AS THE FARMER SEES
REASONS WHY HE BELIEVES IN
AND TRUSTS REPUBLICANS.
They Have Never Deceived Nor Be*
trayed Hi* Interest* and Have Ag
Kreasiveiy Favored Legislation for
Hi* Benefit, *
Each national campaign emphasizes
the fact that the “farmer” vote must tie
reckoned with and catered to, and all
parties put forth their best arguments
v lien addressing the farmer. Away from
the madding crowd, untrammeled by the
preju lices and false cries of the politi
cian, the farmer calmly reads and thinks,
and thinks and lvads, and decides the
question with a discerning judgment that
leads to a decision which is honest and
right.
Iu 1S0G it was generally feared that
the farmer would be deceived by ti e
great promises made of the beneficent re
sults to be attained by voting for free
silver, but this was not so; the farmer
might lie deceived when away from home,
but at his own fireside, with plenty of
time to weigh the question, he decided
for the gold standard. AND TI1E DEM
OCRATIC PARTY AND ITS CANDI
DATES ON THE NATIONAL TICK
ET NOW SAY THAT THE FARMER
DECIDED RIGHT. In 1900 the cry
was imperialism, and with his love of
freedom it was said that the farmer
might be stampeded, but again lie allow
ed common sense and cairn consideration
to decide the question, and, seeing no
danger of militarism or overthrow of the
established government by the new order
of things, forced upon us by the war
with Spain, the farmer again cast his
ballot for the Republican ticket, and
time has proved that his judgment was
good and his decision right.
Chatf Will Not Answer.
Ir> the present campaign no new or
striking issue is presented. The Demo
crats arraign the Republican party, vilify
the President and hold forth glittering
generalities, hut definiteness is lacking,
and what would be gained by the elec
tion of a Democratic President is not ap
parent. A general “calamity howl” is
no argument, and to secure the farmer
vote it is necessary to present more than
chaff.
One term of a Democratic President,
two years only <>f absolute Democratic
Administration, was sulHcient to prac
tically paralyze business throughout the
nation, deprive the worker of tile chance j
to earn an honest living, depress values
and prices and make us the laughing
stock and subject of ridicule of the na
tions of the world.
McKinley was elected, .a Republican
Congress enacted a consistent protective
tariff, industry was revived, factories
started, unemployed given work at the
highest wages ever known, consumption
(stimulated, values restored, Spain defeat
ed, Cuba freed, order established fu the
Philippine Islands and the people given
civil liberty in its fullest sense and the
opportunity of becoming a creditable part
of the greatest nation on earth. The sta
bility of the currency has been assured
by (he action of (lie Republican admin
istration: the public debt reduced and
interest charges lowered; laws passed
that will bring the arid lands under cul
tivation, and that, too, without tax or
cost to any person except the one di
rectly benefited by the purchase of the
land from the government.
The securing of the route for an isth
mian canal, the construction of which is
now assured, is a crowning triumph for
a Republican President and the party,
nnd no one class will receive a greater
benefit from the connection of the At
lantic and Pacific by this great waterway
than will the farmer.
The opposition to the Cuban reci
procity bill, on account of the reduction
of the tariff on raw sugar, came largely
from a misconception of what the result
would be. Instead of retarding produc
tion and lowering the price of sugar
beets, the opposite has been the result,
and the production has been stimulated
end profits increased.
B;n?fi!s of Protection.
The policy of protection which guards
and develops the industries of our coun
try, cardinal with the Republican party,
Is necessary to the prosperity of the
farmer. A tariff'on agricultural products
may not increase the price if the de
mand does not equal the supply, but a
tariff which protects American labor and
home industries insures work ut high
wages, plenty of money and increased
consumption, insuring high prices for
farm products.
