IRON AND STEEL INDUSTRY
Demoralizing Effects of Democratic Policies vs.
Beneficial Effect of Republican Policies.
KING TO PAUPER AND PAUPER TO KING
Phenomenal Rise of the Industry Since 1894—
Accurate Barometer of General Trade
Conditions—Wages Increased.
- «
The iron and ateel industry Is often
referred to as Cue “barometer of gen
era] business.” It reflects conditions of
depression or prosperity throughout the
••untry in a remarkably sensitive way
•■for there is no business nor industry
is tb« country which does not share
•losely in the various conditions which
make steel either “king” or “pauper,”
and, as Andrew Carnegie once said,
“steel is always either king or pauper.”
When times were hard, as during the
period of the last Democratic adminis
tration, 1893-1896, there was indeed an
•pen door Into the palace ef King Steel
for the wolf of poverty to enter and
■sake Steel a Pauper.
It was shown then that when panic
and depression visit the country, steel
feels the effects the most sharply and
the most quickly of almost any com
modity.
THE RBSCIJT OF DEMOCRATIC
POLICIES WAS NOT ONLY TO
HEAVILY CURTAIL THE AMERI
CAN CONSUMPTION OF IRON AND
STBBL, BUT TO GIVE AN OPEN
DOOR TO THE FOREIGNER TO
SUPPLY WHAT DEMAND THERE
WAS LEFT. In two years, from 1892
te 1894, represented by the change from
Republican to Democratic rule, the pro
duction of pig iron in the United States
dropped from 9,157,000 tone to 6,657,388
tons.
The financial depression that existed
through the Cleveland administration
made it difficult tor railroads to float
the issue* of bonds that were needed to
raise money for new rails, bridges, cars
mad other equipment involving large
consumption of iron and steel. The same
was true of the building trades, and
•tber indnstries which can use iron and
•teed only as their business can expand,
•nd, whose business instead of expanding
during the last Democratic administra
tion, was forced to contract.
Remarkable Change Oceara.
After the election of President Mc
Kinley the enormous gains both in our
consumption and our production of iron
mid steel, attracted the attention of biwsi
•ess interests throughout the world.
Steel, which was Pauper under the
Democratic administration, once again
was King, and like King Cotton and
King Corn, the growth of his worldwide
TURN OUT THE BEST TYPES ON
THE SHORTEST NOTICE, AND AT
THE LEAST COST, TO PEACE
ABLY INVADE WITH IRON AND
STEEL THE MARKETS OF THE
WORLD. DURING THE TWELVE
MONTHS ENDING WITH JUNE.
1904. THE TOTAL EXPORTS OF
IRON AND STEEL AND THE MAN
UFACTURESTHEREFROM
AMOUNTED TO $111,948,586.
AGAINST $29,220,264 DURING THE
DEMOCRATIC YEAR 1894.
During the last eight years the Brit
ish newspapers have been forced to dole
fully notice a continued succession of
American industrial triumphs over Great
Britain. Now it is an American firm
that gets the contract to build the great
Atbara bridge across the Nile in upper
Egypt. Now it is an American loco
motive that supersedes the British loco
motive ou a leading English railroad.
Now it is an American electrical com
pany that gets all the orders for the elec
trical equipment for the great new Lon
don underground railroad system. And
thus episodes of American commercial
conquest during the last eight years
could be repeated until they would grow
wearisome to read. The continued tri
umphs of the United States in the steel
and iron trade, at the same time that
this industry in Great Britain has been
in process of decline, led to the creation
recently of a British Commission of busi
ness experts to investigate the sit
uation. This commission in its first re
port on the iron and steel trade presents
information of the highest value from
firms employing over 87 per cent of the
labor in this combined trade—231,000
out of an aggregate of 265.000 workers;
and it has ascertained that while this in
dustry has been advancing rapidly in
other countries it has remained almost
stationary in Great Britain. The im
ports have increased 200 per cent and
the exports have declined 7^»» per cent,
and foreign competitors, protected in
their own home markets, have made it
the basis for the conquest of the British
market. The masters of the trade have
been consulted, and only 5 per cent of
them are content with free trade and
a ^policy of inaction. The employers of
81 per cent of the labor are convinced
that neither masters nor men can expect
equality of conditions unless the home
power and prestige under the sponsor
ship of the Republican party was noth
ing short of marvelous.
