Supplement to
LOUP CITY NORTHWESTERN.
Thursday, September 22, 1904.
LOUP CITY, - - - NEBRASKA.
Odds in Wall street of 2 to 1 on
Roosevelt deliver no electoral votes, but
they are mighty discouraging to the silent
speculator of Esopus.
Silence has grown weary listening
for the reply that comes not from
Esopus to Tom Watson’s query, “What
Is Judge Parker’s position on the negro
question?”
Confidence in the continuance of the
present administration at Washington
for another four years is reflected in the
confident tone that pervades all busi
ness circles in the United States.
Comparison of Republican and Demo
cratic platforms of the last forty years
emphasizes the difference between things
done and things promised. One is a
party of great achievements, the other
of great promises.
The Democratic editors will have fun
with themselves when they begin mak
ing extravagance of the national expen
ditures and the Jeffersonian parsimony
that has plastered New York over with
a debt of more than $310,000,0U0.
The Democratic platform denounces
protection as “robbery of the many to
enrich the few.” Yet experience has
proved that under protection prosperity
is diffused among all classes of people,
while under free trade all classes suffer.
It is said that Tammany will not con
sider the money question irrevocably set
tled until the contract for the next $50,
000,000 subway is awarded to a backer
of Judge Parker, who will recognize
that a public subway is a political
trough.
There is one truth that seems beyond
the comprehension of the Democracy,
that “the old order changes, yielding
place to the new.” Otherwise it would
not try to fit the Jeffersonian knicker
bockers of 1804 on the lusty American
giant of 1904.
No matter how Democratic platforms
may try to whitewash or sugar-coat the
position of the party on the tariff ques
tion, its real object is always the de
struction of the protective system, which
is the principal safeguard of American
industries, labor and wages.
The Democratic party never gets right
on National issues, except when it tries
to steal the Republican platform. After
lecturing for many years that free silver
at 1G to 1 was the paramount issue, it
now drops the question and actually ad
mits that the gold staudard is irrevoca
bly fixed.
Under the last Democratic adminis
tration business was paralyzed at home
and the I'nited States had a doubtful
standing among nations. During the Mc
Kinley and Roosevelt administrations
prosperity has been restored at home and
the prestige of the nation abroad has
advanced as never before.
Under the present tariff law all indus
tries have revived and prospered, labor
has been fully employed and more work
men have received good wages than
ever before in the history of the coun
try. Why take the dangerous risk of
putting a party i»i power that would re
verse this policy of prosperity?
The policy of protection has preserved
the American market for the products
of American manufactures and American
manufacturers have made markets for
the products of American farmers, and
together they have established a high
standard of American living and made
possible the high scale of American
wages.
“Sow a character and you reap a des
tiny” was one of the beautiful but
meaningless apothegms flung into the
lap of Judge Parker by Editor Knapp,
of the St. Louis Republic, in introducing
his Democratic brethren of the shears
and paste pot to their candidate. With
about equal relevancy and more wit he
might have said “Plant a corpse and
raise a tombstone.”
The Democratic campaign managers
openly tell the public they wish to con
duct the campaign free from mud-sling
ing and personalities, but they sewn to
have secretly given instructions to revile
and abuse the Republican candidate in
every way possible. Chairman Taggart’s
newspaper, the Indianapolis Sentinel, is
cartooning the President as a dog.
“Political empirics” well describes the
species of constitutional hair-splitters
who see the constitution rent in tatters
every time a new condition demands the
exercise of some government power not
dreamed of in the philosophy of Thomas
Jefferson. If the political empirics of
1SG1 had had their way there would
have been no union loft for their suc
cessors to weep and groan over in 1901.
Carl Schurz’s appearance on the stump
in Southern Illinois is another straw on
the back of the double-winged Demo
cratic mule. When he applauds Parker’s
gold telegram the free silver Democrats
writhe; when he calls for merit in the
public service there is a general exodus
to the nearest free lunch counter, ami
when he talks about surrendering the
Philippines there are groaus of disap
proval.
The platform on which Theodore
Roosevelt stands reiterates the time
honored Republican principle in favor
of fostering home industries in order
that American workmen may be steadily
employed and well paid. The Demo
cratic platform is verbose and evasive,
but, sifted of all its platitudes it sim
ply reiterates the Democratic hostility
to any tariff that will protect American
industries.
