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About The Loup City northwestern. (Loup City, Neb.) 189?-1917 | View Entire Issue (Sept. 22, 1904)
Supplement to LOUP CITY NORTHWESTERN. Thursday, September 22, 1904. LOUP CITY, - - - NEBRASKA. Odds in Wall street of 2 to 1 on Roosevelt deliver no electoral votes, but they are mighty discouraging to the silent speculator of Esopus. Silence has grown weary listening for the reply that comes not from Esopus to Tom Watson’s query, “What Is Judge Parker’s position on the negro question?” Confidence in the continuance of the present administration at Washington for another four years is reflected in the confident tone that pervades all busi ness circles in the United States. Comparison of Republican and Demo cratic platforms of the last forty years emphasizes the difference between things done and things promised. One is a party of great achievements, the other of great promises. The Democratic editors will have fun with themselves when they begin mak ing extravagance of the national expen ditures and the Jeffersonian parsimony that has plastered New York over with a debt of more than $310,000,0U0. The Democratic platform denounces protection as “robbery of the many to enrich the few.” Yet experience has proved that under protection prosperity is diffused among all classes of people, while under free trade all classes suffer. It is said that Tammany will not con sider the money question irrevocably set tled until the contract for the next $50, 000,000 subway is awarded to a backer of Judge Parker, who will recognize that a public subway is a political trough. There is one truth that seems beyond the comprehension of the Democracy, that “the old order changes, yielding place to the new.” Otherwise it would not try to fit the Jeffersonian knicker bockers of 1804 on the lusty American giant of 1904. No matter how Democratic platforms may try to whitewash or sugar-coat the position of the party on the tariff ques tion, its real object is always the de struction of the protective system, which is the principal safeguard of American industries, labor and wages. The Democratic party never gets right on National issues, except when it tries to steal the Republican platform. After lecturing for many years that free silver at 1G to 1 was the paramount issue, it now drops the question and actually ad mits that the gold staudard is irrevoca bly fixed. Under the last Democratic adminis tration business was paralyzed at home and the I'nited States had a doubtful standing among nations. During the Mc Kinley and Roosevelt administrations prosperity has been restored at home and the prestige of the nation abroad has advanced as never before. Under the present tariff law all indus tries have revived and prospered, labor has been fully employed and more work men have received good wages than ever before in the history of the coun try. Why take the dangerous risk of putting a party i»i power that would re verse this policy of prosperity? The policy of protection has preserved the American market for the products of American manufactures and American manufacturers have made markets for the products of American farmers, and together they have established a high standard of American living and made possible the high scale of American wages. “Sow a character and you reap a des tiny” was one of the beautiful but meaningless apothegms flung into the lap of Judge Parker by Editor Knapp, of the St. Louis Republic, in introducing his Democratic brethren of the shears and paste pot to their candidate. With about equal relevancy and more wit he might have said “Plant a corpse and raise a tombstone.” The Democratic campaign managers openly tell the public they wish to con duct the campaign free from mud-sling ing and personalities, but they sewn to have secretly given instructions to revile and abuse the Republican candidate in every way possible. Chairman Taggart’s newspaper, the Indianapolis Sentinel, is cartooning the President as a dog. “Political empirics” well describes the species of constitutional hair-splitters who see the constitution rent in tatters every time a new condition demands the exercise of some government power not dreamed of in the philosophy of Thomas Jefferson. If the political empirics of 1SG1 had had their way there would have been no union loft for their suc cessors to weep and groan over in 1901. Carl Schurz’s appearance on the stump in Southern Illinois is another straw on the back of the double-winged Demo cratic mule. When he applauds Parker’s gold telegram the free silver Democrats writhe; when he calls for merit in the public service there is a general exodus to the nearest free lunch counter, ami when he talks about surrendering the Philippines there are groaus of disap proval. The platform on which Theodore Roosevelt stands reiterates the time honored Republican principle in favor of fostering home industries in order that American workmen may be steadily employed and well paid. The Demo cratic platform is verbose and evasive, but, sifted of all its platitudes it sim ply reiterates the Democratic hostility to any tariff that will protect American industries. “Let us compare candidates,” said Miss Democracy to a stalwart young Republican. “Comparisons are odious,” he replied, “but since you insist, what has your candidate done that he should aspire to the presidency?” “Nothing. He is a man of peace. Pray what has yours done?” “He has done everything that came Ms way with all his mind and heart and strength. He has the soul for action that would put life under the ribs of CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS Indiana Senator Well-Fitted for the Vice Presidency. HE HAS DIGNITY AND FORCE i And His Training and Experience Will Enable Him to Preside Over the Senate with Credit to the Na tion—McKinley’s Friend. Washington, D. C., Sopt. 10.