The great victory for the gold stand
ard cured the uneasy, panicky conditions
Chat had prevailed in the money market.
It was possible in 1897 for great im
provements to be financed by railroads
and other corporations. The investor
earn# out of the woods where he had
been during Democratic times and
bought bonds that represented cash to
be expended in more rails, more bridges,
store cars, more machinery, more sky
scrapers and more other things that re
quired enormous consumption of iron and
dteet. But the increasing ability of the
country to buy more iron and ateel was
BMt by increasing necessity for larger
consumption. The railroads suffered
from car shortages because they could
not buy new cars fast enough to keep
pace with the increasing business that
came la them. In almost every line
ad industry the calls in the iron and steel
Industry for material increased se rap
idly that it was a difficult matter for
the iron and steel manufacturers to hire
sew men fast enough for the additional
work to be done, and to otherwise keep
ap with enormously increasing consump
tion. But the Republican policy of pro
tection not only operated by its general
business effects, to stimulate the increas
ing consumption, but also to force the
increasing consumption to be met, not
by laager foreign imports of iron and
•tee!, giving more work for the foreign -
•re te do, but by increasing domestic
production, giving more work for Amer
ican laboring men to do at continuously
fcaorcaaing wages.
Consumption and Production.
Here are the figures as to bow both
••■sumption and production of pig iron
almost trebled between the Democratic
pear 1894, through the McKinley and
BoMwek administrations, up to the year
3004.
Production, Consumption,
Tons, Tons.
1894 6,657.388 6,694,478
1898 11,773,934 12,005,074
1899 13,620,703 13,779,442
1900 13,789.242 13,179,409
1901 15.878,354 16.232,446
1902 17.821,307 18,442.899
1903 18,009,252 18,039,907
OnfSHt of Vortics HarkaU.
With the vast increase in the domes
tic production of iron and steel under
Republican rule k became possible to
conduct tbe industry at a relatively far
greater perfection and lesser cost than
when the work was done on only one
third the scale. THIS CAUSED THE
UNITED STATES, BY ITS SUPE
RIOR METHODS. ABILITY TO
industries are protected. The commis
sion itself reports unanimously that the
relative decline of the iron and steel in
dustry canuot be attributed to natural
disadvantages or want of skill and en
terprise on the part of either of British
manufacturers or workmen, but is due
to the fact that their competitors in the
United States and Germany, baring se
cured control of their home markets by
means of tariffs and the regulation of
their export trade, are in a position to
export their surplus products.
Increase in Wages.
The value to labor and to the indus
trial and commercial interests of the
United States of the development of the
iron and steel industry under Republican
rule will be apparent when it is real
ized that the wages and salaries paid
in iron and steel manufacture in the
United States have increased from $89,
273.956 in 1890 to $132,000,000 in 1900.
The growth and importance to labor of
the iron and steel industry is illustrated
by the following table, the figures being
a part of the official report of the United
States Census of 1900:
Iron Ore ■egleae Oat Benefits.
The extraordinarily good times which
came to the iron and steel industry of
the United States brought exceptional
prosperity to our Iron ore regions, the
United States soon assuming a greatly
increasing lead over its closest competi
tors, Great Britain and Germany.
From the Democratic years, 1895 to
1901, the latest date where official data
Is available, the production ef the three
countries was
Great Britain, Germany, U. 8.
Gross tons. Metric tons. Gross tons.