“Let us compare candidates,” said
Miss Democracy to a stalwart young
Republican.
“Comparisons are odious,” he replied,
“but since you insist, what has your
candidate done that he should aspire to
the presidency?”
“Nothing. He is a man of peace.
Pray what has yours done?”
“He has done everything that came
Ms way with all his mind and heart and
strength. He has the soul for action
that would put life under the ribs of
CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS
Indiana Senator Well-Fitted for
the Vice Presidency.
HE HAS DIGNITY AND FORCE
i
And His Training and Experience Will
Enable Him to Preside Over the
Senate with Credit to the Na
tion—McKinley’s Friend.
Washington, D. C., Sopt. 10.—Every
one here who is any way connected with
the government has a great amount of
personal interest 111 the nomination of
Senator Fairbanks of Indiana for second
place on the Republican ticket. The In
diana Senator has a personality all his
own, and his figure merely from a physi
cal point of view is so striking he has
been a marked man in Washington ever
since he came here. Straight as tin ar
row. thin, unusually tall, with bright
red cheeks, with a becoming amount of
senatorial dignity, ami yet with a genu
ine democracy which is seldom equaled
by public men, the Republican candi
date for the vice presidency is more than
usually popular as public men go.
Aside from this, however, the people
who are oai the inside of public affairs
in Washington know, as people of the
rest of the country may not know, that
Senator Fairbanks is one of the compar
atively few men in public life who have
actually made their impress upon the
affairs of the government. In every
church, every club, every tillage debat
ing society, iu every Congress and every
Parliament, there are always a select
few who do the great bulk of the work,
who are men of action, who are selected
by their associates to i>erform the things
which have to l>e done, who have the
executive gift which makes them wise in
council, and whose advice and assistance
are sought when great things are to be
done.
Courteous and Modest.
Constantly courteous, invariably kind
ly. always reserved, consistently modest,
never seeking to put himself in the front
rank. Senator Fairbanks is not usually
credited by the world at large with the
extraordinary influence he really pos
sesses here in Washington. His asso
ciates in the Senate, the members of the
cabinet, and those whose duty it is to
execute the law have learned, however,
the quiet force of the Senator from In
diana. and ever since he came here with
McKinley in 181)7 Senator Fairbanks has
been one of the inner circle. He has
grown stronger day by day until his
nomination for the vice presidency was
absolutely forced upon him because, in
the opinion of Ids associates in the Sen
ate and the party leaders generally, he
was the best equipped man for the posi
tion, and was by his training and by his
political association of presidential size,
so that he might be ready at any time
to exercise the duties of chief executive
if it should become necessary.
Few people are aware of the unusual
degree to which William McKinley gave
his confidence to Senator Fairbanks. The
two men were old friends, they repre
sented much the same element in the
party, and in the early months of 181)7
following the bitter political battle of
The previous autumn McKinley and Fair
banks were in constant touch and the
President-elect began to lean upon the
Senator-elect. This trust in the wisdom
of the statesman from Indiana was never
lessened, but as month after month went
by tiie Indiana Senator was more and
more drawn into the deepest confidences
of the President.
There were trying times in Washing
ton during the latter part of 185)7 and in
the early part of 185)8. The United States
and Spain were drifting inevitably to
ward war. The sentiment in this coun
try was overwhelmingly in favor of in
terference in behalf of the suffering peo
ple of Cuba. The pressure for action
grew daily stronger. In the public press,
in Congress, in the churches, on the
streets, everywhere from the Atlantic
to the Pacific there was a constantly
growing sentiment that the United States
must put an end to the shocking condi
tions in Cuba.
McKinley Knew Public Sentiment.
\\ hen he was elected William McKin
ley well knew what this public sentiment
was and where it was likely to lead. No
man ever lived who was more skilled in
feeling the pulse of the public than the
President who laid down his life at
Buffalo. When he came to the White
House, nevertheless, he was determined
to exhaust every device known to diplo
macy, short of actual warfare, to bring
Spain to terms and to bring peace to
Cuba. Trained in the arts of war him
self, William McKinley well knew that
war was not to be entered upon lightly.
