The Loup City northwestern. (Loup City, Neb.) 189?-1917, September 22, 1904, Supplement, Image 11
IRON AND STEEL INDUSTRY Demoralizing Effects of Democratic Policies vs. Beneficial Effect of Republican Policies. KING TO PAUPER AND PAUPER TO KING Phenomenal Rise of the Industry Since 1894— Accurate Barometer of General Trade Conditions—Wages Increased. - « The iron and ateel industry Is often referred to as Cue “barometer of gen era] business.” It reflects conditions of depression or prosperity throughout the ••untry in a remarkably sensitive way •■for there is no business nor industry is tb« country which does not share •losely in the various conditions which make steel either “king” or “pauper,” and, as Andrew Carnegie once said, “steel is always either king or pauper.” When times were hard, as during the period of the last Democratic adminis tration, 1893-1896, there was indeed an •pen door Into the palace ef King Steel for the wolf of poverty to enter and ■sake Steel a Pauper. It was shown then that when panic and depression visit the country, steel feels the effects the most sharply and the most quickly of almost any com modity. THE RBSCIJT OF DEMOCRATIC POLICIES WAS NOT ONLY TO HEAVILY CURTAIL THE AMERI CAN CONSUMPTION OF IRON AND STBBL, BUT TO GIVE AN OPEN DOOR TO THE FOREIGNER TO SUPPLY WHAT DEMAND THERE WAS LEFT. In two years, from 1892 te 1894, represented by the change from Republican to Democratic rule, the pro duction of pig iron in the United States dropped from 9,157,000 tone to 6,657,388 tons. The financial depression that existed through the Cleveland administration made it difficult tor railroads to float the issue* of bonds that were needed to raise money for new rails, bridges, cars mad other equipment involving large consumption of iron and steel. The same was true of the building trades, and •tber indnstries which can use iron and •teed only as their business can expand, •nd, whose business instead of expanding during the last Democratic administra tion, was forced to contract. Remarkable Change Oceara. After the election of President Mc Kinley the enormous gains both in our consumption and our production of iron mid steel, attracted the attention of biwsi •ess interests throughout the world. Steel, which was Pauper under the Democratic administration, once again was King, and like King Cotton and King Corn, the growth of his worldwide TURN OUT THE BEST TYPES ON THE SHORTEST NOTICE, AND AT THE LEAST COST, TO PEACE ABLY INVADE WITH IRON AND STEEL THE MARKETS OF THE WORLD. DURING THE TWELVE MONTHS ENDING WITH JUNE. 1904. THE TOTAL EXPORTS OF IRON AND STEEL AND THE MAN UFACTURESTHEREFROM AMOUNTED TO $111,948,586. AGAINST $29,220,264 DURING THE DEMOCRATIC YEAR 1894. During the last eight years the Brit ish newspapers have been forced to dole fully notice a continued succession of American industrial triumphs over Great Britain. Now it is an American firm that gets the contract to build the great Atbara bridge across the Nile in upper Egypt. Now it is an American loco motive that supersedes the British loco motive ou a leading English railroad. Now it is an American electrical com pany that gets all the orders for the elec trical equipment for the great new Lon don underground railroad system. And thus episodes of American commercial conquest during the last eight years could be repeated until they would grow wearisome to read. The continued tri umphs of the United States in the steel and iron trade, at the same time that this industry in Great Britain has been in process of decline, led to the creation recently of a British Commission of busi ness experts to investigate the sit uation. This commission in its first re port on the iron and steel trade presents information of the highest value from firms employing over 87 per cent of the labor in this combined trade—231,000 out of an aggregate of 265.000 workers; and it has ascertained that while this in dustry has been advancing rapidly in other countries it has remained almost stationary in Great Britain. The im ports have increased 200 per cent and the exports have declined 7^»» per cent, and foreign competitors, protected in their own home markets, have made it the basis for the conquest of the British market. The masters of the trade have been consulted, and only 5 per cent of them are content with free trade and a ^policy of inaction. The employers of 81 per cent of the labor are convinced that neither masters nor men can expect equality of conditions unless the home power and prestige under the sponsor ship of the Republican party was noth ing short of marvelous. The great victory for the gold stand ard cured the uneasy, panicky conditions Chat had prevailed in the money market. It was possible in 1897 for great im provements to be financed by railroads and other corporations. The investor earn# out of the woods where he had been during Democratic times and bought bonds that