CASH INCOMEFROM FARMS
Effect of Republican Policies in the Corn Belt
and -Wheat Growing States.
VALUE OF LANDS GREATLY INCREASED
Prices of Cereals in “Lean” and “Fat” Years—
Market Demand Affected by Action of Na
tional Administration—Rise in Values.
It has been quite customary for Dem
ocratic writers and speakers to attribute
the extraordinary prosperity of the last
eight years to Providence, and to deny
that the Republican party could be espe
cially allied with Providence.
In answer to this contention President
Roosevelt, in one of his campaign
speeches in 1900, made the witty remark
that the Democratic party had “fused
with about everything except Proyi
dence.”
In relation to the remarkable increase
in the agricultural prosperity of the
United States during the years of Re
publican rule subsequent to the last
Democratic administration (1893-18071,
it is the Democratic policy to sneeringly
ask if the Republican party produced the
bountiful crops, or had anything to do
with the droughts, the rust, or other in
fluences bnllishly affecting the prices of
commodities the fanner had to sell.
Such sneering remarks, however, can
not suppress the fact that while there
have been many vicissitudes during tin
last eight years in crop conditions, yet
there has all this time been a more or
less steady and big increase in the cash
income from American farms.
In 1901, for instance, owing to hot
winds and drought, there was a lean
year in corn, and yet the farmers of the
United States got $921,555,768 for their
corn of that Republican year as against
$491,006,967 for their corn of the Dem
ocratic year 1890, which was a "fat
year,” as regards naturally splendid
crop conditions, but a lean year indeed,
as regards prices. The Republican year
1901 was thus a year in which prosper
ity for the Corn Belt farmers was pre
served, despite a great natural disaster
to the corn crop, while the Democratic
year 1896 was a year in which there was
no prosperity in the Corn Belt despite
the especially bouutiful size of the corn
crop.
Dollar Wheat vs. Fifty CentWhent.
AT THE PRESENT WRITING
THE CASH PRICE OF WHEAT AT
CHICAGO IS ABOUT $1.10. In Au
gust, 1903, it was 77% to 90% cents;
in August, 1902, it was 68% to 76 cents;
in August, 1901. it was 66% to 77 cents:
in August, 1900, it was 71% to 76%
cents; in August, 1899, it was 69 to 74%
cents; in August. 1898. it was 65% to
75 cents; in August, 1897, it was 75%
to $1.07; in August, 1896. it was 53 to
63% cents; in August. 1895. it was 58%
to 72 cents; IN AUGUST, 1894. IT
WAS 51% TO 58% CENTS.
AT PRESENT WRITING THE
CASH PRICE OF CORN AT CHI
CAGO IS 56 CENTS. In August, 1903,
it was 50% to 53 cents; in August, 1902.
it was 50 to 60 cents; in August, 1901,
it was 53% to 57% cents; in August,
1900, it was 37% to 41% cants; in Au
gust, 1899, it was 30% to 33 cents; in
August, 1898. it was 29% to 33% cents;
in August, 1897, it was 26% to 32%
cents; IN AUGUST. 1896, IT WAS
20% TO 25 CENTS.
Yard Stick of Republican Prosperity.
The general drift of these price fig
ures, covering a period of about eight
years, has been of course significant not
mefely of the size of the crops of these
particular years, but of the general
steady Increase in market demand.
Wheat is not only a "staff of life,” but
it is also, as regards its consumption, u
\ard-stick of national progress. The
more people advance in civilization and
in prosperity the more wheat flour will
they consume. The present great awak
ening amongst the Oriental races is syn
chronous with the development of an
enormous trade in Pacific Coast wheat
Hour through the "open door” to these na
tions of the Orient.
In the case of corn it is certainly a
fact worthy of much attentive interest,
that despite the high prices for corn dur
ing the Inst three years, the demand even
at these high prices has not abated. And
• notwithstanding we seem likely to have
this year a crop of 2.500,000,000 bush
els, corn is now about 56 cents per
bushel at Chicago. In 1.896 the total
crop was 2,282,875,165 bushels, but the
price in August of that year was 20%
to 25 cents at Chicago—not half what
it is now!