He was for peace from the beginning.
_ During the first six months of the Mc
Kinley administration the tension here
in Washington was extraordinary. Pub
lic sentiment of itself might have forced
a war liecause of the outrages contin
ually committed by the Spaniards upon
the poor people of Cuba. Then came
the explosion of the Maine, which
touched the spark in the magazine, and
within a few weeks the people of the
United States were raging with the lust
of blood. ,
Still William McKinley stood stead
fast. He knew war was nearly in
evitable, but he was in a position to
know also that this country, rich though
it was in men and resources, was not
ready for war. He was in a position
to know that there were no rifles, no
cannon, no clothes, no tents, no pro
visions of war for eTen the most mod
erate army. He had not exhausted di
plomacy, and even then he knew that
time was necessary to prepare the coun
try for war. The great public which
was ignorant of the real situation and
which did not realize that a mistaken
Public policy had allowed our army to
run down to a point where we were not
fittpd to fight even a little nation like
Spain, still thundered for war and be
gan to suspect the good faith and the
bravery of a man like William McKin
ley.
McKinley Consulted Fairbanks.
All this is history, which the world
knows and which need not be recapitulat
ed in detail. What the world does not
generally know is that in the small cir
cle of men who were daily and nightly
THE HAN WHO DARES.
and sometimes even, hourly called into
council by William McKinley to advise
him as to the best thing to be done
to preserve the honor and the dignity
of the nation, Charles Warren Fair
banks was always foremost in the list.
He was summoned to the White House
night after night, and during a time
when the gravest matters were under
consideration t^ie most important of all
the conferences were held in the Fair
banks home on Massachusetts avenue.
There were gathered the senators and
the cabinet officers who represented the
inner council of the nation, the men
who possessed the absolute confidence
of President McKinley. It was in the
upstairs library of the Fairbanks home
that some of the most importaut de
cisions of these trying times were first
formulated.
There were scarcely half a dozen of
the big men of the nation present at
those historic conferences, and it is a
sufficient indication of the capacity for
public service which Senator Fairbanks
has manifested to refer to the fact that
although he had been in public life less
than a year his value as a constant ad
viser of the President in the face of
an inflamed public sentiment and on the
eve of almost inevitable war grew great
er day by day. Other men who partici
pated in those conferences remember and
bear cheerful testimony to the extraordi
nary capacity of the Indiana senator
for looking at all sides of a question of
public policy and for giving his opinion
dispassionately, without the slightest sus
picion of .personal bias and with some
thing like a sacred deference to the best
interests of the nation.
The history of those momentous con
ferences will never be written, as a mat
ter of course. McKinley has gone. Ho
bart has gone, Hanna has gone, and
only a few are left of the men who ac
tually shaped the destinies of the nation
in the early months of 181)8, who per
sisted in a wise conservatism when de
lay was necessary, and who provided the
means for carrying the war to a suc
cessful and a glorious conclusion. Thar
ho was even included in the brilliant list
of the confidential advisers of William
McKinley in the face of war is a suffi
cient honor for any man.
An Honor for the Intllaninn.
It is an additional honor for the In
diana senator, who has been chosen as
the Republican nominee for the vice
presidency, that his associates in public
life, in their private conversation, in
variably refer to his broad-gauge ability
to grasp public questions, to bis personal
integrity, and to his deep study of con
stitutional and international law.
It is a fortunate thing for the republic
tliat a man of this stamp should have
been chosen for the nomination. The re
sult is that in the event of the triumph
of the Republican ticket, which now
seems absolutely secured, the President
inaugurated next March will have had
the benefit of mqre than three years of
actual experience in the duties of his
office, while the vice-president who will
take the oath of office at the same time
will have behind him not only the bene
fit of more than seven years in the
United States senate, but also of his
membership in the inner circle of public
men who actually do things, and who in
times of trial determine the policy of the
nation.
"The mass ef the Democratic party
feet ontrased at the way in which
their leaders sold them to Wall Street.