represented cash to be expended in more rails, more bridges, store cars, more machinery, more sky scrapers and more other things that re quired enormous consumption of iron and dteet. But the increasing ability of the country to buy more iron and ateel was BMt by increasing necessity for larger consumption. The railroads suffered from car shortages because they could not buy new cars fast enough to keep pace with the increasing business that came la them. In almost every line ad industry the calls in the iron and steel Industry for material increased se rap idly that it was a difficult matter for the iron and steel manufacturers to hire sew men fast enough for the additional work to be done, and to otherwise keep ap with enormously increasing consump tion. But the Republican policy of pro tection not only operated by its general business effects, to stimulate the increas ing consumption, but also to force the increasing consumption to be met, not by laager foreign imports of iron and •tee!, giving more work for the foreign - •re te do, but by increasing domestic production, giving more work for Amer ican laboring men to do at continuously fcaorcaaing wages. Consumption and Production. Here are the figures as to bow both ••■sumption and production of pig iron almost trebled between the Democratic pear 1894, through the McKinley and BoMwek administrations, up to the year 3004. Production, Consumption, Tons, Tons. 1894 6,657.388 6,694,478 1898 11,773,934 12,005,074 1899 13,620,703 13,779,442 1900 13,789.242 13,179,409 1901 15.878,354 16.232,446 1902 17.821,307 18,442.899 1903 18,009,252 18,039,907 OnfSHt of Vortics HarkaU. With the vast increase in the domes tic production of iron and steel under Republican rule k became possible to conduct tbe industry at a relatively far greater perfection and lesser cost than when the work was done on only one third the scale. THIS CAUSED THE UNITED STATES, BY ITS SUPE RIOR METHODS. ABILITY TO industries are protected. The commis sion itself reports unanimously that the relative decline of the iron and steel in dustry canuot be attributed to natural disadvantages or want of skill and en terprise on the part of either of British manufacturers or workmen, but is due to the fact that their competitors in the United States and Germany, baring se cured control of their home markets by means of tariffs and the regulation of their export trade, are in a position to export their surplus products. Increase in Wages. The value to labor and to the indus trial and commercial interests of the United States of the development of the iron and steel industry under Republican rule will be apparent when it is real ized that the wages and salaries paid in iron and steel manufacture in the United States have increased from $89, 273.956 in 1890 to $132,000,000 in 1900. The growth and importance to labor of the iron and steel industry is illustrated by the following table, the figures being a part of the official report of the United States Census of 1900: Iron Ore ■egleae Oat Benefits. The extraordinarily good times which came to the iron and steel industry of the United States brought exceptional prosperity to our Iron ore regions, the United States soon assuming a greatly increasing lead over its closest competi tors, Great Britain and Germany. From the Democratic years, 1895 to 1901, the latest date where official data Is available, the production ef the three countries was Great Britain, Germany, U. 8. Gross tons. Metric tons. Gross tons. 1895_12.813.414 12,349.000 15,857,614 1896.. . .15,700,764 14.182.335 16,006,449 1897.. .. 13,787.878 15.465.979 17.518.046 1888-14,176,938 15,901.268 19,433.716 1899.. .. 14.481.330 17.989,035 24.683,173 1900.. .. 14.028,206 18,964,294 27.558,161 1901.. .. 12.275.196 18,570,258 28,887,479 In 1901 the 28,887.479 tons of ore pro duced by the United States exceeded by 42,0(23 tons the combined output of Great Britain and Germany, which amounted only to 28,845,456 tons. The high record of production In this country Was reached in 1902, when the total was 35,554,135, in a combined world output of about 87,000,000 tons. Germany reached its highest record iu 1900 with 18,904.294 tons, and Great Britain its maximum in 1889, when its total was 14,546,105 tons. In 1901, the year when this country for tbo first time produced more ore than Great Britain and Germany com bined, the total world output of ore was 79,981.935 tons, leaTing only 51,094,450 for the entire world outside the United States, whose production was 28,887,479 tons. For that year the offlcial figures, with Per cent Increase. —Date of Census— 1*90 to — . . . . .. . . 1890. 1900. 1900. Namber of establishments ......... 719 fyw -t7 0 ‘V... *1414.044.844 *590,530.4*4 42^6 Balaried officials, clerks, etc., number. 4 325 9 °17 1131 . *6.462.238 *11.741,788 8*> wage-earners, average number. 171.181 222 807 30 0 STetal wage* . *89.273.958 *120,836.338 35^4 Men, 16 years and over . 