The farmer is indebted to the Repub
lican party for the rural free delivery
system. First suggested by the editor
of a leading farm paper, himself a Re
publican. the idea was reported upon and
recommended by a Republican Postmas
ter General, adopted and enlarged upon
by the Republican party, appropriation
ma le by a Republican Congress for an
investigation and trial of the proiwsed
system. A Democratic Postmaster Gen
eral, supported by a Democratic Presi
dent, refused to expend the appropria
tions and reported not only adversely to
the system, but that the scheme was
impracticable. Not until the Republi
cans were again in full pow-er was the
system given a fair trial, and its entire
practicability, as well as the great benefit
to be derived by the rural population,
fully demonstrated. From a $10,000 ap
propriation for the trial of tbe system
it has grown to an appropriation of over
$20,000,000 under the friendly encour
agement and aggressive business policy
of Republican administrations. No other
one thing conld have been of such great
benefit to the farmer; it has placed him
in daily communication with the world,
aud from the seclusion of farm life he
emerges and becomes a part and parcel
of this great nation and is not only able
to read of the doings throughout the
world, but the facilities afforded for
frequent aud prompt communication en
able him to take part in its affairs. The
farmer is now recognized as a big, broad
minded business man, and the discovery
is due to the rural free delivery system,
established and fostered by the Repub
lican party.
The Republican party has always been
aggressively in favor of legislation for
the benefit of farmers, and the record
will be considered and remembered when
the farmer casts his vote.
The platforms of the Republican and
Democratic parties are so similar on
important subjects that the conclusion is
•inevitable that the latter followed the
former for vote-catching purposes, and
that the Democratic party is insincere
and asking support under false repre
sentations, and the farmer never favors
or supports insincerity or fraud.
•■MUD-SLINGING."
Democratic Ncwjpa cra Are Horri
fied When Facts Are Stated.
[New York Tribune.]
To charge that the President of the
United States is so reckless and un
scrupulous that he means, if elected, to
grasp Mexico, the West Indies, Central
America and South America, and con
solidate all in one huge American em
pire—that is moderate and proper polit
ical discussion. “The candidate is the
issue.”
To recite, with scrupulous moderation,
the historic facts concerning the entry
into public life of the opposing candi
date—facts that no man disputes or
dare dispute—that is “mud-throwing!”
To mention that his first political
friends and creators were the ballot-box
staffers of Stony Hollow and Jockey
Hill; that his debut as a political man
ager was, while a surrogate judge, as
the State chairman for ami' personal
representative of David P». Hill, who in
gratitude made him a Supreme Court
Justice; and that, when he needed a
close friend to’intrust with his bid to
Bryanites for the Chief Judgeship of
the Court of Appeals on the ground that
lie had voted for Bryan, he chose as
such confidential representative the elec
tion thief Danforth—to mention these
undisputed and indisputable facts, it
seems according to the horrified Demo
cratic organs, is “mud-slinging.”
Well, shivering souls, if those facts
imply “mud,” then that is the “sort of
“mud” your candidate lives in. You in
voke in vain a cast-off judicial robe to
hide it. “The candidate is the issue.”
ROOSEVELT GOOD ENOUGH.
The People Like the President's Dem*
ocratic Ways.
[John S. Wise, of Virginia.]
The people have seen more of Roose
velt—r.o\v as youth and cowboy and
sportsman and naval secretary and po
lice commissioner and soldier and gov
ernor and President to think themselves
fair j ; iges of his ingrain democratic and
republican personality. They believe he
would spring at and grapple with a
usurper or a monarchist as fiercely as
he would lasso a wild broncho or tight
a Spaniard. And they like his demo
cratic ways, more dem icratie far in ac
tion than the aristocratic and exclusive
ness of Parker, with his colorless demo
cratic platitudes.
Talk does not settle popular estimates
of public men. Thousands—nay, hun
dreds of thousands—of Democrats see
more real democracy in the rigorous, ag
. cress;ve. wideawake Theodore Roosevelt
than in the colorless, secretive Alton B.
Parker. The platforms are mighty near
together. The men are going to be a
more decisive feature of this campaign
than usual. And with my knowledge
of the American people and the things
which please their taste and fancy and
(ill their ideals of what real American
manhood is I would, if I were a betting
man. stake all I had that Rooseve’t will
be an easy winner.
Cheap Barricades.
It is droll, the attitude of the Demo
cratic party in the present campaign.
It has nominated candidates of mod
erate talents i\« figure-heads for the ven
tures of the discredited party, and ex
pects the people to support them, while
the Democratic National Committee and
Tammany are expected to buy or steal
success.