I do not believe that the six and a half
million men who followed Bryan, with
cheers on their lips and warm con
victions in their hearts, can now be
delivered like cattle to the Cleveland
itee who knifed the ticket or bolted it
in 1S96. I believe that the great
majority of the men who voted for
Bryan are men of convictioa) 1 can bnt
hope that they will realize that I am
fighting their battle now."Thomas E.
Watson's speech acoept.ng Popu 1st nomination.
President Roosevelt said in his speech
of acceptance, “A party is of worth only
so far as it promotes the national inter
est.” Judged by that standard, the Dem
ocratic party ia worthless.
A NOTABLE EXCEPTION.
Bichard Olney Has Not Joined the
Democratic Pessimists.
Since Judge Parker and the Demo
cratic party have chosen to make an
issue of the aggressive aud progressive
activities of the Republican party which
in the span of one generation have plac
ed the United States in the van of the
world’s civilization, it may be well to
recall that there is at least one Demo
crat who has not joined in his party’s
pessimistic wails.
Richard Olney, the choice of the
Massachusetts Democracy for President
at St. Louis, Attorney General and Sec
retary of State during Cleveland’s sec
ond term, and author of the ringing
phrase in support of the Monroe doctrine
—"To-day the United States is practical
ly sovereign on this continent, and its
hat is law upon the subjects to which
it confines its interposition,” is a Demo
crat who has something stronger than
diluted ass’s milk in his veins.
In an article printed m the Atlantic
Monthly for March. 1JMX). on the
“Growth of Our Foreign Policy,” Rich
ard Olney anticipated and confuted al
most every pitiful plea for national stag
nation and dishonor uttered by Judge
Parker in the two instances when he has
ventured to open his mouth. Where
the Democratic candidate counsels that
the United States shall live for and
within itself alone. Mr. Olney boldly
proclaimed that such a policy had “tend
ed to belittle the national character”
and has “ifid to a species of provincial
ism and to nniow views of our duties
and functions ;is a nation.”
Where Judge Parker in his unfamil
iarity with the meaning of the phrase,
due to his seclusion from the world at
Esopus, proclaims that the United
States “became a world power over a
century ago,” Mr. Olney. with broader
knowledge of the world, says that “His
torians will probably assign the aban
donment of the isolation policy to the
time wiien this country and Spain went
to war over Cuba.”
Nor can there be any serious question
but Mr. Olney is right.
And in this connection it was that
Cleveland’s virile Secretary of State
said, “The United States has come out
of its shell and ceased to be a hermit
among nations, naturally and properly.”
He nlso emphasized the necessity for
preparation to cope with larger respon
sibilities in these terms:
“It goes without saying that the United
Stales cannot play the part In the world's
affairs It has just assumed without equip
ping Itaelf for the part with all the In
strumentalities necessary to make Its will
felt, whether through pacific Intercourse
und negotiation or through force. We can
not assert ourselves as a power whose
Interests and sympathies are as wide as
civilization without assuming obligations
corresponding to the claim.
"The equipment required for our new
international role must not be discussed
at any length. We must hare It—the
need will be forced upon us by facts the
logic of which will be Irresistible—and
however slow to move or Indisposed to fare
the facts, the national government must
sooner or later provide for It.”
There was much more to the same
effect, every word ringing with sterling
and enlightened appreciation of the
American determination to meet the ob
ligations of our expanding national op
portunities. Without failing to recog
nize that the triumphs of peace are the
true objective of a republic, Mr. Olney
grasped the eternal truth that peace and
liberty and progress can only be insured
by full provision to maiutain them bi
force.
The nation which goes about with
nothing but an olive branch in its mouth
—in other words, without increasing its
expenditures for coast defenses, for ships
and guns, for men and arms—cannot ex
pect its voice will be heeded, in the
councils of nations. Every dollar the
United States is spending on its army
and navy to-day is an insurance against
war and national dishonor.
Parker Has Trimmed His Sails.
(Philadelphia Inquirer.)
When Judge Parker voted for silver.
In 1896 and 1900, he did not know tht
gold standard was going to be so popu
lar in 1901.
WHAT IT MEANS.
The Significance of the Vermont
Victory.
While it would be the sheerest folly
for Republican managers to accept the
Vermout victory as a certain augury of
Roosevelt's election next November, or,
to relax in their efforts to insure that
result, it cannot be denied that the 32.