Per Capita Conenmptlon of Wheat
Increases.
The Republican policy of building up
the manufactures of the United States—
of placing the factory besiue the farm—
accounts for the broader and better
market the farmer during the last eight
years has been steadily getting for his
products. This is noticeable in the case
of practically everything he has to sell
—increasing consumption making prices
relatively better no matter what the size
of his crops.
Figures of the Bureau of Statistics
- show that the wheat consumption of the
United States in the fiscal year 1904
was the largest in the history of the
• country. The table which follows shows
the quantity of wheat retained for con
sumption in total and per capita in each
- fiscal year from 1890 to and including
1901:
Wheat and wheat flour retained for
home consumption:
Fiscal Total Per Capita
Year. Bushels. Bushels.
1890 . 381.129,533 0.09
1891 .293,080.684 4.59
•1892 . 386,767,724 5.94
1893 . 324,431.470 4.89
1894 . 232.815,041 3.44
• 1895 ..316.344,305 4.59
1896 .340,658,079 4.85
1887 . 282.001.700 3.95
•1888 .313,021.235 4.29
-1899 . 452,470.332 6.09
1900 .361,229.920 4.74
4801 ..306,173,421 8.95
mU .. .......513,762,741 6.50
1003.4(50.975,913 5.S1
1904 . 517,143.143 6.33
In this tabU* it is significant to note
that the lowest per capita of wheat con
sumption during the last fourteen years
occurred during the Democratic period
from 1893 to 1897. and that since the
first election of William McKinley and
the inauguration of Republican policies,
up to the present time there has been
AN INCREASE OF OVER ONE
THIRD IN PER CAPITA CONSUMP
TION OF WHEAT.
Increased Value of Farm Lauda.
The farm lands of the United States
represent the great portion of its real
capital. When crop after crop is pro
duced from the soil, the capital still re
mains practically intact, unless bad
judgment is used in planting crops
without rotation, or unless the cream of
the soil is washed away by floods, or
unless the productive value is otherwise
destroyed through various kinds of im
providence like the interference with
forest life at the headwaters of streams.
The farm lands of the country are thus
unlimited sources of wealth as compared
with mines and forests the annual in
come from which represent not real in
come, but instead encroachments on real
capital.
How the Increment la Earned
The value of the crops produced dur
ing a particular season tend to regulate
the value of the capital (the soil* front
which they are produced, just like the
dividends which- different securities
which pay them. Henry (leorge has
spoken of the “unearned increment'’ that
has arisen front the appreciation in laud
values. But while the agricultural his
tory of the United States for the last
eight years has shown an enormous
amount of this “increment,” yet to say
that it has been "unearned * is a rank
injustice to the farmers who have co
operated with Providence to produce
the crops on which not only land values,
hot the national prosperity is based from
year to year.
There are some people who seem to
think that it is only by speculation that
wealth is acquired. There are other
people who hold that hard industry is
all that is needed for the accumulation
of the riches of this earth. There are
others who lay stress on smartness, on
economy and on other traits of iong
headedness. But while thore are many
different ways by which individuals of
our country have grown wealthy, yet to
trace out how the United States as a
nation has grown to he a multi-billion
aire. we must primarily consider the
record of yield and prices on our crops.
It is a popular delusion that the size
of the crops is the whole thing as re
gards agricultural prosperity. Provi
dence and the farmer’s individual dili
gence are responsible for the size of his
crops. But the financial appraisement
of this great work of Providence and
himself, which makes up the “supply,”
is determined by the market "demand.”
and this in turn, is affected largely by
national economic policies. ‘ '
Except for wheat the supply from
this year’s crops of the United States
will probably be greater than for last
year. In the aggregate as regards size,
the crops will this year very likely be
the most abundant in our history, unless
the present bumper prospects in corn
should, at the eleventh hour, be reduced
by unlucky visitation of frost. And in
the aggregate, as regards values, it looks
as if our crops would this year bring
greater wealth to the United States than
ever before.
M«»dy Gain* in Valne.
The following tables show how steady
have been the gains in cash values of
staple crops, despite fluctuations from
year to year iu size of crops:
CORN.