1895_12.813.414 12,349.000 15,857,614
1896.. . .15,700,764 14.182.335 16,006,449
1897.. .. 13,787.878 15.465.979 17.518.046
1888-14,176,938 15,901.268 19,433.716
1899.. .. 14.481.330 17.989,035 24.683,173
1900.. .. 14.028,206 18,964,294 27.558,161
1901.. .. 12.275.196 18,570,258 28,887,479
In 1901 the 28,887.479 tons of ore pro
duced by the United States exceeded by
42,0(23 tons the combined output of Great
Britain and Germany, which amounted
only to 28,845,456 tons.
The high record of production In this
country Was reached in 1902, when the
total was 35,554,135, in a combined
world output of about 87,000,000 tons.
Germany reached its highest record iu
1900 with 18,904.294 tons, and Great
Britain its maximum in 1889, when its
total was 14,546,105 tons.
In 1901, the year when this country
for tbo first time produced more ore
than Great Britain and Germany com
bined, the total world output of ore was
79,981.935 tons, leaTing only 51,094,450
for the entire world outside the United
States, whose production was 28,887,479
tons.
For that year the offlcial figures, with
Per cent
Increase.
—Date of Census— 1*90 to
— . . . . .. . . 1890. 1900. 1900.
Namber of establishments ......... 719 fyw -t7 0
‘V... *1414.044.844 *590,530.4*4 42^6
Balaried officials, clerks, etc., number. 4 325 9 °17 1131
. *6.462.238 *11.741,788 8*>
wage-earners, average number. 171.181 222 807 30 0
STetal wage* . *89.273.958 *120,836.338 35^4
Men, 16 years and over . 168.943 219.635 30 0
Wages .. *88,840,642 *120,157,007 35.3
W omen, 16 years and ever .. 58 1.071 1 746 6
Children, under 16 years . 2180 1 901 tl*> 8
Wages . *416.208 *412i443 +fK9
Miscellaneous expenses ... *18,214.948 *32 274 100 77 2
Cost ef materials used... *327.272.845 *522.43U01 59.6
Talne of products (2£4 pounds each). *47S.687.519 *804.034.988 68.0
Toaa of products (2,224 pounds each}. 16,264,478 29,507,860 81 4
•Not reported separately. tDecrease.
! !
i the exception of Russia, show produe
I tion by countries as follows:
Tons.
United States .2S.SS7.479
Germany .16,570.258
Great Britain.12.275.198
Spain. 7.907.000
France. 4.791,000
Austria-Hungary. 3,329.000
Sweden. 2,795,000
Belgium . 227.000
All others . 3,000.000
ToUl.79.9S1.935
THE PHILIPPINES.
Hepnblican Policy 1* In Line with
Territorial Precedents,
Four years ago the Democratic par
ty denounced the acquisition of the Phil
ippine Islands by the United States as
a dangerous form of national expansion
and their retention as an application of
militarism. The only logical conclusion
of this position was our immediate re
tirement from the Islands, leaving them
to shift for themselves. In his letter ac
cepting the nomination for Vice Presi
dent in 1800 Mr. Roosevelt commented
on this position as follows;
“The 3imple truth is that there is noth
ing even remotely resembling ‘imperial
ism* or militarism involved in the present
development of that policy of expansion,
winch has been part of the history of
America from the day when she became
a nation. The words mean absolutely
nothing as applied to our present policy
in the Philippines, for this policy is only
imperialistic in the sense that Jefferson’s
policy in Louisiana was imperialistic;
only military in the sense that Jackson's
policy towards the Seminoles or Custer’s
towards the Sioux embodied militarism;
and there is no more danger of its pro
ducing evil results at home now than
there was of its interfering with free
dom under Jefferson or Jackson, or in
the days of the Indian wars on the
plains. • • •
"The only certain way of rendering
it necessary for our Republic to enter
on a career of ‘militarism’ would be to
abandon the Philippines to their own
tribes, and at the same time either to
guarantee a stable government among
these tribes or to guarantee them against
outside interference. A far larger army
would be required to carry out any such
policy than will be required to secure
order under the American flag; while
the presence of this flag on the Islands
is really the only possible security against
outside aggression. • • • Properly
speaking, the question is now not wheth
er we shall expand—for we have already
expanded—but whether we shall con
tract.”