The Democratic party, with its un
sound views, fiinancial and economic, lies
hopefully behind Parker and those un
named expectancies voiced by Williams.
Bryan and other Democrats.
And Bryan promises to reorganize the
party after the election! How? Evi
dently on lines of socialism, government
and municipal ownership of telegraph
and railroad lines, with all the sequence.
What a vagueness of thought and prom
ise! How may so-called leaders of uny
party expect to get the votes of sens-i
hle uicn upon a proposition so dim as
this! The fault with the Dem >cratie
party, this year, is that it d.>es not even
furnish a good dissolving view.
Take Your Choice.
David II. Hill, the sponsor of the
Democratic candidate for the Presidency,
said at St. Louis that he “did not know
how Parker stood on the money ques
tion.” For thirty years lliil and Park
er have been intimately ass .dated, so
cially and politically. If the statement
made by Hill is to be believed, then
Parker :< too secretive a man to elect
to the Presidency: if false, then it was
evidently made for the purpose of mis
leading the people; am! if the jK'ople are
to lie deceived in one thing, why not in
all the acts of the Democratic leaders?
Would It He Wise?
It is conceded that the Democrats are
not on record on the tariff question. This
being the ease, would it not be unwise
to trust tariff revision to the party op
posed to the principle of protection, the
result being practically free trade, bring
ing industrial depression, hard times and
the inevitable lowering of prices ou farm
products?
Torn Watson acknowledges that Hie
condition of American workingmen is
now vastly improved, and that in their
homes they eujoy conveniences of life
which a king could not command some
hundred years-ago. If the Democracy
had its way we would reverse the wheels
of progress so that the workingmen
might enjoy the privations of life that
were the common lot in the grand old
days of Jeffersonian scarcity of bath
tubs.
The helpfulness of the Germans to
ward each other has been one ef the
splendid lessons they have taught.
Fidelity is always an admirable trait.
The fidelity of Germaas toward each
other has been to me always one of
their striking an 1 admirable charac*
teristics,—Senator Fairbanks at Indianapolis,
September 3, 1839.
Under the Republican policy of pro
tection our home market affords our
manufacturers and producers the best
market iu the world, even if we did not
sell any of our products aliroad. Rut
protection has also made us the greatest
exporting nation in the world.
China and India are “cheap” countries.
Human ialior is held very low iu these
lands and the result is that the masses
are constantly steeped iu poverty and
menaced by starvation. In spite of the
so-called cheapness the people do not get
things.
THE PHILIPPINE ISSUE.
Marked Modification of Jndjre Parker’*
Position.
Nothing in the conduct of the Demo
cratic party is more conducive to the
public weal than the ease with which
it abandons untenable issues after pledg
ing eternal fealty to them.
For eight years it was indissolubly
wedded to the free and unlimited coin
age of silver at an arbitrary ratio—only,
at the telegraphic behest of its candidate,
to accept the gold standard as "firmly
and irrevocably established” by the Re
publican party.
From time beyond the memory of the
oldest voter the Democracy has been ful*
minuting against “protectionism as a
robbery”—only to have David B. Hill
waive the tariff issue into the back yard
and abysm of time, “because it is a ques
tion on which very few of us (Demo
crats! agree.”
Nothing could have been “more beau
tiful to see” than the sham frenzy with
which Democrats and “anti-imperialists”
denounced the prompt action by which
the United States seized the opportunity
and became possessed of the authority to
dig and control the Isthmian canal—ex
cept the avidity with which the Demo
cratic convention swallowed all its vo
ciferous scruples and resolved that,
“when entrusted with power it will con
struct the Panama canal speedily, hon
estly and economically.” No wonder the
mocking echo, “when entrusted with
power,” reverberated through the repub
lic.
And now comes Alton B. Parker and
draws the pen of ante-election expediency
through the Philippine plank of his par
ty. “We insist,” reads that sibillant doc
ument, “that we ought to do for the Fili
pinos what we have done already for
the Cubans, and it is our duty to make
that promise NOW.”