Production. Total Value.
Totals—1903. 2,244.176,923 932.868.S01
1902.. 2.523.048.312 1,017,017,349
1901. .1,522,519,891 921,555,768
1900. .2,105,102316 751,220,034
1899.. 2.078.143.933.029,210,110
1898.. 1,924,184,600 552.023.428
1897.. 1,902,967,933 501,072,952
1896.. 2,283,875,165 491,006,967
1895.. 2,151,138.580 544,985,534
1894.. 1,212,770,052 554,719,162
1893.. 1,619,490.131 591,025.027
1892.. 1,028,404,000 042,140,<130
OATS.
Production. Total Value.
Totals—1903 ..784,004.199 267,661.665
1902.. . 087,842,712 303.584.852
1901.. . 730,808,724 293.658,777
1903.. . 730.808.724 293,658,777
1900.. . 800,125,989 208,069.233
1899.. .796,177,713 198,167,975
1898.. . 730,906,043 186.405,304
1897.. .098.707.800 147.974,719
1890.. . 707,340,404 132,485,033
1895.. . 824,443,537 163,655,008
1894.. . 662,036,928 214.810,920
1893.. . 038,854,850 187.570.002
1892. .. 001.035,000 209.253,611
RYE.
Production. Total Value.
Totals—1903 ...29.363.416 15.993.871
1902 _ 33,030,592 17.080,793
1901 _30,384,830 16.909,742
1900_23.995,927 12,295,417
1809. . • .-23.961.741 12,214,118
1898.. . .25,057,522 11,875.350
1897.. .. 27,303,324 12,2:59.047
1896 _ 24,369,047 9.9<>0.7«9
1895 - 27,210,070 11,964,826
HAY.
Production. Total Value.
Totals—1903... 61.305.940 556,376.880
1902 - 59.857.576 542,036,364
1900. ...50,110,906 445,538,870
1899_56.665,756 411,026,187
1808 - 66376,920 398,060,647
1897 _60,664,876 401.390,728
1896.. ..50.282.158.388,145,614
1805. ...47,078341 393,185,616
. . POTATOES. i
Production. Total Value.
, Totals—1903 . .247.127.880 151,638,094
1902.. . 284.632.787 134,111,436
1900. .. 210,926.897 90,811.167
181 >9... 228.7X3.232 89,328.832
1898.. . 192.306,338 79,574.772
1897. .. 164.015.964 89,643,059
1896.. . 252.234.540 72.182.350
1895. .. 297.237.370 78,984,901
A Lesson in Potatoes.
The last annual report of Secretary
Stone, of the Chicago Board of Trade,
makes some significant remarks regard
ing these steady gains in the cash value
of our crops. It says:
"Our production of wheat in 1903
aggregated 637,822.000 bushels; of core,
2.244.177.000 bushels; of oats. 784.094,
000 bushels; of rye. 29.363,000 bushels;
of barley, 131,861,000 bushels, showing
a total yield of the principal cereals of,
in round numbers, 3,387,317,000 bush
els. valued on the farm at $1,739,715,
476, grown on 172.095,117 acres. Our
crop of hay aggregated 61,39*3,000 tons.
The yield of potatoes aggregated 247.
128.000 bushels, valued at $151,638,000,
produced on 2,916.855 acres; the yield
was 37.505,000 bushels less than that
of the preceding year, but the value was
$17,527,000 greater, showing the larg
est valuation recorded in any year, and
MORE THAN TWICE THAT OF
1X96.
"The farm value of the chief cereals,
of hay and of potatoes, raised in 1903,
amounted to $2,447,730,450. The crop
of wheat was 32,241,000 bushels less
than that of the preceding year, but its
farm value was $20,841,000 greater; its
valuation was iu excess of the value of
the crop of any year excepting that of
1901.”
What Makes Prices HiKher.
The purpose of this article has thus
been to show that while crops may vary
in size from year to year, the cash in
come from them seems in a general way
to increase from year to year what
ever the size of the crops. Last year
(1!X>3) the total farm value of the chief
cereals and of hay and potatoes was
nearly two billion and a half dollars,
and this year it promises to be much
greater than last.