—Every one here who is any way connected with the government has a great amount of personal interest 111 the nomination of Senator Fairbanks of Indiana for second place on the Republican ticket. The In diana Senator has a personality all his own, and his figure merely from a physi cal point of view is so striking he has been a marked man in Washington ever since he came here. Straight as tin ar row. thin, unusually tall, with bright red cheeks, with a becoming amount of senatorial dignity, ami yet with a genu ine democracy which is seldom equaled by public men, the Republican candi date for the vice presidency is more than usually popular as public men go. Aside from this, however, the people who are oai the inside of public affairs in Washington know, as people of the rest of the country may not know, that Senator Fairbanks is one of the compar atively few men in public life who have actually made their impress upon the affairs of the government. In every church, every club, every tillage debat ing society, iu every Congress and every Parliament, there are always a select few who do the great bulk of the work, who are men of action, who are selected by their associates to i>erform the things which have to l>e done, who have the executive gift which makes them wise in council, and whose advice and assistance are sought when great things are to be done. Courteous and Modest. Constantly courteous, invariably kind ly. always reserved, consistently modest, never seeking to put himself in the front rank. Senator Fairbanks is not usually credited by the world at large with the extraordinary influence he really pos sesses here in Washington. His asso ciates in the Senate, the members of the cabinet, and those whose duty it is to execute the law have learned, however, the quiet force of the Senator from In diana. and ever since he came here with McKinley in 181)7 Senator Fairbanks has been one of the inner circle. He has grown stronger day by day until his nomination for the vice presidency was absolutely forced upon him because, in the opinion of Ids associates in the Sen ate and the party leaders generally, he was the best equipped man for the posi tion, and was by his training and by his political association of presidential size, so that he might be ready at any time to exercise the duties of chief executive if it should become necessary. Few people are aware of the unusual degree to which William McKinley gave his confidence to Senator Fairbanks. The two men were old friends, they repre sented much the same element in the party, and in the early months of 181)7 following the bitter political battle of The previous autumn McKinley and Fair banks were in constant touch and the President-elect began to lean upon the Senator-elect. This trust in the wisdom of the statesman from Indiana was never lessened, but as month after month went by tiie Indiana Senator was more and more drawn into the deepest confidences of the President. There were trying times in Washing ton during the latter part of 185)7 and in the early part of 185)8. The United States and Spain were drifting inevitably to ward war. The sentiment in this coun try was overwhelmingly in favor of in terference in behalf of the suffering peo ple of Cuba. The pressure for action grew daily stronger. In the public press, in Congress, in the churches, on the streets, everywhere from the Atlantic to the Pacific there was a constantly growing sentiment that the United States must put an end to the shocking condi tions in Cuba. McKinley Knew Public Sentiment. \\ hen he was elected William McKin ley well knew what this public sentiment was and where it was likely to lead. No man ever lived who was more skilled in feeling the pulse of the public than the President who laid down his life at Buffalo. When he came to the White House, nevertheless, he was determined to exhaust every device known to diplo macy, short of actual warfare, to bring Spain to terms and to bring peace to Cuba. Trained in the arts of war him self, William McKinley well knew that war was not to be entered upon lightly. He was for peace from the beginning. _ During the first six months of the Mc Kinley administration the tension here in Washington was extraordinary. Pub lic sentiment of itself might have forced a war liecause of the outrages contin ually committed by the Spaniards upon the poor people of Cuba. Then came the explosion of the Maine, which touched the spark in the magazine, and within a few weeks the people of the United States were raging with the lust of blood. , Still William McKinley stood stead fast. He knew war was nearly in evitable, but he was in a position to know also that this country, rich though it was in men and resources, was not ready for war. He was in a position to know that there were no rifles, no cannon, no clothes, no tents, no pro visions of war for eTen the most mod erate army. He had not exhausted di plomacy, and even then he knew that time was necessary to prepare the coun try for war. The great public which was ignorant of the real situation and which did not realize that a mistaken Public policy had allowed our army to run down to a point where we were not fittpd to fight even a little nation like Spain, still thundered for war and be gan to suspect the good faith and the bravery of a man like William McKin ley. McKinley Consulted Fairbanks. All this is history, which the world knows and which need not be recapitulat ed in detail. What the world does not generally know is that in the small cir cle of men who