At the first opportunity Judge Parker
was given to unburden his soul over tin?
wrong perpetrated in substituting Ameri
can justice, liberty and security for Span
ish cruelty, extortion and oppression in
the Philippines, he modified the “now”
in the above quotation with these Eso
poan words:
“The accident of war brought the Phil
ippines into oar possession and we are
not at liberty to disregard the responsi
bility which thus came to us, but that
responsibility will be best subserved by
preparing the islanders as rapidly as pos
sible for self-government and giving to
them assurances that it will come as
soon as they are reasonably prepared
for it.”
When interrogated by John G. Mil
htiru of Buffalo as to whether the Del
phic phrase, “self-government,” in the
foregoing sentence was to be construed
as “identical with independence political
and territorial,” he replied: “I am in
hearty accord with that plank in the
Democratic platform which advocates
treating the Filipinos precisely as we did
the Cubans; and I also favor making
the promise to them NOW to take such
action AS SOON AS IT CAN PRU
DENTLY BE DONE.”
Aye. there’s the rub! Give the prom
ise, and a Democratic promise at that,
now, and redeem it “as soon as it can
prudently be done.”
Was there ever a more flagrant case of
that juggling with words that gives the
word of promise to the ear, but puts its
fulfillment beyond the pale of living
hope? Why promise now what in the
expediency and wisdom of the future it
may never be prudent to fulfill?
No wonder the Democratic New York
Times scornfully declares that “the only
perceptible difference between the Demo
cratic position and the Republican posi
tion is that Judge Parker would tell the
Filipinos now what is in store for them,
and President Roosevelt would not. * * »
There is nothing either in his speech or
in his letter to Mr. Milbnrn which would
in any other than a heedless anti-impe
rialist mind lead to the conclusions that
were he in the White House he would
pursue toward our possessions in the far
East a policy different from that pursued
by President Roosevelt.”
The Times further expresses the opin
ion that “If flie American people were
asked to vote to-day upon the question
of immediately granting independence to
the Philippines, they would vote the
proposition down ten to one, perhaps
twenty to oue, certainly by an exemplary
■majority. They would vote it down be
cause they are not insane and because
they are not heartless. If they were
asked to vote upon the question whether
we should ‘make the promise now’ they
would laugh in the faces of those who
asked them to take the trouble to express
their will upon a nitve question of expe
diency.”
A promise ndw to do something which
ir. may be prudent to do fifty or two hun
dred years hence, possibly never, would
seem to almost reach the unscalable
heights of Democratic folly. Certainly
Judge Parker's promise now with its “as
soon as it can prudently be done” condi
tion. eliminates the Philippine issue from
the Democratic category of Republican
transgressions.
Imperialism of Steel.
When the great iron and steel indus
try of the United States thrives, other
American industries thrive. The Dem
ocratic party could not legislate to de
stroy the protection to the iron and steel
industry without legislating to destroy
the prosperity of the United States.
The millions of additional profit and
wrfges that have come to the iron and
steel industry under Republican rule
would have been earned, if at all, by
foreign nations, had Democratic policies
prevailed during the last eight years.
The gigantic rise of this industry dur
ing the last eight years added enormous
ly to the wealth of the United States,
and every branch of American industry
and agriculture has been stimulated by
it. “Prosperity at home and prestige
abroad” has indeed been intimately con
nected with the increasing imperialism of
steel, which once was Pauper but now
is King.
Frosperitv at Home, Prestige Abroad.
“Prosperity at Home and Prestige
Abroad”—was a campaign phrase that
appealed with great force to the Amer
ican people in lf)00. It should appeal
to them with still greater force in 1!»04.
for during the last four years of fur
ther Republican rule there have been
still further great gains ia the prosper
ity of the United States, and still fur
ther great increase in the respect enter
tained for the United States, by all the
nations of. the world.
Democratic Party Divided.
The Democratic campaign managers
are trying to hoodwink the mass of the
party Sy saying all Democrats are work
ing earnestly for the election of Parker.
