waterloo, and wondered at the time what it was all about. Later on. when Napoleon's death at. St. Helena was reported, the future congressman understood. Gen. Eckley did not seek office until 1843, when he was elected to the state senate as a whig. Six years later he was again chosen to the senate, and later to the lower branch of the legislature. Then he was on the ticket with Sam F. Vinton as a candidate for lieutenant governor but was defeated. Tn 1853 the whigs of Ohio picked Eckley as the candidate for United States senator, but failed of election Upon the downfall of the old whig party he became active in the organization of the Republican party and was a delegate to the first convention at Philadelphia in 1856, when Fremont was made the nominee. During the Lincoln campaign Gen. Eckley was very active, and when war was declared he immediately offered his services, although 50 years old. He began as lieutenant-colonel and became a brigadier before the year was ended. In 1862, while he was fighting in the western part of Kentucky, he was nom inated and elected to congress, but he did not resign his command until the congress was called to meet July 4, 1863. Then he stood up with Blaine. Gar field and Allison to be sworn in. They were beginning their congressional life, and Garfield had also been elected during his service in the army. Gen. Eckley served three terms. I l William Flinn, who has entered the lists against United Slates Senator Boies Penrose as the Re publican leader in Pennsylvania, claims to be ac tuated only by altruistic motives. He does not. want to succeed Penrose as senator, he says, but he objects to Penrose on the ground that his leadership has served only to perpetuate the tyr anny established by "Mat" Quay, and that the public interests demand a new leader. Penrose is the son of wealthy parents, and his way in life has been made smooth for him, while Flinn is the son of poor Irish immigrants, and bad to fight his own battles. He is said to be worth $15,000,000 now, but be that as it may, he began life with nothing, lie inherited nothing, and has never been charged with cheating any body. The one man was sent to college and re ceived a classical education, the other got his education in the public schools, and supplemented his slender slock of learning by his own efforts in later days. Flinn was elected to the state legislature in 1S78, serving three terms in the house and three in the senate. For IS years he was delegate to every Republican state convention, and to five successive national Republican con ventions. He was also chairman of the Republican city committee of Pitts burg for 18 years. It has been said of Flinn that he is an intermittent reformer, but even that is something more than is claimed for his opponent. It was Flinn who led the revolt against Quay during the session of 1899. Flinn is a man who was born to fight. He has the reputation of never saving yes when he means no. i . WOULD PAY EX-PRESIDENTS Senator James 15. McCreary of Kentucky, who proposes to pay ail our ex-presidents (we have only one) a salary of $10,000 a year and have them serve on all international exposition commissions, is one of the best examples of te nacity in American public life. He had been for over 30.years a leader in Democratic politics in Kentucky. £ Senator McCreary is an imperialist in a sense; he is no parochial politician with an outlook bounded by the limits of his native town. In the 12 years he sat in the lower house of congress he had more to do with international questions than probably any other man. He devised the scheme of uniting North. South and Central America with a railway; and if there is ever a road built to connect Hudson's bay with the Straits of Magellan it will be a monument to his memory. He was the author of the resolution declaring against European control of any canal in American territory connecting the Atlantic and the Pacific. He fathered the bill author izing the president to retaliate upon foreign vessels for injuries to American fishing vessels. He was the author of two bills to settle international dis agreements concerning the fur-bearing seals of the Behring sea. He was the organizer of the Pan-American medical congress, which met in Washington in 1896. He brought about the passage of some important amendments to the Geary Chinese exclusion law and some legislation concerning Hawaii. Finally he may be regarded as the father of the new navy, for it was due to a ruling of his that the construction of that navy was made possible. Senator McCreary was born in Madison county, Ky., in 18:18. When the civil war broke out he enlisted in the Kentucky cavalry as a private. He was lieutenant-colonel when the end came. He participated in the welcome Ken tucky gave her returning troops. His dreams of political life, which had been laid agide While the war lasted, returned to him and he proceeded to make them realities. FAVORS NEW CANAL Frederick C. Stevens, superintendent of public works of New York state, seems to have a mania for canal building. In his official capacity he has charge of the building of the new Erie canal, which is to cost $101,000,000; he is the financial backer of William J. Oliver, contractor for the Panama canal, and now he is urging the United States government to join with the state of New York in building a new canal from Lake Ontario to the Hudson river, to place New York city in -i direct communication with the great lakes, ena- V bling that city to retain its supremacy as a ship ping port, a supremacy that will be threatened by Montreal if the Canadian government’s Georgian Bay-Ottawa river canal goes through I If the United States acts on his advice, it is quite likely that Mr. btevens will have direction of the construction of the newest canal, and thus be intimately connected with three of the greatest engineering enterprises of the kind in ihe world. Mr. Stevens never sought the position lie holds in New York state- it wa ■ thrust upon him by Gov. Hughes. Being a multi-millionaire, he took -i mend* academic interest in politics, and served a few terms in the state senate 'ip was instrumental in getting a reduction of the price of gas for thV neonl f New York and compelling insmancc informs, and would have compolle f • investigation of state banking but lor the combined Jnllm nces of the * an power. It was resolved that so dangerous a man had to he crushed an i'> gressman Janies \Y. Wadsworth, son-in-law of the late Secretary Hav . ^ defender in congress of the Chicago packers, got Mr. Slovens’ rllstrict ' ant* mandered in such a way as to mftit 1dm. Stevens la u mild-mannered SmJn' but when the treachery was disclosed to him he vowed to have Wn.Wv Ji • scalp, and ho got it. ’ a *