168.943 219.635 30 0 Wages .. *88,840,642 *120,157,007 35.3 W omen, 16 years and ever .. 58 1.071 1 746 6 Children, under 16 years . 2180 1 901 tl*> 8 Wages . *416.208 *412i443 +fK9 Miscellaneous expenses ... *18,214.948 *32 274 100 77 2 Cost ef materials used... *327.272.845 *522.43U01 59.6 Talne of products (2£4 pounds each). *47S.687.519 *804.034.988 68.0 Toaa of products (2,224 pounds each}. 16,264,478 29,507,860 81 4 •Not reported separately. tDecrease. ! ! i the exception of Russia, show produe I tion by countries as follows: Tons. United States .2S.SS7.479 Germany .16,570.258 Great Britain.12.275.198 Spain. 7.907.000 France. 4.791,000 Austria-Hungary. 3,329.000 Sweden. 2,795,000 Belgium . 227.000 All others . 3,000.000 ToUl.79.9S1.935 THE PHILIPPINES. Hepnblican Policy 1* In Line with Territorial Precedents, Four years ago the Democratic par ty denounced the acquisition of the Phil ippine Islands by the United States as a dangerous form of national expansion and their retention as an application of militarism. The only logical conclusion of this position was our immediate re tirement from the Islands, leaving them to shift for themselves. In his letter ac cepting the nomination for Vice Presi dent in 1800 Mr. Roosevelt commented on this position as follows; “The 3imple truth is that there is noth ing even remotely resembling ‘imperial ism* or militarism involved in the present development of that policy of expansion, winch has been part of the history of America from the day when she became a nation. The words mean absolutely nothing as applied to our present policy in the Philippines, for this policy is only imperialistic in the sense that Jefferson’s policy in Louisiana was imperialistic; only military in the sense that Jackson's policy towards the Seminoles or Custer’s towards the Sioux embodied militarism; and there is no more danger of its pro ducing evil results at home now than there was of its interfering with free dom under Jefferson or Jackson, or in the days of the Indian wars on the plains. • • • "The only certain way of rendering it necessary for our Republic to enter on a career of ‘militarism’ would be to abandon the Philippines to their own tribes, and at the same time either to guarantee a stable government among these tribes or to guarantee them against outside interference. A far larger army would be required to carry out any such policy than will be required to secure order under the American flag; while the presence of this flag on the Islands is really the only possible security against outside aggression. • • • Properly speaking, the question is now not wheth er we shall expand—for we have already expanded—but whether we shall con tract.” That waa the issue four years ago. Now the Democratic platform says: “We believe with Jefferson and John Adams, that no government has a right to make one set of laws for those at home and another and a different set of laws, absolute in their character, for those in the colonies. • • • We insist that we ought to do for the Filipinos what we have already done for the Cubans.” There has never been a time since the formation of the government that Congress has not made one set of laws for the States and another set for the territories. The laws enacted by Con gress for the government of the Philip pines are no more absolute than those which have been enacted during the last hundred years for our various territories. The demand that the United States shall do for the Filipinos what it has done for the Cubans is unreasonable. We never claimed to own Cuba, but we pos sess the Philippines by an undisputed title. A Republican administration did entire justice to Cuba as demanded by the circumstances of the case, and the Republican party can be depended upon to do entire justice to the Philippines. A3 TO IMMIGRATION. A OtmpaigB Issue that la Worth? of the Voter's Attention. They are coming, the less fortunate, coming to this American continent to secure a better life fox themselves than they have in their own land- They are coming from the less prosperous parts of Italy, and from Bohemia and from Hun gary and from Poland, and throughout all that wide northern Slavic region wherein is oppression of the Jews. In other words, they are coming from every where! From Europe the most oppressed and, in some cases, most unintelligent classes are coming here to find better conditions for themselves, and meanwhile to necessarily infuse a new element of blood here os well as a new element of thought and religion and general drift of being. We accept them and their blood and the infusion of their genera tions for the future. We accept them, in the broadest sense, with the idea that, by and by, tnere will become a homo geneity of the races which will take care of itself. The Norse in ail his varieties is, of course, a part of us, but the assimi lation of the Latin in all his