The truth is, there is now more dis
affection in the Democratic party than
there Was when Bryan was nominated
the first time. Neither Bryan Demo
crats nor friends of W. It. Ilearst will
support Parker. In New York State the
Bryanites have put a State Pvpanst
ticket in the field and will vote for Wat
son, the Populist nominee for the Presi
dency. In New Jersey the ilearstites
have organized the “People’s Demo
cratic party” and will fight the regular
organization. In Indiana and other
States the free silver and Bryan Demo
crats are in arms and will worry the
Parker party.
THE WORKINGMAN’S FRIEND.
Railway Firemen Pay a Notable Trib
ute to President Roosevelt.
No President ever received a more
notable tribute from a labor organiza
tion than Theodore Roosevelt did at the
convention of the Brotherhood of Loco
motive Firemen held in Buffalo. A pub
lic meeting was held on the night of
Sept. 13. Fully 5.000 persons were in
attendance.
Grand Master Ilannahan, in conclud
ing an address, called attention to the
fact that a New York newspaper had
criticised the President because he had
accepted an honorary membership in the
Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen.
“Let me say,” said Mr. Ilannahan, “that
if the President of the United States or
any other of its citizens does nothing
worse than accept membership in this
organization he will neither merit the ill
will nor deserve the censure of any of
his fellow-men. (Cheers.)
“If the rest of the public, and particu
larly those who are intrusted with the
direction of our government and the
management of the nation’s greatest en
terprises would do as the President and
meet us upon a common level, there
would be fewer strikes and less strife
and more of peace and good-will in the
industrial world.”
“What has the President done for
you?” shouted an intoxicated man, who
stood near the stage door on the right.
“What has the President done?” re
peated Grand Master Ilannahan. “The
President has proven to the organized
workingmen of this country that he has
an interest in their welfare by accepting
an honorary membership in an organiza
tion of men whose faces are begrimed
by smoke and dust, and who daily and
hourly face the gravest dangers.”
The monster audience burst into
deafening cheers. The tumult rolled
from wall to wall and Lack again. Men
stood up on the benches, wildly waving
their hats and cheering for the Presi
dent. The demonstration was spon
taneous and was general all over the hall.
Finally it died down and some one ill
the audience shout**!:
“Hurrah for Theodore Roosevelt!”
And again tlj'e crowds burst into
cheers and when the second demonstra
tion died out the intoxicated man was
nowhere to l*e seen.
During the demonstration the men on
the stage sat silent and made no effort
either t.o check or urge on the remark
able ovation which the President had re
ceived. The Brotherhood does not per
mit politics to influence its action, but
its members, regardless of party, enter
tain a high opinion of President Roose
velt and will stand by him as firmly as
he stands by them.
MR. DAVIS’ CONTRIBUTION
Democratic Vice-Presidential Candi
date Draws the Line at $50,000.
A press telegram dated Cumberland,
Md., Sept. 7. says:
“It is stated on reliable authority from
Elkins that the campaign contribution
of Ilenry G. Davis will not be anything
like the amount the Democratic manag
ers had expected. He has fixed the
amount for all purposes at $50,000 and
his brother, Col. Thomas B. Davis of
Keyser, W. Va., gave a similar amount.
"Mrs. Elkins and Mrs. Arthur Lee.
daughters of Mr. Davis, are kaown to
have objected to their father contribut
ing large sums, and liis son, John T.
Davis, is said to have done likewise.
"Four years ago John T. Davis spent
a large sum in four counties when his
Uncle Tom was a candidate for Con
gress. hut no results were obtained. Col.
Davis being defeated by a large vote.
Since then the Davises have little faith
in politicians’ judiciously expending
money.”
There’s some sense in the Davis fam
ily, it appears. The ex-Senator himseif
has always succeeded in hanging on to
his dollars.
How much better it will be to use
some of papa’s money to buy pretty bon
nets and gowns with, than to throw them
to the mocking-birds of the Democratic
campaign committee!
And all for nothing, too!
Handicapped.
Marshall P. Wilder’s most successful
joke of the season has a political tang
to it that is calculated to make even
a Democrat with any sense of its eternal
aptness laugh. He tells of a teacher who
asks a class of boys whether they would
like to be President of the United
States. Observing that amid the gen
eral enthusiasm of assent one boy was
silent and disconsolate, she said:
"What's the matter, Willie? Don’t
you wish to be President?”