That waa the issue four years ago.
Now the Democratic platform says:
“We believe with Jefferson and John
Adams, that no government has a right
to make one set of laws for those at
home and another and a different set of
laws, absolute in their character, for
those in the colonies. • • • We insist
that we ought to do for the Filipinos
what we have already done for the
Cubans.”
There has never been a time since
the formation of the government that
Congress has not made one set of laws
for the States and another set for the
territories. The laws enacted by Con
gress for the government of the Philip
pines are no more absolute than those
which have been enacted during the last
hundred years for our various territories.
The demand that the United States
shall do for the Filipinos what it has
done for the Cubans is unreasonable. We
never claimed to own Cuba, but we pos
sess the Philippines by an undisputed
title. A Republican administration did
entire justice to Cuba as demanded by
the circumstances of the case, and the
Republican party can be depended upon
to do entire justice to the Philippines.
A3 TO IMMIGRATION.
A OtmpaigB Issue that la Worth? of
the Voter's Attention.
They are coming, the less fortunate,
coming to this American continent to
secure a better life fox themselves than
they have in their own land- They are
coming from the less prosperous parts of
Italy, and from Bohemia and from Hun
gary and from Poland, and throughout
all that wide northern Slavic region
wherein is oppression of the Jews. In
other words, they are coming from every
where! From Europe the most oppressed
and, in some cases, most unintelligent
classes are coming here to find better
conditions for themselves, and meanwhile
to necessarily infuse a new element of
blood here os well as a new element of
thought and religion and general drift
of being. We accept them and their
blood and the infusion of their genera
tions for the future. We accept them, in
the broadest sense, with the idea that,
by and by, tnere will become a homo
geneity of the races which will take care
of itself. The Norse in ail his varieties
is, of course, a part of us, but the assimi
lation of the Latin in all his varieties is
another thing. We are trying to be big,
broad Christiana and make no distinc
tions.
Certain laws have been enacted under
the regime of the Republican party, and
the manner in which they are being en
forced illustrates, as well as could be,
the earnestness of the present adminis
tration, in allowing the filtering into this
country, in all generosity, of those who
seek a better harbor for what there is in
life. It is but fair to the Republican
party in this campaign that every Toter
should think ef all that the party has
done in the enactment of laws and the
enforcement of them, in aM liberality, as
to perfecting the immediate business wel
fare of the country and as to controlling
the amalgamation ef Ks future blood.
This ia ene of the aide issues of the
campaign to which the attention of every
voter may well be directed.
"We want ae law* iaapired by par
alaa, aor do we want theai adminis
tered by aelfishaees ar incapacity. Tba
beat lawn, wisely administered, are
what we demead, aad they can be Be
en red if we bat de ear daty, a daty
coaeaiaaded by the sacrifice ef those
who sleep oa this field, aad hy ear ewa
Interests aad tha interests ef these
who shall follow as.”—Seaator Fair bantu
at Free held, N. J., Jane 97, 1908.
The country is indebted to the Repub
lican party for the national bank sys
tem, the resumption of specie payments
and the establishment of the gold stand
ard. It can well afford to point with
pride to these and other achievement!
opposed and denounced by the Democ
racy. _
The average weekly rate of wages In
the United States is 179 per cent and in
Orest Britain 100 per cent. It marks
ths difference between protection and
free trade.
ROOSEVELT'S WORDS
PRESIDENT’S UTTERANCES MA
LICIOUSLY MISCONSTRUED.
Ludicrous Attempt by ■ 8elf-Kn*
throned Democratic Leader to Make
a Safe Man Appear as Dangerous to
the Country—Pulitzer’s Letter.
(Chicago Tribune.)
The New York World is probably the
most enthusiastic I'arker paper in the
country. To an extent it is striking the
keynote of the Parker chorus in the
east. Two of its editorials are to be
reprinted and circulated by the Demo
cratic committee as campaign docu
ments. These two editorials are in the
form of open letters addressed by Joseph
Pulitzer, editor of the World, to Theo
dore Roosevelt. The first one occupied
a page—the second nearly two pages.