So far as the mere size of the crops
is alone concerned, it would seem unreas
onable. for instance, that a crop of
wheat of 460.267.000 bushels (the crop
cf 1804 should, in January, 180.*», have
sold so low as 48% cents per bushel,
while the 1004 crop of wheat, which at
the lowest present estimates is 530.000.
000 bushels, should now he selling at
$1.10 per bushel.
But it is evident that there are causes
at work to make ottr farm products sell
better from year to year. While sup
plies fluctuate the market demand
steadily increases. This fact should
be considered a very strong “bull”
argument not only on laud values,
but on the general future business con
dition of the country, for every increase
over this two billion and a half dollars of
farm laud income of last year means just
so much more increase in the purchasing
power of the American people, and ju<t
so much more business for all our in
dustries, and just so much more work,
wages and profits for all our people
anxious to better their condition of life.
The'causes that are at work to make
farm products sell better from year to
year are undoubtedly connected with the
general policies of Republican adminis
tration.
When William McKinley, in 1806.
said it was better to open American
mills to -American labor than to open
the mints of the United States to the
silver of the world, he expressed the
policy that transformed bad times for
the entire people under Democratic rule
to good times for the entire people under
Republican rule. With the people in the
cities more prosperous, l*ecause of the
policies of protection and of sound
money, the people in the country were
bound to be more prosperous, too, be
cause there was an improved market
for what they had to sell. This, in a
nutshell, is the secret of the constantly
increasing agricultural prosperity of the
United States under Republican rule.
NOT FIT TO BE PRESIDENT.
An “Evening Post” Opinion of Jadge
Parker.
(New York Evening Post, July 1. 1903.)
We presume that Judge Parker's greet
ings in Georgia as “our next President”
will not ruffle bis judicial calm. Like
the rest of us, he has seen too many next
Presidents a year before election.
They usually swarm like grasshoppers
in July before the nominating conven
tion. But the Judge will be subjected
in his Georgia address to a pretty sharp
test of his fitness for President, next
time or ever. Will he have the courage
to speak a direct and wholesome word
to the people of the South on the question
which is rapidly becoming the leading na
tional issue?
We mean, of course, the whole matter
of abridged suffrage, denied citizenship,
refusal of equal treatment before the
law, and the recrudescence of slavery, as
affecting our negro population. The
Southern papers are full of it, anrl de
manding that the South be “let alone”
in its challenge of human rights and dis
regard of the constitution. Edward M.
Shepard told the people of New Orleans
that the South ought to be left to go its
own way. But can a man named as
“our next President” agree to such a
local nullification of national laws? If
he can, he is not fit to be President next
year.or any year.
Of Conne Not.
David B. Hill stated, in one of his
speeches, that Mr. Roosevelt, on taking
the oath of office after the death of
President McKinley, said that he would
not be a candidate for President in 19<M.
President Roosevelt has never made a
promise as to hie own personal action
which he did" not redeem. The President
is dntspoken, fair and square. These
are characteristics of the man. He
makes no promises he does not intend to
keep, and he keeps such as he makes.
The silly story started by Hill had no
foundation in fact, and it is really not
worth the ink and paper that has been
used in denying it, except that it once
more marks the character of Hill.
“I have words of abase for
Theodore' Koosevelt. I believe him to
be a breve, honset» coaeclentione men.
I give him fall credit for having a
splendid courage of conviction.”—
Thomas E. Watson's speech accepting Populist
nomination.
liberal compensation for labor makes
liberal customers tor our products. The
Republican policy of protection makes
both.
UNLIKE DEMOCRATS
FINANCIAL TRANSACTIONS OF
REPUBLICANS NEVER SHADY.
Sale of Philippine Bonds to a Western
Bank, the Highest Bidder — Demo
cratic Deal with tha Belmont
Syndicate Kiddled.
The fourth installment of the $3,000.