000 plurality is a most reassuring and
significant fact. That this is so is not
because a succession of statistical coin
cidences where a shrinkage of the Re
publican plurality in Vermont in Sep
tember has presaged a national Demo
cratic victory in November, but because
the influences affecting the individual
units in one State in this election arc
national in their nature and are effective
throughout the republic.
If the issue iu the November election
were confined to the tariff question it
would be impossible to infer from Ver
mont’s 32.000 Republican plurality
what would be the drift in New York.
Connecticut or Indiana. bpeause the vo
ters of these three States study the
tariff question through very different
spectacles from those of the farmers of
Vermont. From the day in 1801 when
her late Senator Justin S. Morrill in
troduced the war revenue tariff measure,
which bore his name in the House of
Representatives, Vermont has never wav
ered in her support of the Republican
policy of protection. Other States have
wobbled, as the politicians have played
upon the credulity of their industrial
classes, but Vermont has stood as firm
as her own everlasting hills.
But in the present campaign the
Democracy has chosen to thrust its tra
ditional clamor for free trade into the
background and has arrayed itself
against the American spirit of aggres
sive, progressive expansion, of which
Theodore Roosevelt is the living em
bodiment.
To-day the Republicans stand for na
tional action, advancement and life; the
l>emocrats for national inaction, retro
gression and death. The issue is between
DOING and DON’T.
Such an issue appeals to voters in
Vermont precisely as it appeals to those
of Oregon or Arkansas. The restricted
local view and interest is swallowed up
in the broader prospect, and men vote
as Americans and not as citizens of this
or that State.
To this issue Oregon last June re
sponded “Go ahead!’’ and Vermont mere
ly echoes back across the continent “Go
ahead!”
kven Arkansas shows signs of waking
from the lotus-eating dream of Demo
cracy that a natiou can advance with
out exertion and force by marking-time
in front of the marble1 edigios of Jeffer
son and Jackson, who if they were alive
would be marching in the ranks of action
and progress.
This, then, is the significance of the
Vermont election, that on the issue con
tained in the word “Forward!” personi
fied, if our opponents will have it so,
in Theodore Roosevelt, represented in
every line of financial, industrial and
diplomatic achievement, demanding in
creased expenditures for the army, the
navy, the postal service and every de
partment of government care of the
people’s interests—Vermont represents
the onward trend of American thought.
This, and not the mere fact that Ver
mont went Republican by 32.000 votes,
gives an assurance of a great Republi
can victory next November.
“On th- wlio'e, onr people earn more
and live better than ever before and
the progress of whlc'i we are bo proud
c uld not have token plac<» hid It not
be-n for the up-bnildimr of industrial
c-ntera, anch -a thb n «h ch 1 am
« irnk lie,"-Fr m Roosevel ’* speech at
Providence, k. 1.. August JSrd, ,902.
Klrat V -tera* Tamp Irii Huttons. i
The National Republican Committee.
Auditorium, Chicago, is distributing
thousands of artistic Roosevelt and
Fairbanks First Voters’ buttons. They
ire free for the asking. Apply to the
Chairman of your State Committee.
Show your colors.
BLUNDER BY DEMOCRATS
They Nominated Candidates
Who Voted for Free Silver.
PEOPLE CAN FORGIVE ERROR
Which Is Now Practically Admitted,
but Will Not Trust the Party with
Power Because of the
Blunder.
When an individual makes and reit
erates startling statements which later
on are proved to be absolutely false,
his further utterances on any subject
whatsoever are liable not to be taken
seriously, and this is putting the case
mildly. Even though the statements
were uttered in holiest belief as to their
accuracy, the fact that they were later
ou proven to be wrong, furnished evi
dence of mental capacity to make fur
ther gross blunders from time to time.
Iu this respect the record of the Dem
ocratic party on the silver issue has for
that party the same sinister significance
that falsifications from an individual,
who is fouud out, would have for that
individual.
We may all be willing to charitably
admit that iu its advocacy of the great
free silver error in 1896 and 1900 the
Democratic party was honestly wrong.