The third may take up three pages.
In the words of Mr. Pulitzer, “The
paramount issue of this campaign is not,
as you would have it. free trade or free
silver, but YOU YOURSELF—Theo
dore Roosevelt. This issue i9 forced
upon the country by your unusual tem
perament and talent—your own strong,
able, ambitious, resourceful, militant,
passionate personality, your versatile and
surprising genius.”
This issue was framed by the World
in its first letter, July 30, 1904. But as
that document did not seem to frighten
anybody to PaAer, the hot blood of
strong desire denied mounted So the
braiu of Mr. Pulitzer, and his emotions
ravished his judgment. His second let
ter—the one two pages long, printed on
August 23—is addressed to “Theodore
Roosevelt, Candidate for President of the
United States and the Western Hem
isphere.” The headlines ask if the Pres
ident is a “military megalomaniac.” He
is accused of a “monomania” to be the
“grand lord protector” of the two Amer
icas.
A Gibbet of Folljr.
This letter is interesting—first, be
cause the World is generally recognized
as the chief Parker spokesman; second,
as an exhibition of that gibbet of folly
to which partisan zeal, untevnpered by
common sense, can on occasions, elevate
a man ordinarily so level headed as Jo
seph Pulitzer.
Roosevelt's record, contends the World,
clearly indicates that his return to pow
er would be vested with the ruin of
our free institutions. It proceeds to
examine all his despotic procedures and
unconstitutional usurpations, seriJtim.
But it unquestionably omits much that
would make its case stronger. For in
stance, it does not show how the Presi
dent has increased the standing anuy
so that it has become a menace to the
liberties of the citizens. (For, in fact
during President Roosevelt’s administra
tion the army has been diminished, not
increased.)
It does not prove now tne ambitions,
costly, and bloody wars conducted during
the present administration were begun,
not as the constitution provide*, by an
act of Congnasa, but at the imperial dic
tation of the ruler. (For, in fact-there
has been no war of any sort (luring
President Roosevelt’s administration.)
Always for Peace.
It does not even show how the Presi
dent has brought the country to the
verge of a desperate war, which was
prevented only by the retreat of the
country which he threatened, as it might
have proved against its favored Presi
dent Cleveland. (For, in faot, the Pres
ident has at no time brought the country
near a war. His efforts and those of his
Secretary of State have been consist
ently directed toward the peace of the
world, and the circumscribing of the area
of hostilities once wars have begun.)
It does not show how President Roose
velt had used either corruption or force
to influence elections in any State, so
abasing the principle of local self-gov
ernment, nor how he has deposed a re
calcitrant governor, or dissolved a hos
tile State assembly— after the fashion
of certain reconstruction Presidents.
(For he has done none of these things.!
It does not show how he influenced
judicial decisions, reversed a decree of
court, or suspended a judge who had
striven to limit the presidential usurpa
tion. This is always the first symptom
of the dissolution of constitutional gov
ernment. (But President Roosevelt has
not been guilty of it.)
It does not show how, when the leg
islature, maintaining its independence,
refused to divest itself of its authority
and humbly accept the “advice” of the
man on horseback, he filled the halls of
the lawmakers with bayonets, overawed
the tribunes of the people, dissolved the |
sitting, imprisoned the ringleaders. As
is well known, the terrorizing of the
legislature is the twin forerunner with
the control of the judiciary in the down
fall of free institutions.
Has Doa* Ntne of This.
It does not show how the President
annulled the right of free speech and im
posed a vexatious censorship upon the
press. The World’s own articles are liv
ing proof that he has done none of this.
It does not show how, like the great
est of our x'resrdents, he has, under the
plea of national duress, suspended the
writ of habeas corpus—the very spirit
of civil liberty. (For President Roose
velt has not suspended the writ of habeas
corpus.)