were daily and nightly THE HAN WHO DARES. and sometimes even, hourly called into council by William McKinley to advise him as to the best thing to be done to preserve the honor and the dignity of the nation, Charles Warren Fair banks was always foremost in the list. He was summoned to the White House night after night, and during a time when the gravest matters were under consideration t^ie most important of all the conferences were held in the Fair banks home on Massachusetts avenue. There were gathered the senators and the cabinet officers who represented the inner council of the nation, the men who possessed the absolute confidence of President McKinley. It was in the upstairs library of the Fairbanks home that some of the most importaut de cisions of these trying times were first formulated. There were scarcely half a dozen of the big men of the nation present at those historic conferences, and it is a sufficient indication of the capacity for public service which Senator Fairbanks has manifested to refer to the fact that although he had been in public life less than a year his value as a constant ad viser of the President in the face of an inflamed public sentiment and on the eve of almost inevitable war grew great er day by day. Other men who partici pated in those conferences remember and bear cheerful testimony to the extraordi nary capacity of the Indiana senator for looking at all sides of a question of public policy and for giving his opinion dispassionately, without the slightest sus picion of .personal bias and with some thing like a sacred deference to the best interests of the nation. The history of those momentous con ferences will never be written, as a mat ter of course. McKinley has gone. Ho bart has gone, Hanna has gone, and only a few are left of the men who ac tually shaped the destinies of the nation in the early months of 181)8, who per sisted in a wise conservatism when de lay was necessary, and who provided the means for carrying the war to a suc cessful and a glorious conclusion. Thar ho was even included in the brilliant list of the confidential advisers of William McKinley in the face of war is a suffi cient honor for any man. An Honor for the Intllaninn. It is an additional honor for the In diana senator, who has been chosen as the Republican nominee for the vice presidency, that his associates in public life, in their private conversation, in variably refer to his broad-gauge ability to grasp public questions, to bis personal integrity, and to his deep study of con stitutional and international law. It is a fortunate thing for the republic tliat a man of this stamp should have been chosen for the nomination. The re sult is that in the event of the triumph of the Republican ticket, which now seems absolutely secured, the President inaugurated next March will have had the benefit of mqre than three years of actual experience in the duties of his office, while the vice-president who will take the oath of office at the same time will have behind him not only the bene fit of more than seven years in the United States senate, but also of his membership in the inner circle of public men who actually do things, and who in times of trial determine the policy of the nation. "The mass ef the Democratic party feet ontrased at the way in which their leaders sold them to Wall Street. I do not believe that the six and a half million men who followed Bryan, with cheers on their lips and warm con victions in their hearts, can now be delivered like cattle to the Cleveland itee who knifed the ticket or bolted it in 1S96. I believe that the great majority of the men who voted for Bryan are men of convictioa) 1 can bnt hope that they will realize that I am fighting their battle now."Thomas E. Watson's speech acoept.ng Popu 1st nomination. President Roosevelt said in his speech of acceptance, “A party is of worth only so far as it promotes the national inter est.” Judged by that standard, the Dem ocratic party ia worthless. A NOTABLE EXCEPTION. Bichard Olney Has Not Joined the Democratic Pessimists. Since Judge Parker and the Demo cratic party have chosen to make an issue of the aggressive aud progressive activities of the Republican party which in the span of one generation have plac ed the United States in the van of the world’s civilization, it may be well to recall that there is at least one Demo crat who has not joined in his party’s pessimistic wails. Richard Olney, the choice of the Massachusetts Democracy for President at St. Louis, Attorney General and Sec retary of State during Cleveland’s sec ond term, and author of the ringing phrase in support of the Monroe doctrine —"To-day the United States is practical ly sovereign on this continent, and its hat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its interposition,” is a Demo crat who has something stronger than diluted ass’s milk in his veins. In an article printed m the Atlantic Monthly for March. 