There is no patriotic American who
would like to think, hint, or suggest,
that Bryan was not actuated by hon
est and sincere belief in his cause when
he uttered his famous “Cross of Gold”
and “Crown of Thorns” speech in 1896,
nor is there any American with opti
mistic faith in the honesty and patriot
ism of the leading public men of the
United States who would want to think
for a moment that Alton B. Parker, the
candidate of a great political party for
President of the United States, voted
against his honest convictions as to what
was for the good of his country when
he voted for free silver in 1896. and
then again voted for free silver in 19U0.
Cannot Bo Trnstel.
But while the American people will
never impute dishonorable motives to
the leaders of the silver cause in 189*i
and 1900. yet nevertheless it will hesi
tate in the future to place implicit trust
in those who sought to lead them into
a disastrous error in those years. Had
the majority of the voters of the coun
try in 1890 and 1900 not been of bet
ter judgment than Judge Parker was
during those two years the United State*
would have had the silver standard: all
the currency of the country would have
been debased to the bullion value of sil
ver; just debts would have been scaled
off over fifty per cent.; the laborer,
whom the Bible says is “worthy of his
hire.” would have been paid his wages
in cheap dollars of not half the value of
the honest dollars based on the gold
standard: the country would have suf
fered unparalleled hard times; its credit
would have sunk as low as that of Tur
key, Venezuela, and of other nations
which repudiate their just obligations.
It was for such calamity as this that
the Democratic free silver error stood
in 1896 and again in 1SMH>. and Parker
and Davis both times stood with this
error, contributed money to further it
along, and voted for it.
Now the error is practically admitted.
Both Parker and Davis, while refusing
to say that they now believe in the gold
standard, nevertheless say that it is
“irrevocably established by law”—that
is when on December 18. 1§99, the gold
standard was established by a vote of
179 Republican yeas and only 11 Dem
ocratic yeas, against 142 Democratic
nays and no Republican nays, in the
House of Representatives, and by a vote
of 44 Republican and 2 Gold Democratic
yeas against 23 I>omocratic aud only one
Republican nay in the Senate, IT WAS
SO WELL ESTABLISHED THAT
PARKER AND DAVIS NOW CON
SIDER IT “IRREVOCABLY ESTAB
LISHED.”
“Silence Is Confession.”
The American people will be willing
to forgive the Democratic record on the
silver question. They will not demand
humiliating verbal confessions from
Democratic leaders of the fact that they
were terribly wrong in 1896 and 11HX).
As Daniel Webster once said—"Silence
is confession”—and the fact that the
Democrats now want silence on the
"paramount” issue of 1890 and the "tan
tamount” issue of 1900, is sutHcieut con
fession of past error.
But while the American people in re
ceiving Democracy’s silent confession of
past error, can forgive, yet it cannot for
get. It mill not be in haste to put into
the White House the representative of a
party whose free silver principles
put in jeopardy the business stability of
the country. IT WILL NOT VOTE TO
HONOR WiTH THE HIGHEST
OFFICE IN THE LAND A CANDI
DATE WHO IN 1890 AND AGAIN
IN 1900 VOTED FOR A POLICY
THAT WOULD HAVE FINANCIAL
LY DISHONORED THIS COUNTRY
AND MADE IT LOWER THAN TUR
KEY AND VENEZUELA IN INTER
NATIONAL OPINION AS TO ITS
CREDIT.
Show the Troth.
Republicans, forecasting events from
the September election in Vermont,
should not allow themselves to be over
confident of results of the presidential
election in November.
There is no doubt as to the fact that
Roosevelt will win, but he ought to be
given a great vote of confidence, an out
pouring of national affection and trust,
aside from a mere majority of electoral
votes.
A rebuke is deserved for the men who
so falsify facts and sentiments, so distort,
prevaricate and invent, as to make it ap
pear that Theodore Roosevelt is any
thing but the strong, thoughtful, loyal
American citizen that he is.
The silly bosh about “Imperialism”
and “Militarism,” the groundless flubdub
as to fancied personal dictation by their
executive to the Americau people should
be rebuked by the people in such man
ner as can never be forgotten.
Let Republicans appear en masse at
the polls in November, to show what they
think of Theodore Roosevelt.