“Yes'm, but I can’t,” replied the boy.
‘‘How do yon know you can’t?” she
asked.
“Because I’m a Democrat.”
That let him out.
Republican t». Democratic Policy.
Organization does much to maintain
the wages of labor, but organization of
wage-earners does not provide consum
ers. Consumption of coal is always
greatest when mills j^pd factories are run
ning full time. It :s the policy of the
lie pnbbcan party to protect *all indus
tries by wise and beneficent laws, while
it iias been the policy of the Democratic
party, ns erideneed by the last Cleveland
administration, to provide as much work
a's possible for the artisans of other coun
tries by removing the protection the tar
iff affords American workingmen.
The Democratic party has been fatally
wrong on every phase of the money ques
tion from the resumption of specie pay
ments after the war to the establish
ment of the gold standard, both of which
it opposed. It is constitutionally unfit
to deal with financial questions.
The story of the struggle on the edge
of the arid belts is a record of heart
breaking disapfxrititments and of failure
for canoes utterly beyend individual con
trol. Under national irrigation these
will nccur happily no more.
NOTHING TO TAKE BACK.
How Will Hryan Explain Hi* Hos*
tility to Parker?
William Jennings Bryan has been offi
cially engaged by the Democratic Na
tional Committee to make speeches in
New York, Indiana and other places.
The former candidate for the presidency
has something of a reputation as an
agile political contortionist, but he will
have the time of his life explaining his
record during the present campaign. Mr.
Bryan has been on a good many sides of
a good many different questions, and yet
he lives to tell the tale. But just bow
he proposes to advocate the election of
Parker is a mystery.
Bryan was ojqiosed to Parker before
the convention met at St. Louis. lie was
opposed to Parker every day during the
sessions of that inharmonious gathering.
When Parker sent his telegram supple
menting the Democratic platform Mr.
Bryan rose from a bed of sickness to de
nounce the nominee as a traitor and a
dictator, and his dramatic appearance on
that Saturday night was one of the most
extraordinary episodes of an extraordi
nary convention. Bryan lashed Parker
and he dared the convention to send a
telegram to the nominee demanding his
honest opinion on other well-known Dem
ocratic principles.
Later on Mr. Bryan, in his own paper,
the Commoner, while the events in the
convention were fresh before him, openly
charged that Julge Parker was a party
to a corrupt attempt to deceive the con
vention and that his nomination had been
secured by improper means. It was then
that the former candidate for the presi
dency put himself on record by saying in
the Commoner of July 13, less than a
week after the nomination: “I have noth
ing to take back.”
It seems a carious thing to find a man
who has “nothing to take back,” appear
ing on the stump favoring the election of
Alton B. Parker for the presidency. If
Mr. Bryan has “nothing to take back.”
he should in common honesty when he
appears on the stump in Indiana and
elsewhere, repeat to his audiences exactly
what he said in the Commoner of July
13, which was printed exactly one week
after the Democratic convention was
called to order and only four days after
Judge Parker was nominated for the
presidency and had sent his telegram
repudiating the Democratic platform.
In this issue of the Commoner Mr.
Bryan said:
it was a piam ana uelihorate attempt
to deceive the party. The New York
platform was vague ami purposely so.
because the advocates of Judge Parker
were trying to secure votes from among
the people who would have opposed his
views had they known them. The nom
ination was secured, therefore, by crook
el and indefensible methods.”
As an exhibition of political gymnas
tics Bryan’s campaign speech for Par
ker ought to be worth going miles to
hear. If, as he says, he has “nothing
to take back,” how will he explain mat
ters to the people? What did he mean
when he said in the Commoner: “T'%?
nomination of Judge Parker virtually
nullifies the anti-trust plank?” Was it
true on July 13 that Parker’s nomination
had been secured "by crooked means”?
If it was true then is it not true now?
Mr. Bryan in the Commoner said: "I
shall not appeal for votes for the ticket
on false grounds.” How can he appear
on the stamp, therefore, and seriously
ask the workingmen of the country to
vote for the Democratic nominee after
the Commoner had declared that "The
1i\kt plank as prepared by Judge Par
ker’s friends on the subcommittee was
a straddling, meaningless plank?”