Thus the record shows President
Roosevelt baa, in ns single way, even
embryonically exceeded his constitutional
functions. He baa not turned bis face
In the direction of a single one of that
set of actions whereby the usurpers of
history have established themselves in
power on the rums of freedom. Nev
ertheless, the World reiterates that, by
his record, it can prove Theodore Roose
velt to be a man dangerous to ths lib
erties of his country. How can this
proof be wrought?
In a simple way. By passing over
in silent contempt his record as a thor
oughly constitutional and patriotic Pres
ident; by picking out ef their contexts
some of the things he has said—taking
one paragraph from one speech, another
paragraph from a different speech; by
taking one sentence from a paragraph
here, another sentence from a paragraph
there; even by taking a phrase from a
sentence here, another phrase from a
sentence there; by then weaving these
different contextless paragraphs, sen
tences, and phrases into a single fabric
—whttsh fabric, charges the World, is
truly indicative of the whole character
»f the man Roosevelt!
Iu pursuance of this plan the World
t
, has carefully picked out of their set
i tings the twenty-six most bellicose, ab
| solutist, imperialistic sayings of which
j President Itoosevelt has ever delivered
: •himself. These are the quintessence of
. his bloodthirsty expressions. Nothing
that he has said has ever gone farther
on the road to military despotism than
these twenty-six things.
Kx Parte Argument.
Of ceurse, a- every reasonable be
ing knows, swh ex parte argument is
not fair. It were easy by choosing out
all of Jefferson’s sayings on one side to
prove him an ardent expansionist, or by
picking out of all his writings on the
other side to prove him a bigoted con
tractionist. He could be shown up as
a protectionist, if all that be said in
faTor of that principle were collected to
gether, while all that he said against it
were omitted. Or by reversing the pro
cess it could readily be demonstrated
that he was an absolute and perpetual
free trader. It could be shown that
he was a practical anarchist, advocating
« revolution every twenty years, that
fhe tree of liberty might be kept well
watered with blood. Or by omitting this
class of his writings and combining the
opposite class he could be represented
as constantly enjoining implicit obedi
ence to the law.
It is useless to multiply examples. By
such a narrow scheme of special plead
ing the wise man could be shown a fool,
because wise men sometimes are fool
ish. The most foolish man could be
shown a sage, be-^ause foolish men some
times are sensible. The gutter drunk
ard eould be proved a teetotaler, for he
has occasional periods of complete so
briety. Such a method is wholly false.
The World knows it and resorted to it
only because its case was weak.
It you would judge what kind of a
President Roosevelt would make the
fairest method is te consider what kind
of a President he has made. But if you,
for some reason which it is not easy
t«» eonceive, refuse this test, end pre
fer to judge him on what he has said,
do not read merely stray words and
sentences gathered and arranged by his
enemies. Zb all fairness read these
words in thear proper contexts. Read as
much of Roosevelt’s writings as you have
time for. You will find them the expres
sions Bot of a bloody and despotic intel
lect but of a clean, strong, honest mind,
inetinat wish patriotism.
MONEY IN CIRCULATION.
A Daily lucres** of 0352,304 for
Ufbt Year*.
Daring the last eight years of Republi
can administration the increase in the
volume ef ©ur currency has amounted
to $352,304 per day. or more than $10,
000,000 per month—the total increase
being, $1,014,716,561. This increase has
been chiefly and directly due to the poli
cies of sound money and protection.
By the act passed I>ec. 18. 1899, by a
Republican Congress (142 Democrats vot
ing against it and only 11 voting for it
in the House of Representatives and 23
voting for it and 2 against it in the Sen
ate), and signed by President McKinley,
the gold standard was sanctioned by law,
and according to Alton B. Parker was
then “firmly and irrevocably establish
ed.” Just as free silver would have
driven gold from the country according
to the famous Gresham law that “bad
money drives out good money,” so this
positive committal of the country to the
gold standard resulted in a large gain
of gold to ©ur currency. The increas
ingly large output of gold from Alaska,
California, Colorado and other Western
States remained in the United States
instead of being driven ©ut. as would
have been tbe case had free silver tri
umphed in 1896 or 1900. Not only this,
but the United States gold standaru drew
to this country much of the gold produc
ed in South Africa and other parts of
the world.