000 of Philippine bonds was taken at
101.41 by the Western National Bank
of Oklahoma City, whose bid for the
Ixxnds was the highest. The fact that a
w estern bank should outbid leading insti
tutions af Wall street for these bonds
suggests how’ the West is rapidly gaining
in financial power and importance. No
western bank would have dared to bid
for such a large issue of bonds without
being perfectly satisfied that it could find
n broad market for them amongst local
investors. The old financial problem of
the West was to get money from the
East. The present problem of the West
is to find good channels for the invest
ment of its own money.
By a transaction such as this we find
investors in the Southwest become cred
itors of the Philippine Islands. In other
words, they are loaning some of the
fruits of their own prosperity under Re
publican rule to help along the prosperity
of our nation’s wards in the Philippines.
The security w'hich United States gov
ernment over the Philippines gives to
lives and property, trade and industry,
makes the credit of the islands good, so
that investors are quite willing to pay a
premium for Philippine bonds. If the
United States government were not sov
ereign over the Philippines, it is a ques
tion whether the islands would be able
to float bonds even at a discount, hence
i many needed improvements for the isl
ands could not be carried out. Were
the Democratic party to be successful
in the election this fall, the owners of
Philippine bonds would doubtless see a
quick slump iu their market value.
Notorious Democratic Deal.
It is the Republican policy in the case
of necessary issues of bonds, like the war
loan of 185)8 and this Philippine bond
issue, to sell the bonds by popular sub
scription or by public competitive bid
ding for them. This gives the whole peo
ple an equal chance, and all sections of
the country an equal chance, to secure
them for investment and to realize what
ever profit their ultimate appreciation
may. bring. Under the Democratic plan,
as followed out during the last Cleveland
administration, the government ignored
the small investors, and had no use for
any financial institution west of Wall
street.
For instar.ee, on Feb. 18. 1895. the
Democratic Secretary of the Treasury
signed a contract with a New York syn
dicate for the selling of $62,315,400 four
per cent bonds. These bonds the syndi
cate sold to the public for $65,116.244,
clearing a profit for itself, out of the
transaction, of nearly $34)00,000. Th»*
price at which the bond.* were sold *to
the syndicate was equivalent to 1041-**.
when the existing United States four per
cent bonds, with less than half as long
a time to run. were bringing 111 on the
market. The syndicate dictated to the
government the terms of the deal. ONE
OF THE MEMBERS OF THAT SYN
DICATE. AUGUST BELMONT, IS
THE PRINCIPAL FINANCIAL AD
VISER AND BACKER OF ALTON B.
PARKER * OR PRESIDENT.
WHY ALLS WELL IN KANSAS.
It I* Became of Sound Money ead the
Protective Policy.
Few people realize how or why the
condition of Kansas is watched with
such solicitude throughout the country—
especially in the Western States.
The fact is indisputable that there is
something about its climate, the mer
curial disposition of its people and the
conditions of life in Kansas that make
it a sort of barometer for the rest of the
republic. When there is anything seri
ous the matter with Kansas it is cer
tain that all is not exactly right with
her neighbors. When there is a drouth
in Kansas there is apt to he a mighty
thirst in all the region west of the Mis
sissippi. When the rains and sunshine
bless Kansas with bountiful harvests
and the cyclone and grasshopper give her
a wide berth, the fatness is apt to extend
beyond her liorders and fill the land with
reason for rejoicings and content.
When Providence frowns on Kansas
the heart of the nation is usually sorrow
ful for her—and for itself.
When Providence smiles on Kansas
the rest of us generally bid au revoir to
melancholy.
Therefore Senator Fairbanks did well,
in opening the Republican campaign at
Marion, Kan.. Sept. 1, to remind his au
ditors of the change that had come over
their prospects since the days when the
whole land rang with the cry. “What’s
the matter with Kansas?” Happily he
was able to proclaim, if not from the
house tops, at least to the telegraph op
erators for dissemination throughout the
nation, that “All’s well in Kansas.”
Swiftly he drew the picture of the con
ditions as they existed eight years ago:
“Kansas was suffering from the effects
of Democratic administration. The in
terests of her agriculture languished. Her
crops rotted in the field or were market
ed at unremunerated prices.” And much
more to the same effect. Then he point
ed to the prosperity of the present, with
out need to recapitulate the blessings
that good crops, good prices, good govern
ment and sound money showered upon
Kansas as from an exhaustless urn.