varieties is another thing. We are trying to be big, broad Christiana and make no distinc tions. Certain laws have been enacted under the regime of the Republican party, and the manner in which they are being en forced illustrates, as well as could be, the earnestness of the present adminis tration, in allowing the filtering into this country, in all generosity, of those who seek a better harbor for what there is in life. It is but fair to the Republican party in this campaign that every Toter should think ef all that the party has done in the enactment of laws and the enforcement of them, in aM liberality, as to perfecting the immediate business wel fare of the country and as to controlling the amalgamation ef Ks future blood. This ia ene of the aide issues of the campaign to which the attention of every voter may well be directed. "We want ae law* iaapired by par alaa, aor do we want theai adminis tered by aelfishaees ar incapacity. Tba beat lawn, wisely administered, are what we demead, aad they can be Be en red if we bat de ear daty, a daty coaeaiaaded by the sacrifice ef those who sleep oa this field, aad hy ear ewa Interests aad tha interests ef these who shall follow as.”—Seaator Fair bantu at Free held, N. J., Jane 97, 1908. The country is indebted to the Repub lican party for the national bank sys tem, the resumption of specie payments and the establishment of the gold stand ard. It can well afford to point with pride to these and other achievement! opposed and denounced by the Democ racy. _ The average weekly rate of wages In the United States is 179 per cent and in Orest Britain 100 per cent. It marks ths difference between protection and free trade. ROOSEVELT'S WORDS PRESIDENT’S UTTERANCES MA LICIOUSLY MISCONSTRUED. Ludicrous Attempt by ■ 8elf-Kn* throned Democratic Leader to Make a Safe Man Appear as Dangerous to the Country—Pulitzer’s Letter. (Chicago Tribune.) The New York World is probably the most enthusiastic I'arker paper in the country. To an extent it is striking the keynote of the Parker chorus in the east. Two of its editorials are to be reprinted and circulated by the Demo cratic committee as campaign docu ments. These two editorials are in the form of open letters addressed by Joseph Pulitzer, editor of the World, to Theo dore Roosevelt. The first one occupied a page—the second nearly two pages. The third may take up three pages. In the words of Mr. Pulitzer, “The paramount issue of this campaign is not, as you would have it. free trade or free silver, but YOU YOURSELF—Theo dore Roosevelt. This issue i9 forced upon the country by your unusual tem perament and talent—your own strong, able, ambitious, resourceful, militant, passionate personality, your versatile and surprising genius.” This issue was framed by the World in its first letter, July 30, 1904. But as that document did not seem to frighten anybody to PaAer, the hot blood of strong desire denied mounted So the braiu of Mr. Pulitzer, and his emotions ravished his judgment. His second let ter—the one two pages long, printed on August 23—is addressed to “Theodore Roosevelt, Candidate for President of the United States and the Western Hem isphere.” The headlines ask if the Pres ident is a “military megalomaniac.” He is accused of a “monomania” to be the “grand lord protector” of the two Amer icas. A Gibbet of Folljr. This letter is interesting—first, be cause the World is generally recognized as the chief Parker spokesman; second, as an exhibition of that gibbet of folly to which partisan zeal, untevnpered by common sense, can on occasions, elevate a man ordinarily so level headed as Jo seph Pulitzer. Roosevelt's record, contends the World, clearly indicates that his return to pow er would be vested with the ruin of our free institutions. It proceeds to examine all his despotic procedures and unconstitutional usurpations, seriJtim. But it unquestionably omits much that would make its case stronger. For in stance, it does not show how the Presi dent has increased the standing anuy so that it has become a menace to the liberties of the citizens. (For, in fact during President Roosevelt’s administra tion the army has been diminished, not increased.) It does not prove now tne ambitions, costly, and bloody wars conducted during the present administration were begun, not as the constitution provide*, by an act of Congnasa, but at the imperial dic tation of the ruler. (For, in fact-there has been no war of any sort (luring President Roosevelt’s administration.) Always for Peace. It does not even show how the Presi dent has brought the country to the verge of a desperate war, which was prevented only by the retreat of the country which he threatened, as it might have proved against its favored Presi dent Cleveland. (For, in faot, the Pres ident has at no time brought the country near a war. His efforts and those of his Secretary of State have been consist ently directed toward the