1JMX). on the “Growth of Our Foreign Policy,” Rich ard Olney anticipated and confuted al most every pitiful plea for national stag nation and dishonor uttered by Judge Parker in the two instances when he has ventured to open his mouth. Where the Democratic candidate counsels that the United States shall live for and within itself alone. Mr. Olney boldly proclaimed that such a policy had “tend ed to belittle the national character” and has “ifid to a species of provincial ism and to nniow views of our duties and functions ;is a nation.” Where Judge Parker in his unfamil iarity with the meaning of the phrase, due to his seclusion from the world at Esopus, proclaims that the United States “became a world power over a century ago,” Mr. Olney. with broader knowledge of the world, says that “His torians will probably assign the aban donment of the isolation policy to the time wiien this country and Spain went to war over Cuba.” Nor can there be any serious question but Mr. Olney is right. And in this connection it was that Cleveland’s virile Secretary of State said, “The United States has come out of its shell and ceased to be a hermit among nations, naturally and properly.” He nlso emphasized the necessity for preparation to cope with larger respon sibilities in these terms: “It goes without saying that the United Stales cannot play the part In the world's affairs It has just assumed without equip ping Itaelf for the part with all the In strumentalities necessary to make Its will felt, whether through pacific Intercourse und negotiation or through force. We can not assert ourselves as a power whose Interests and sympathies are as wide as civilization without assuming obligations corresponding to the claim. "The equipment required for our new international role must not be discussed at any length. We must hare It—the need will be forced upon us by facts the logic of which will be Irresistible—and however slow to move or Indisposed to fare the facts, the national government must sooner or later provide for It.” There was much more to the same effect, every word ringing with sterling and enlightened appreciation of the American determination to meet the ob ligations of our expanding national op portunities. Without failing to recog nize that the triumphs of peace are the true objective of a republic, Mr. Olney grasped the eternal truth that peace and liberty and progress can only be insured by full provision to maiutain them bi force. The nation which goes about with nothing but an olive branch in its mouth —in other words, without increasing its expenditures for coast defenses, for ships and guns, for men and arms—cannot ex pect its voice will be heeded, in the councils of nations. Every dollar the United States is spending on its army and navy to-day is an insurance against war and national dishonor. Parker Has Trimmed His Sails. (Philadelphia Inquirer.) When Judge Parker voted for silver. In 1896 and 1900, he did not know tht gold standard was going to be so popu lar in 1901. WHAT IT MEANS. The Significance of the Vermont Victory. While it would be the sheerest folly for Republican managers to accept the Vermout victory as a certain augury of Roosevelt's election next November, or, to relax in their efforts to insure that result, it cannot be denied that the 32. 000 plurality is a most reassuring and significant fact. That this is so is not because a succession of statistical coin cidences where a shrinkage of the Re publican plurality in Vermont in Sep tember has presaged a national Demo cratic victory in November, but because the influences affecting the individual units in one State in this election arc national in their nature and are effective throughout the republic. If the issue iu the November election were confined to the tariff question it would be impossible to infer from Ver mont’s 32.000 Republican plurality what would be the drift in New York. Connecticut or Indiana. bpeause the vo ters of these three States study the tariff question through very different spectacles from those of the farmers of Vermont. From the day in 1801 when her late Senator Justin S. Morrill in troduced the war revenue tariff measure, which bore his name in the House of Representatives, Vermont has never wav ered in her support of the Republican policy of protection. Other States have wobbled, as the politicians have played upon the credulity of their industrial classes, but Vermont has stood as firm as her own everlasting hills. But in the present campaign the Democracy has chosen to thrust its tra ditional clamor for free trade into the background and has arrayed itself against the American spirit of aggres sive, progressive expansion, of which Theodore Roosevelt is the living em bodiment. To-day the Republicans stand for na tional action, advancement and life; the l>emocrats for national inaction, retro gression and death. The issue is between DOING and DON’T. Such an issue appeals to voters in Vermont precisely as it appeals to those of Oregon or Arkansas. The restricted local view and interest is swallowed up in the broader prospect, and men vote as Americans and not as citizens of this or that State. To this issue Oregon last June re sponded “Go ahead!’’ and Vermont mere ly echoes back across the continent “Go ahead!” kven Arkansas shows signs of waking from the lotus-eating dream of Demo cracy that a natiou can advance with out exertion and force by marking-time in front of the marble1 edigios of Jeffer son and Jackson, who if they were alive would be marching in the ranks of action and progress. This, then, is the significance of the Vermont election, that on the issue con tained in the word “Forward!” personi fied, if our opponents will have it so, in Theodore Roosevelt, represented in every line of financial, industrial and diplomatic achievement, demanding in creased expenditures for the army, the navy, the postal service and every de partment of government care of the people’s interests—Vermont represents the onward trend of American thought. This, and not the mere fact that Ver mont went Republican by 32.000 votes, gives an assurance of a great Republi can victory next November. “On th- wlio'e, onr people earn more and live better than ever before and the progress of whlc'i we are bo proud c uld not have token plac<» hid It not be-n for the up-bnildimr of industrial c-ntera, anch -a thb n «h ch 1 am « irnk lie,"-Fr m Roosevel ’* speech at Providence, k. 1.. August JSrd, ,902. Klrat V -tera* Tamp