“During the last seven years.” he sail.”
“no one has shared the prosperity which
has come to the country in a fuller de
gree than the farmers of Kansas.” And
he illustrated the prosperity of the State
by the increase in her bank deposits
“from $33,000,000 in 1895 to over $80,
000,000 in 1903.” As a matter of exact
record it might be well to say that the
bank deposits in Kansas increased from
$30,529,487 in 1896 to $84,055,110, or
180 per cent, while those of the whole
country increased from $231,828,339 to
$540,649,702, or slightly under 134 per
cent.
Would the reader know how all this
wonderful prosperity came to Kansas?
It was through her own industry stimu
lated and protected by the sound econ
omic and monetary policies of the Re
publican party.
In 1895 corn on the farms of Kansas
was bringing 18 cants a bushel; last year,
according to the report of the Depart*
ment of Agriculture, it brought 36 cents
or exactly double as much.
In 1895 the price of wheat on the Kan
sas farm was 51 cents per bushel; last
year, according to the same authority,
it was 71 cents.
In 1895 the price of oats on the Kan
sas farm was 17 cents; last year it was
30—a case where 30 cents was a joke
which the Kansan appreciated clear
down to his boots.
During this period freight rates on
wheat per 100 pounds from Atchison.
Kan., to Chicago were reduced from 24
to 19 cents, nnd on rye, barley, com aud
oats from 20 to 16 cents.
In 1895 the revenue of the railways
per passenger per mile in the territory of
which Kansas is the center was 2.275
cents; in 1902 it had fallen to 2.236
cents. In the same period the railroad
revenue from freight in the same terri
tory had fallen from 1.161 cents per toil
per mile to 0.978 cents.
There are good times in Kansas be
cause of good government, good crops,
good prices, increasing manufactures and
declining rates for transporting the fruits
of all kinds of industry to the markets
of the world; nnd when there arc good
times in Kansas there is little occasion
for discontent throughout the rest of the
Union.
FARMWAGES.
Figure* a* to Rate* Faid In England
and the United State*.
The August Labor Gazette, a govern
ment publication issued monthly by the
British Board of Trade, gives an inter
esting account of the half-yearly agri
cultural hirings at Whitsuntide, 1904. for
the counties of Cumberland, Westmore
land and North Lancashire, which affords
an instructive view of the rates paid
farm hands in England. The official re
port prepared for the department states
that "the supply of male farm servants
was fairly plentiful, owing partly to
slackness of employment in other indus
tries." but that "wages showed a down
ward tendency in the case of men, but
women were scarce and their wages
were well maintained."
The following were the rates generally
agreed upon for the half year:
Per six months
with hoard.
Best men .$75.00 to $100.00
Second class men. 50.00 to 75.00
Youths and boys.20.00 to 50.00
Best women . 55.00 to 75.00
Second class women and
girls. 20.00 to Go. 00
These rates have been slightly increas
ed in the transcription from English
money into dollars and cents at the ratio
of $5 per pound, but they afford a clear
and authoritative exhibit of what British
farm hands are receiving by which every
intelligent American farm hand can cam
part the wages he receives.
Without knowing the number of men
employed in each class ami at varying
rates therein it is. of course, impossible
to arrive at an average rate of compensa
tion. But with $100 per half year for
the highest and 850 for the lowest of the
second-class men it is evident that the
yearly average for male farm hands ex
clusive of youths ami 1m*js in Great
Britain cannot be mud), if any. above
$150 a year, while the average for wom
en would be somewhere around $100.
We have no similar figures for the
United States, but in a recent bulletin
entitled "Wages of Farm Labor in the
United States.” issued by the Depart
ment of Agriculture, the figures of the
average monthly wages of farm laborers
in this country are given. Multiplied by
six, to arrive at the half yearly rate,
they furnish the following:
Average wages of farm laborers in the
I'nited States.
Per six months
with hoard.
1890.$74.70
1892 . 75.24
1895. 79 74
181*4 . 72.90
1895 . 72.12
1898 . 80.5s
1899 . 91.42
1902 .‘.18.40
It will be perceived that the average
rate paid in the United Suites i» 1902
for six months is within $1.60 of the
maximum rate paid to the best farm
hands in Great Britain in May. 1904. and
almost double the minimum paid second
class met).