Was Mr. Bryan lying when he said in
his paper, “A Democratic victory will
mean very little, if any. progress so long
as the party is under control of the Wall
street element?”
If the party was under the control of
the Wall street element when Mr. Bryan
wrote that editorial, is it not just as
much under the same control while he is
on the stump?
Perhaps Mr. Bryan can explain away
these things. Perhaps he can answer
these questions.
Perhaps not.
TAMMANY “TAR WATER.”
Will It Prove an Acceptable Beverage
to Respectable Democrat#?
Judge Parker’s "admonition,” ad
dressed to his waning supporters, in his
speech to the visiting editors, has in it,
for all its rhodomoutade, a shadow of
the pathetic.
It is little wonder that there are dis
sensions in the Democratic camp, as
staid gentlemen from the South, East
and West, men who have certain tradi
tions of respectability to reckon with,
find that their candidate is and always
has been cheek by jowl with David
Heimett Hill and hand in glove with
Tammany.
Judge Parker, recognizing the dangers
of his position, but unable to shake off
the political associates and methods by
which he has risen, pleads fervently for
“the elimination of personal, factional
ami unimportant differences involving no
surrender of principle.” Such elimina
tion, he declares, "is essential to suc
cess.”
But will the Democrats drink the
Tammany “tar water?”
There is something to be said—or
there WAS—in favor, even, of “tar
water.” Bishop Berkeley in his famous
eulogy upon that old-fashioned but un
pleasant mixture declared: “IT IS OF
A NATURE SO MIDI) AND BENIGN
AND PROPORTIONED TO THE
HUMAN CONSTITUTION AS TO
WARM WITHOUT HEATING, TO
CHEER BUT NOT INEBRIATE.”
Still, tar water went out of fashion!
A man who ia weak eneuch to pnt his
candidacy ia their (Hill's aid Jtel
aionl'sl hands before the convention
would not l>e itren^ enough to resiat
their Infltionce after election, if he
were by auy poaaibility successful.—
William J. Bryan.
Forty years of practical control of the
government by the Republican party
covers the whole period of modern prog
ress. The only intervals of reac
tion or failure to progress were when
the Democratic party was in power.
History shows that a Democratic !
tariff has always been followed by busi
ness adversity and a Republican tariff
by business prosperity. Why not ac
cept the verdict of history?
The Democratic party is like the man
who was in favor of prohibition but
“agin” the enforcement. It faroFS a
Panama €a«al. but opposes the inmisures
necessary to obtain it.
i
“AS MAINE GOES/*
In each campaign
They look to Maine
To make the future outcome plain.
For each one knows
That as Maine goes
The tide of public judgment flows.
One time Maine “went
--— bent for Kent,”
And every one knew what that meant.
This year the State
Has struck a gait
That sets Republicans elate.
At Esopus
There is a fuss.
Because the votes are going thus;
And Gassaway,
So blithe and gay.
Must write checks till election day.
The Texans shout
And jeer and flout
Because their State is not in doubt;
But I>. B. Hill
Has had a chill
And thinks that he had best keep stllL.
Much pain is felt
Beneath the belt
Of those opposed to Roosevelt;
They have the blues
At this great news—
They know that Roosevelt ca:.'t ",
The record shows
That as Maine goes
The tide of public judgment flows—
The fight is vain.
For all explain
That they will have to vote w 'i
Maine.
PENSION ORDER, NO. 78.
President Roosevelt’s Action Is In
Line with Law and Precedent.
The groundless character of the charge
that President Roosevelt has exceeded
his constitutional powers is shown clear
ly by examination of the facts and the
laws concerned in the executive n ti >n
known as the “age pension order" is-ued
hist March by direction of the Pres; lent.