peace of the world, and the circumscribing of the area of hostilities once wars have begun.) It does not show how President Roose velt had used either corruption or force to influence elections in any State, so abasing the principle of local self-gov ernment, nor how he has deposed a re calcitrant governor, or dissolved a hos tile State assembly— after the fashion of certain reconstruction Presidents. (For he has done none of these things.! It does not show how he influenced judicial decisions, reversed a decree of court, or suspended a judge who had striven to limit the presidential usurpa tion. This is always the first symptom of the dissolution of constitutional gov ernment. (But President Roosevelt has not been guilty of it.) It does not show how, when the leg islature, maintaining its independence, refused to divest itself of its authority and humbly accept the “advice” of the man on horseback, he filled the halls of the lawmakers with bayonets, overawed the tribunes of the people, dissolved the | sitting, imprisoned the ringleaders. As is well known, the terrorizing of the legislature is the twin forerunner with the control of the judiciary in the down fall of free institutions. Has Doa* Ntne of This. It does not show how the President annulled the right of free speech and im posed a vexatious censorship upon the press. The World’s own articles are liv ing proof that he has done none of this. It does not show how, like the great est of our x'resrdents, he has, under the plea of national duress, suspended the writ of habeas corpus—the very spirit of civil liberty. (For President Roose velt has not suspended the writ of habeas corpus.) Thus the record shows President Roosevelt baa, in ns single way, even embryonically exceeded his constitutional functions. He baa not turned bis face In the direction of a single one of that set of actions whereby the usurpers of history have established themselves in power on the rums of freedom. Nev ertheless, the World reiterates that, by his record, it can prove Theodore Roose velt to be a man dangerous to ths lib erties of his country. How can this proof be wrought? In a simple way. By passing over in silent contempt his record as a thor oughly constitutional and patriotic Pres ident; by picking out ef their contexts some of the things he has said—taking one paragraph from one speech, another paragraph from a different speech; by taking one sentence from a paragraph here, another sentence from a paragraph there; even by taking a phrase from a sentence here, another phrase from a sentence there; by then weaving these different contextless paragraphs, sen tences, and phrases into a single fabric —whttsh fabric, charges the World, is truly indicative of the whole character »f the man Roosevelt! Iu pursuance of this plan the World t , has carefully picked out of their set i tings the twenty-six most bellicose, ab | solutist, imperialistic sayings of which j President Itoosevelt has ever delivered : •himself. These are the quintessence of . his bloodthirsty expressions. Nothing that he has said has ever gone farther on the road to military despotism than these twenty-six things. Kx Parte Argument. Of ceurse, a- every reasonable be ing knows, swh ex parte argument is not fair. It were easy by choosing out all of Jefferson’s sayings on one side to prove him an ardent expansionist, or by picking out of all his writings on the other side to prove him a bigoted con tractionist. He could be shown up as a protectionist, if all that be said in faTor of that principle were collected to gether, while all that he said against it were omitted. Or by reversing the pro cess it could readily be demonstrated that he was an absolute and perpetual free trader. It could be shown that he was a practical anarchist, advocating « revolution every twenty years, that fhe tree of liberty might be kept well watered with blood. Or by omitting this class of his writings and combining the opposite class he could be represented as constantly enjoining implicit obedi ence to the law. It is useless to multiply examples. By such a narrow scheme of special plead ing the wise man could be shown a fool, because wise men sometimes are fool ish. The most foolish man could be shown a sage, be-^ause foolish men some times are sensible. The gutter drunk ard eould be proved a teetotaler, for he has occasional periods of complete so briety. Such a method is wholly false. The World knows it and resorted to it only because its case was weak. It you would judge what kind of a President Roosevelt would make the fairest method is te consider what kind of a President he has made. But if you, for some reason which it is not easy t«» eonceive, refuse this test, end pre fer to judge him on what he has said, do not read merely stray words and sentences gathered and arranged by his enemies. Zb all fairness read these words in thear proper contexts. Read as much of Roosevelt’s writings as you have time for. You will find them the expres sions Bot of a bloody and despotic intel lect but of a clean, strong, honest mind, inetinat wish patriotism. MONEY IN CIRCULATION. A Daily lucres** of 0352,304 for Ufbt Year*. Daring the last eight years of Republi can administration the increase in the volume ef ©ur currency has amounted to $352,304 per day. or more than $10, 000,000 per month—the total increase being, $1,014,716,561. This increase has been chiefly and directly due to the poli cies of sound money and protection. By the act passed I>ec. 18. 