The policy *f protection also contribut
ed to ©ur ability to keep our own gold
and get more gold from other nations, for
it made the balance of trade favorable,
since it tended to increase our exports
over our imports. Instead of sending
gold ©ut of the country as in Demo
cratic times, to pay for goods that Amer
ican labor at home might just as well
have produced, the Republican policy has
been to cause gold to be distributed at
home for work done just as well at home.
Of the present amount of money in
circulation about 48 per cent is gold—
which mostly represents money saved to
the people of the United States by the
Republican policies of sound money and
protection.
SUGAR TRUST POLITICS.
Close Relatione of Wall Street and the
Democratic Party.
(New York Letter in Los Angeles Times.)
When New York State was being got
into line for Judge Parker, Havemeyer
put sn guard for Parker one of his own
men. Cord Meyer by name. Cord Meyer
is the sugar trust's representative in
Democratic councils. The Republican
party is able to get along without having
a sugar trust representative in its coun
cils, but if Democrats come into power,
it will be Cord Meyer’s happy duty to
make sugar stock go up and down on the
New York Stock Exchange and to let
it be knewn to anxious statesmen when
it is going up and when it is going down.
Do the people out West know that in
New York, when the Democrats desire to
carry an election, they go out and tell
the district leaders that a certain stock
on the New Yerk Stock Exchange, say
Manhattan Elevated, will go up $15 per
share in ease ef Democratic success?
That is what they do. and it does go up,
too, and that shows how close the Demo
cratic party is te Wall street in New
York, where Parker and bis cohorts come
from. They buy elections with stock
tips, and Cord Meyer, Billy Sheehan and
Belment are extraordinarily good tip
sters.
Latest Republican Outrage,
On Aug. 29 a fall ef snow, the first
ef the season, occurred in Minnesota,
and it cannot be denied that it occurred
under the Roosevelt administration.
Crops, flowers and garden produce were
damaged, and there was the dickens to
pay generally.
The Republican party cannot deny
that this thing has happened under a
Republican administration, bnt ft can do
this: It can promise another snow-fall
on Nov. 8, so vast that the memory of
all preceding snowstorms will be lost.
It is sometimes well to consider what
might have been. Where would our gov
ernment finances, our revenues, our do
mestic industries and our foreign trade
be new if the Democracy had succeeded
in 1896 or 1900?
WATTERSONIAN WAIL
THI8 TIME IT S ROOSEVELT THAT
HE’S AFRAID OF.
The Cassandra of American Politics
Utters Dismal Howls and Direful
Predictions About Koosevelt and
Republicans.
On the evening of Sept. 7, 1904. the
land was at peace, and no auguries of
dread possessed it. Vermont had said
its say, in no unmeaning manner, and
ail was calm in city and country, while
in New York was gathering a band, just
a few faithful editors of Democratic
antecedents, to talk over the political sit
uation, and incidentally devour that
square meal which, when eaten in public
and accompanied by speeches, is called a
banquet.
Among the chivalry which gathered
there was Henry Watterson of Ken
tucky. The moment be was seen the
festive board those editors and specta
tors who are accustomed to observe the
usual progress of event* knew that some
thing was going to happen. They di
vined that Henry had been “seeing
things.” It is a way he has. And then
he says things.
Time rolled on. The rich New York
viands, prepared for the unaccustomed
palates of the visiting editors, the fiery
cocktails, the generous wines, the nips of
strong waters, all these had met the
fate prepared for them. And then came
Watterson, as chief speaker of the even
ing.
Watterson is at times an excitable
man. This was one of the times. He
was not only excited, he was painfully,
morbidly, scared. And of all things m
the world, this brave, loyal, chivalrous
American gentleman was afraid of an
other brave, loyal, chivalrous American
gentleman—the President of the United
States, Theodore Roosevelt.