Anyone who will take the trouble t *
lead the act of June 117, 1*1*0, ns .*m.-n-1
ed May !), 1900, will find a clear basis
to Iiegiu with. It directs who shall have
pensions, and how the amount of tic*
pension, in each case, snail be determin
ed, as follows:
I All persons who served fx> days or more
In the military or naval service of tin
United States during the late war of t:.«*
rebellion and who have been honorably !i
charged therefrom, and who are now . r
who may hereafter 1m> suffering from a
mental or physical disability of a p« rma
nent character, not the result of their ow n
vicious habits, which Incapacitates tin ni
from the perfonnance of manual labor in
such a degree as to render them unable to
earn a support, shall, upon making *i ••
proof of the fact according to such r.i s
and regulations as the Secretary of the
Interior may provide, be placed ap-m the
list of invalid jiensiouers of the l i I
States and be entitled to receive a pen
siou not exceeding #12 per month, and : t
l.-ss than #ti per month, proportioned to the
degree of inability to earn a support. a l
in determining such inability each and ev
ery disability shall be duly considered, aud
the aggregate of the disabilities shown shall
be rated.
Thus, as plain as words can make it.
is authority given to the Secretary <>f the
Interior to determine what pension >a iil
be paid to any applicant for pension who
served ninety days in the War of Re
bellion, was honorably discharged, an 1
who is disabled for the performance of
manual labor by any cause other than
the results of his own vicious habits.
The Supreme Court has decided t at
upon the pniut of establishing the rat * of
pension to be'paid. within the limit*. , :
scribed by the law the Secretary of
Interior has entire control. The < ■!>
check or supervision upon him is fr**..»
the President of the United States, w «
the general laws specifically direct shall
have control of the Commissioner of Pen
sions and the administration of the i
sion system.
Therefore, it was directly in line with
the duties imposed upon him accord.: ,*
to section 471, U. S. Revised Sta: : * -.
that President Roosevelt gave the < • -
trated order which has lieen called an
evidence of “usurpation,” “imperialis.i.”
“a desire to override the constitut •
a “looting of the treasury,” and ••• o r
hard names, by excitable Itemocrats. The
section of the Revised Statutes "referred
to reads as follows:
“The Commissioner of Pensions shall
perforniT'-under the direction of the Sec
retary of the Interior, such duties in tin*
execution of the various pension and
bounty-land laws as may be prescribed
by the President.”
President R<x>sevelt. in his pension or
der, did no more than his plain duty, act
ing strictly within the powers conferr* 1
upon him by the Congress of the United
States.
Porker's Election Would Unsettlo
Xtusiaess*
Eugene A. Merrill, president of the
Minnesota Loan and Trust Company
Minneapolis, in an jnterviejv in the Com
mercial West of Minneapolis says:
"Much hns been said concerning the in
significance of the coming election sc far
as it relates to business. It has been nrg«*d
that the maintenance of the gold stand
ard is assured, etc., but. while the theory
of the* case Is excellent, yet as n matter
of fac t the man with money to invent d* .**
not want to l>e monetarily Involv-d In
unsettling of conditions through a chaaigc
of administration. Tb? policy of the party
in power is pretty well knows and lta con
tinuance in office will precipitate no dtrb
eultles. The policy of the UBMMltloa may
be ever so clearly conjectured, tmt its a
cession to control would. I think, cause
some contraction in business and financial
enterprises, at least temporarily until the
safety and conservatism now talk'd of
should be more substantially demonstrat
ed."
TaECart la Fascinated.
Torn Taggart is so fascinated by tiro
inscrutable mystery behind Judge Par
ker’s speech of acceptance that ha or
not lay it aside long enough to take h -
meals. He pore* over it from morn t. .
dewy eve. He read* it in his bath at
French I.ick Springs and drop* to
reading it in bed. He declares that ? *
elusive mystery of what it all men. s
becomes clearer with every perusal, a * l
that by the close of the campaign he . n
fidently expects that it will be n- :< or
as ftie water of his owu Pluto spring.
A Sure Sign,
Now we know that David B. Hill in
tends to quit polities next January, f* r
he has disclaimed" calling Pres.d )t
Roosevelt “a fraud." That a little .
nocuous fling like that when he has ex
hausted the vocabulary of vituperau m
U|M*n the Republican half of th* Am. I
ran people for “nigh on 40 years" rs
surely a sign that David is setting h.s
house in order and wants to depart pw
Utica 1 life at peace with all men.