1899, by a Republican Congress (142 Democrats vot ing against it and only 11 voting for it in the House of Representatives and 23 voting for it and 2 against it in the Sen ate), and signed by President McKinley, the gold standard was sanctioned by law, and according to Alton B. Parker was then “firmly and irrevocably establish ed.” Just as free silver would have driven gold from the country according to the famous Gresham law that “bad money drives out good money,” so this positive committal of the country to the gold standard resulted in a large gain of gold to ©ur currency. The increas ingly large output of gold from Alaska, California, Colorado and other Western States remained in the United States instead of being driven ©ut. as would have been tbe case had free silver tri umphed in 1896 or 1900. Not only this, but the United States gold standaru drew to this country much of the gold produc ed in South Africa and other parts of the world. The policy *f protection also contribut ed to ©ur ability to keep our own gold and get more gold from other nations, for it made the balance of trade favorable, since it tended to increase our exports over our imports. Instead of sending gold ©ut of the country as in Demo cratic times, to pay for goods that Amer ican labor at home might just as well have produced, the Republican policy has been to cause gold to be distributed at home for work done just as well at home. Of the present amount of money in circulation about 48 per cent is gold— which mostly represents money saved to the people of the United States by the Republican policies of sound money and protection. SUGAR TRUST POLITICS. Close Relatione of Wall Street and the Democratic Party. (New York Letter in Los Angeles Times.) When New York State was being got into line for Judge Parker, Havemeyer put sn guard for Parker one of his own men. Cord Meyer by name. Cord Meyer is the sugar trust's representative in Democratic councils. The Republican party is able to get along without having a sugar trust representative in its coun cils, but if Democrats come into power, it will be Cord Meyer’s happy duty to make sugar stock go up and down on the New York Stock Exchange and to let it be knewn to anxious statesmen when it is going up and when it is going down. Do the people out West know that in New York, when the Democrats desire to carry an election, they go out and tell the district leaders that a certain stock on the New Yerk Stock Exchange, say Manhattan Elevated, will go up $15 per share in ease ef Democratic success? That is what they do. and it does go up, too, and that shows how close the Demo cratic party is te Wall street in New York, where Parker and bis cohorts come from. They buy elections with stock tips, and Cord Meyer, Billy Sheehan and Belment are extraordinarily good tip sters. Latest Republican Outrage, On Aug. 29 a fall ef snow, the first ef the season, occurred in Minnesota, and it cannot be denied that it occurred under the Roosevelt administration. Crops, flowers and garden produce were damaged, and there was the dickens to pay generally. The Republican party cannot deny that this thing has happened under a Republican administration, bnt ft can do this: It can promise another snow-fall on Nov. 8, so vast that the memory of all preceding snowstorms will be lost. It is sometimes well to consider what might have been. Where would our gov ernment finances, our revenues, our do mestic industries and our foreign trade be new if the Democracy had succeeded in 1896 or 1900? WATTERSONIAN WAIL THI8 TIME IT S ROOSEVELT THAT HE’S AFRAID OF. The Cassandra of American Politics Utters Dismal Howls and Direful Predictions About Koosevelt and Republicans. On the evening of Sept. 7, 1904. the land was at peace, and no auguries of dread possessed it. Vermont had said its say, in no unmeaning manner, and ail was calm in city and country, while in New York was gathering a band, just a few faithful editors of Democratic antecedents, to talk over the political sit uation, and incidentally devour that square meal which, when eaten in public and accompanied by speeches, is called a banquet. Among the chivalry which gathered there was Henry Watterson of Ken tucky. The moment be was seen the festive board those editors and specta tors who are accustomed to observe the usual progress of