Irii Huttons. i The National Republican Committee. Auditorium, Chicago, is distributing thousands of artistic Roosevelt and Fairbanks First Voters’ buttons. They ire free for the asking. Apply to the Chairman of your State Committee. Show your colors. BLUNDER BY DEMOCRATS They Nominated Candidates Who Voted for Free Silver. PEOPLE CAN FORGIVE ERROR Which Is Now Practically Admitted, but Will Not Trust the Party with Power Because of the Blunder. When an individual makes and reit erates startling statements which later on are proved to be absolutely false, his further utterances on any subject whatsoever are liable not to be taken seriously, and this is putting the case mildly. Even though the statements were uttered in holiest belief as to their accuracy, the fact that they were later ou proven to be wrong, furnished evi dence of mental capacity to make fur ther gross blunders from time to time. Iu this respect the record of the Dem ocratic party on the silver issue has for that party the same sinister significance that falsifications from an individual, who is fouud out, would have for that individual. We may all be willing to charitably admit that iu its advocacy of the great free silver error in 1896 and 1900 the Democratic party was honestly wrong. There is no patriotic American who would like to think, hint, or suggest, that Bryan was not actuated by hon est and sincere belief in his cause when he uttered his famous “Cross of Gold” and “Crown of Thorns” speech in 1896, nor is there any American with opti mistic faith in the honesty and patriot ism of the leading public men of the United States who would want to think for a moment that Alton B. Parker, the candidate of a great political party for President of the United States, voted against his honest convictions as to what was for the good of his country when he voted for free silver in 1896. and then again voted for free silver in 19U0. Cannot Bo Trnstel. But while the American people will never impute dishonorable motives to the leaders of the silver cause in 189*i and 1900. yet nevertheless it will hesi tate in the future to place implicit trust in those who sought to lead them into a disastrous error in those years. Had the majority of the voters of the coun try in 1890 and 1900 not been of bet ter judgment than Judge Parker was during those two years the United State* would have had the silver standard: all the currency of the country would have been debased to the bullion value of sil ver; just debts would have been scaled off over fifty per cent.; the laborer, whom the Bible says is “worthy of his hire.” would have been paid his wages in cheap dollars of not half the value of the honest dollars based on the gold standard: the country would have suf fered unparalleled hard times; its credit would have sunk as low as that of Tur key, Venezuela, and of other nations which repudiate their just obligations. It was for such calamity as this that the Democratic free silver error stood in 1896 and again in 1SMH>. and Parker and Davis both times stood with this error, contributed money to further it along, and voted for it. Now the error is practically admitted. Both Parker and Davis, while refusing to say that they now believe in the gold standard, nevertheless say that it is “irrevocably established by law”—that is when on December 18. 1§99, the gold standard was established by a vote of 179 Republican yeas and only 11 Dem ocratic yeas, against 142 Democratic nays and no Republican nays, in the House of Representatives, and by a vote of 44 Republican and 2 Gold Democratic yeas against 23 I>omocratic aud only one Republican nay in the Senate, IT WAS SO WELL ESTABLISHED THAT PARKER AND DAVIS NOW CON SIDER IT “IRREVOCABLY ESTAB LISHED.” “Silence Is Confession.” The American people will be willing to forgive the Democratic record on the silver question. They will not demand humiliating verbal confessions from Democratic leaders of the fact that they were terribly wrong in 1896 and 11HX). As Daniel Webster once said—"Silence is confession”—and the fact that the Democrats now want silence on the "paramount” issue of 1890 and the "tan tamount” issue of 1900, is sutHcieut con fession of past error. But while the American people in re ceiving Democracy’s silent confession of past error, can forgive, yet it cannot for get. It mill not be in haste to put into the White House the representative of a party whose free silver principles put in jeopardy the business stability of the country. IT WILL NOT VOTE TO HONOR WiTH THE HIGHEST OFFICE IN THE LAND A CANDI DATE WHO IN 1890 AND AGAIN IN 1900 VOTED FOR A POLICY THAT WOULD HAVE FINANCIAL LY DISHONORED THIS COUNTRY AND MADE IT LOWER THAN TUR KEY AND VENEZUELA IN INTER NATIONAL OPINION AS TO ITS CREDIT. Show the Troth. Republicans, forecasting events from the September election in Vermont, should not allow themselves to be over confident of results of the presidential election in November. There is no doubt as to the fact that Roosevelt will win, but he ought to be given a great vote of confidence, an out pouring of national affection and trust, aside from a mere majority of electoral votes. A rebuke is deserved for the men who so falsify facts and sentiments, so distort, prevaricate and invent, as to make it ap pear that Theodore Roosevelt is any thing but the strong, thoughtful, loyal American citizen that he is. The silly bosh about “Imperialism” and “Militarism,” the groundless flubdub as to fancied personal dictation by their executive to the Americau people should be rebuked by the people in such man ner as can never be forgotten. Let Republicans appear en masse at the polls in November, to show what they think of Theodore Roosevelt.