The figures of our Department of Ag
riculture, moreover, apply only to thost*
laltorers hired by the year or season, the
rates where the engagement is by the
day are very much higher, being 8!)
cents per day, with board, and $1.13
without, in 11)02. against <53 cents with,
and 81 cents without board, in 1894.
This would make the pay, with board,
in 1894. average $94.50 for a half year
of 150 days, while the average compen
sation of the American farm laborer paid
by the day in 1902 would lie $133.50
for the six months, with board.
Hut statistical averages, valuable as
they are in reflecting the general condi
tions. are elusive and tantalizing things
wheti they attempt to cover the rate of
wages in an occupation like agriculture,
which, including employers and employ
ed, numbers at least 11,000,000 persons
over 10 years of age and upwards of ev
ery age. color and sex. The American
farm laborer knows what wages he re
ceives. and he cau compare it with what
is paid in England, and greatly to his
own satisfaction.
He also knows that the above aver
ages iu the United States for 1894 and
1902 fairly though faintly reflect the
difference l>etween his industrial condi
tion during the last Democratic national
administration and now. And in Novem
ber he will not vote for any pnrty whose
success would foreshadow a return to
the conditions of 1894 and 1895.
Expansion a Klcutns>
United States Consul General Guen
ther. at Frankfort. Germany, quotes a
noted German professor as saying that
expansion does not lessen a nation's in
herent compactness and strength. On
the contrary, a nation can only become
great, he says, by having space in which
to expand. Great Britain is cited as an
example of what expansion has done for
a nation that originally hud little terri
tory. ____
Rural free delivery has enabled farm
ers to obtain better prices for their prod
ucts. Being brought into daily touch
with the state of the markets, they are
enabled to take advantage of informa
tion heretofore inaccessible t» them. For
this practical help they are indebted to
the party that “does things”—viz., the
Republican party.
With the Immense crops which are now
assured it is essential that prices be
maintained so that farmers may reap the
fall reward of their labors. This is as
sured if the Republican party is contin
ued i« power.
NOT AN UNKNOWN QUANTITY
The People Know Roosevelt, oud Ad
mire and Respect Him.
i President Roosevelt is not an link;:" . i
‘quantity to the American people. if.
; is personally well known to a vast n.:
l*er of voters in every part of the »n
i try. In New York he is familiar to :
I sight of a great majority of the pe->, .
'of that great city. Throughout his mu
| State the same is true. In R"sto:i ! •
• is as much at home as in New York.
Harvard is his alma mater. Throng’
New England he is recognize*! as i .
lepresentative and exponent of (in* i v.i,
which have ruled the cradle of Aineroat
liberty from the landing of th- Pilgrim
fathers.
And this native of the Empire State,
this graduate from the famous New
England university is even more f,
vently admired and ueloved in Hie Vv « -
—the far West—and the middle \Y*-t,
than he is in the East. And t
tensity of feeling f »r ltoosevt-s :
Y\ est unswayed by sectional hi. .
is. is but the national feeling of t r _
virile people. A people who r ■ *_•
a inan when they see him!
During the McKinley cump.i g .
1!KK» Roosevelt, as candidate for \
President, visited almost every
Stare and territory. He s|K»k<* to
mouse crowds, and won friends by He
sands by his straightforward, self
trolled, dignified utterances. and 1
manly, generous personality.
Toward the end of the campaig n the
national committee was overwhelmed b\
requests for speeches by Roosevelt .
all parts of the country. It was p
sical impossibility for him to accept
fourth of the engagements to speak • i.
were urged upon him.
In Chicago, where, on his return fr >
the West, he addressed a grea* cp.w-l i
the Coliseum, ht was received with t
utmost exhibition of enthusiasm. II «
speech was calm, forceful, logical ai '
convincing, a contrast to the frantic •
forts of ordinary speakers.