event* knew that some thing was going to happen. They di vined that Henry had been “seeing things.” It is a way he has. And then he says things. Time rolled on. The rich New York viands, prepared for the unaccustomed palates of the visiting editors, the fiery cocktails, the generous wines, the nips of strong waters, all these had met the fate prepared for them. And then came Watterson, as chief speaker of the even ing. Watterson is at times an excitable man. This was one of the times. He was not only excited, he was painfully, morbidly, scared. And of all things m the world, this brave, loyal, chivalrous American gentleman was afraid of an other brave, loyal, chivalrous American gentleman—the President of the United States, Theodore Roosevelt. There was rant about “raising the black flag,” “scuttling the ship of civil service.” “and “cutting the throat of re ciprocity” which made Watterson’s hear ers turn pale, though they knew no more than did the speaker to what these trucu lent words referred. The trembling editors listened, appall ed. Watterson lowered h« voice and muttered forth charges of ruth and ruin against Itoosevelt past, Roosevelt pres ent, Roosevelt future. Again he pawed the earth, shook his fists aloft and bel lowed his predictions of an everlasting candidate for the presidency, and an ev erlasting President in the person of The odore Roosevelt, if the Republicans con tinue in power. VVatterson’s auditors thought of Carter H. Harrison I. and Car ter H. Harrison II., perennial and ever blooming Mayors of Chicago, but, as these examples of political longevity be loag to the Democratic party, it calmed the nerves of the wrought-up banquet ers, and they were able to brace up and listen to the impassioned gentleman from Kentucky. The flood of oratory wei>t on and on, and when it was over the editors felt re lieved, because no seizure of a fatal character had made fitting climax to the utterances of the choleric speaker, whose eloquence has been whetted for years, upon the obtrusive angles of his own party. And then the telegraphic wires bore, as upon the wings of the wind, the words of Watterson. to be printed in the morning papers that there could be read, by the toiling millions, the fatal words of objurgation, adjuration and divina tion. The public read the burning words of Watterson with that fatal apathy which greets the efforts of those who, in the first place, talk too much, and in the second place, habitually overshoot the mark. There was a good-natured laugh, perhaps, as some stalwart American glanced over the “scare heads” of the morning papers, and one or another of the great army of freemen said to his neighbors, as be looked up from the warnings, denunciations and predictions of the hysterical orator of Louisville, “VVatterson’s broke loose again!" And that was all. THE PRODIGAL PARTY. Biblical Story that Pits the Democracy of Today. (Portland Oregonian.1 The Democratic party is like a certain son which wandered off into a far coun try and tilled his belly with the husks which the swine did eat. But when he came to himself he said, I will arise and go back to the home of sense and honesty which I left and will ask to be taken back ns a hired servant on probation. I will admit that I was wrong aud hava now seen the light and I hope to be re stored through good behavior to my for mer place in the confidence of the folks at home and deceit people generally. That is to say, the Democratic party could be conscientiously likened to the prodigal son if it had acted on the lines just laid down. But the attitude it ac tually assumes Is something entirely dif ferent. Without explaining or reprobat ing his actions of 189<> and 1900 when he voted for Bryan. Judge Parker asks the support and confidence of &H gold standard men because he somewhat pat ronizingly recognizes the gold standard as “irrevocably established.” He does not animadvert upon his own conduct in leaving home or even upon the quality of the nutriment which the far country of populism afforded the Democratic paunch. As near as we can make !t oat. the Democratic idea is that the Elder Broth er shoald be thrown out on the world and the Prodigal Son installed aa man ager of the estate. Price Placed »a Repentance. Gold Democrat* who bolted the Bryan party will be permitted to join the Hill Belraont-Parker organization, provided they pay a big entrance fee. The Demo cratic State Committee of Indiana is preparing to levy a heavy assessment on gold Democrats who wish to rote for Parker. In other words, the men who have been reviled so bitterly by Mr. Bryan for supporting Palmer or McKin* ley at the last two elections must open their pocketbooks if they wish to ait humbly in the Parker bandwagon. President Roosevelt said in his speech of acceptance: ‘‘A party is of worth only in so far as it promotes the national interest.” Measured by this standard, what is the Democratic party worth?