There was rant about “raising the
black flag,” “scuttling the ship of civil
service.” “and “cutting the throat of re
ciprocity” which made Watterson’s hear
ers turn pale, though they knew no more
than did the speaker to what these trucu
lent words referred.
The trembling editors listened, appall
ed. Watterson lowered h« voice and
muttered forth charges of ruth and ruin
against Itoosevelt past, Roosevelt pres
ent, Roosevelt future. Again he pawed
the earth, shook his fists aloft and bel
lowed his predictions of an everlasting
candidate for the presidency, and an ev
erlasting President in the person of The
odore Roosevelt, if the Republicans con
tinue in power. VVatterson’s auditors
thought of Carter H. Harrison I. and Car
ter H. Harrison II., perennial and ever
blooming Mayors of Chicago, but, as
these examples of political longevity be
loag to the Democratic party, it calmed
the nerves of the wrought-up banquet
ers, and they were able to brace up and
listen to the impassioned gentleman from
Kentucky.
The flood of oratory wei>t on and on,
and when it was over the editors felt re
lieved, because no seizure of a fatal
character had made fitting climax to the
utterances of the choleric speaker, whose
eloquence has been whetted for years,
upon the obtrusive angles of his own
party.
And then the telegraphic wires bore,
as upon the wings of the wind, the
words of Watterson. to be printed in the
morning papers that there could be read,
by the toiling millions, the fatal words
of objurgation, adjuration and divina
tion.
The public read the burning words
of Watterson with that fatal apathy
which greets the efforts of those who, in
the first place, talk too much, and in the
second place, habitually overshoot the
mark. There was a good-natured laugh,
perhaps, as some stalwart American
glanced over the “scare heads” of the
morning papers, and one or another of
the great army of freemen said to his
neighbors, as be looked up from the
warnings, denunciations and predictions
of the hysterical orator of Louisville,
“VVatterson’s broke loose again!"
And that was all.
THE PRODIGAL PARTY.
Biblical Story that Pits the Democracy
of Today.
(Portland Oregonian.1
The Democratic party is like a certain
son which wandered off into a far coun
try and tilled his belly with the husks
which the swine did eat. But when he
came to himself he said, I will arise and
go back to the home of sense and honesty
which I left and will ask to be taken
back ns a hired servant on probation. I
will admit that I was wrong aud hava
now seen the light and I hope to be re
stored through good behavior to my for
mer place in the confidence of the folks
at home and deceit people generally.
That is to say, the Democratic party
could be conscientiously likened to the
prodigal son if it had acted on the lines
just laid down. But the attitude it ac
tually assumes Is something entirely dif
ferent. Without explaining or reprobat
ing his actions of 189<> and 1900 when
he voted for Bryan. Judge Parker asks
the support and confidence of &H gold
standard men because he somewhat pat
ronizingly recognizes the gold standard
as “irrevocably established.” He does
not animadvert upon his own conduct in
leaving home or even upon the quality
of the nutriment which the far country
of populism afforded the Democratic
paunch.
As near as we can make !t oat. the
Democratic idea is that the Elder Broth
er shoald be thrown out on the world
and the Prodigal Son installed aa man
ager of the estate.
Price Placed »a Repentance.
Gold Democrat* who bolted the Bryan
party will be permitted to join the Hill
Belraont-Parker organization, provided
they pay a big entrance fee. The Demo
cratic State Committee of Indiana is
preparing to levy a heavy assessment on
gold Democrats who wish to rote for
Parker. In other words, the men who
have been reviled so bitterly by Mr.
Bryan for supporting Palmer or McKin*
ley at the last two elections must open
their pocketbooks if they wish to ait
humbly in the Parker bandwagon.
President Roosevelt said in his speech
of acceptance: ‘‘A party is of worth
only in so far as it promotes the national
interest.” Measured by this standard,
what is the Democratic party worth?