Contrary to the expectations of
who had derived their ideas from r
comic supplements, and other p, -
atrocities of the yellow press. Mr. Ft
volt’s utterances were characterized bv
steadfast adherence to the mu - .
tions at issue in the campaign, and w
ever he said lore the stamp *f -
thought, broad experience and
the most conscientious sens*- of i-sj
bilit.v. There was no ranting, no | r
sonal abuse, no wild statements
strange imaginings, in any of Mr. it • •.
velt’s speeches, ami there was n > p.- s
He stood before his great audien • : _■
uified. collected and amply able t r.-k
care of himself—an American genth m.i
In language, in bearing, in .all th::- •
said and did. there was what i
friends for him of all who came w i
the sound of his voice.
President Roosevelt has visit ml
Pacific coast since his assumption of r
presidency, and there, as well as thr
out his journey from and back t** •
capital, the people rose to him with on
matched enthusiasm. He met and talk
ed with hundreds of his fellow citi*. :i«,
in every occupation, in every stage . I
state of society, from the cowboy to
lege president. He saw and sjtoke to a > !
was cheered by thousands upon tin. ;
sands of men. women and children. Pr. •
ident Roosevelt is no stranger to I «•
people of the United States. He knows
them. They know him. And they „»•
demand each other.
PLAIN ENGLISH.
It C#mei from Oyster Bar and Applies
to the New York World.
Sept. 1. according to a newspaper rt -
patch of that date, Secretary Loch z '•
out a typewritten statement denying
story printed in the New York Wn: I
to the effect to J. Pierjiont Morgan li .
recently held conferences with Mr
Roosevelt concerning the campaign. It
is as follows:
The story In the World about the rb r . r
Mr. Morgan to the President at Oyatet It.
is a lie from beginning to end V it
Mr. Morgan nor the New York represi in
11vc of Mr. Morgan has seen the r*r -id. i ■
or communicated with him directly or i.--.
reetly at Oyster Bay or anywhere else a*
fur as the President or anyone a row ltd I
knows. Mr. Morgan has been nowhere ro a.
Oyster Bay In a yacht or otherwise.
One paper comments upon the unibu.tl
use of the word "lie” in statements give (
out by the President. There are thcr
when only one word in the English Inn
gttage will serve, and President Ho.-,
veil is an authority on English. There
is only one word to fitly and a 'eur.ile \
characterize certain statements—- i. i
statements as that of The World wl, .
the President was contradicting.
A lie. according to Webster, i« ".i
criminal falsehood: A FALSEHOOD
UTTERED FOR PURPOSES OF DE
CEPTION: AN INTENTIONAL VIO
LATION OF TUI TH.”
The Century Dictionary thus defines
the word:
•Lie—1. A FALSE 8ATKMENT
MADE WITH THE PURPOSE OF
DECEIVING! an intentional untruth, a
falsehood: the utterance by speech or
net of that which is false WITH IN
TENT TO MISLEAD OH DELUDE
2. THAT WHICH IS INTENDED OR
SERVES TO DECEIVE OR Mis
LEAD: ANYTHING DESIGNED OR
ADAPTED TO PRODUCE FALSE
CONCLUSIONS OR EXPECTA
TIONS.”
There can he no doubt that the Pre^
dent used exactly the right word.
It would be like carrying coals to New
castle to explain to our friends the Dem
ocrats the meaning and inner cussedues*
of the word "lie.” Past gr^nd masters
in the art, they need no definitions *.r
fine drawn distinctions. But Kepuhli
cans and independents are not so well
up in this branch of human activity, and
so it is well, perhaps, to call their attri
tion to the latest proper and dewiru'o •
use of the small English monosyllable
which is just uow under discussion.
Meet Industry l>oee Not Lag.
A director of the United States Steel
Corporation refute* one of the »tat>
ments made by calamity howling Demo
(rats by saying that business is s.» good
there will be no cut in prices of steel,
adding: All our plant* will be running
at full capacity in a month or two. and
by that time the demand for steel of all
kinds wul be greater than at any time
during the past year."
The general prosperity the country has
enjoyed under Republican administration
during the laet seven years has profited
the farmer aa much if not more than any
other one class. The farmers know it.
and should and undoubtedly will rote to
continue conditions as they are and hare
been.