Image provided by: University of Nebraska-Lincoln Libraries, Lincoln, NE
About The Loup City northwestern. (Loup City, Neb.) 189?-1917 | View Entire Issue (Aug. 31, 1900)
& 1 SUPPLEMENT LOUP CITY NORTHWESTERN, Loup City, .... Nebraska Friday, August 31, 1900. 18 NOT FOR BRYAN. ECKELSTELLSWHY HE’S AGAINST THE NEBRASKAN, Ez-Comptroller of the Currency Under President Cleveland Will Vigorously Oppose the Election of the Demo cratic Candidate. I did not support Mr. Brynn in 1886, and I do not intend to now. I shall op pose his election this yenr with all the vigor and ability I possess. I do not feel that T could stand to my convictions by remaining merely passive and contenting myself with simply voting against hint. Ilryan the Issue, No lastie set forth in any platform, no matter how cunningly devised and ar ranged, in this campaign can Ik- made paramount to the issue of Mr. Bryan himself, his erroneous views of public questions, his numerous vagaries and his demonstrated desire to find popularity und votes in a never-absent appeal to class prejudices and supposed race ha treds. I am still n Democrat, if believing in Democratic principles correctly interpret fed and properly enforced ns an agency for good constitutes true Democracy; but I am not one if the utterances of the plat form adopted at Chicago four years since and just reaffirmed and re-emphasized at Kansas City are the rightful expressions of what modern Democracy stands for. lams of I’opulisni. The many isms of Populism were ab horrent four years since to my sense of what Is safe and sound in the operations of government and the general well being of the people, because I viewed them as being fundamentally wrong, and, being so, neither lapse of time nor er rors of the party in power reconcile me to their adoption or make it possible that I should support a candidate who not only approves of them, but is their best (P fpnbodiinent and most vigorous champion. I have not read all of Mr. Bryan's utterances during the past four years, but I have taken note of enough of them to know that his views have not changed on any important question since IHini, and his determination to stir up class strife is not less manifest. Throughout all his addresses, public and private, is a shown uniformly an apparent pleasure in F preaching the desirability of discord bc L tween employe and employer, class and class. No appeal ever comes from him which is not tinged with advice to those who must work to distrust those who must employ. liar infill to Labor. 1 All tills is not only lin-American, hut it is unjust, unfair and harmful, most of all to the laborer, for whose well-being be yond all others it is necessary that com plete harmony between capital and labor %|0d not continual antagonism should ex ist. Tiie interests of labor are never in such great jeopardy as when intrusted to a man who lias the gift of oratory coupled with unbounded political ambi tion and no business judgment or train ing. No man is fitted for the presidency who day in and day out proclaims, in the midst of a demonstrated better condition of affairs, the reverse to be true in order to foment a discontent, which will gain to himself and party a political advan tage. Ignorant or Bllml. Mr. Hrynn, without the statesmanship to analyze the conditions ns they exist, and find u remedy therefor, gives utter ance to nothing that would improve them, but only to that which would make them worse and cause greater injury to the great mass of the people, whose fate lie constantly bewails. 1 do not believe in the public value of any man who is, un der any and all circumstances, u fault finder and mere protester against all ex isting order of tilings. Mr. Bryan’s friends insist that he is nothing if not intellectually honest and ^Tearless. Granted that their contention #!■ true, the inquiring public must then r be forced to conclude that he is either woefully ignorant or willfully blind. At no time since his coming into political power has he made an economic predic tion which has not failed of fulfillment, or laid down as truth ail economic doc trine which has not in the course of quick events been demonstrated to be an econ omic fallacy. kh Itictution of Platform. If lie does not study grave public ques ■t- tb i s In the tight of past history mid represent facts and human experiences, lint l^ouly views them in the glare of his own pha'oueeived notions and flame of his own fiery politicnl oratory, he is unsuited eith er to advise the public ns u teacher or guide them ns a lender. If he was unfit 1 tec#use of his errone ->tis views and economic heresies, to be fleeted to the presidency in 1.V.MI, he is equally an unfit man now, for he bonsts, with triumphant self-satisfaction, tlint be stands to-day on all these questions exactly where he stood then, and to make more manifest and clearly defined his po sition fie compels his party to hlntuit such fact in a platform so constructed as to gecord with his views and wishes. Alliance with t'roller. I can conceive of nothing more pitia ble than the sight of accredited dele gate* of a once great |Militieal party in a national convention supinely surrender ing their awn views on a vitally ini|*>r talit economic qtvewllon at the behest of a once di tested presidential candidate. wb» only had brought that party into di* grace and disrepute, unless n |.<- the sight uf that presidential candidate and t« l-e nomine• appealing through his coiifid.-n tial agent. Itirhnrd Crtihrt, '1‘aiuinaut da Into*, la be hit chief Bid, trust. 4 file ml and lieutenant in the emergency whhb eenlroi t. d him Here' -fore |lemoevattv presidential candid.'' « have gains.! public re ages t and eirva*'! by hating I he ,>p«* enmity of Tamutif, Mr Bryan who imoe than any of them ha* boasted «f his stand f r prUMtirlr and hi* intsgiity f charade ha* da tie what Mr w. in.- ur Mr TH •ten and Mr Cleveland w -wid a-’ d. It* ba> forms4 *a . | .a nttingrr. df.h ..e and defensive, with Tamo any sad that M at • ikw when (Mi wrganiMtwa ta known to be thoroughly corrupt, and a constant menace to all the best interest* of good government. Unity with Populist*. Mr. Bryan hardly appeals to the thoughtful citizen, with whom political parties are only agencies for public good to the extent that they stand for funda mentally right principles and honest ad ministration, when upon the one hand he is presented by the Populists and on the other by Tammany. The joining hands with one constitutes an offense against safety in governmental administration, the alliance with the other an offense against political decency, making it doubtful as to his ability, no matter how strenuously he might try, to secure hon esty in the conduct of public affairs in an administration over which he presided. l't is not difficult to predict what would be the outcome of any administration bused upon the socialism of Populism and the rapacity of Tatnmany. Heafflrnaing of 10 to 1, I am told that not a few Democrat* who refused to sanction the nominee and platform of the Chicago convention will aid the nominee presented nt Kansas City. I doubt if there are many who will do *o. Why should they? The same candidate has been named, the same doc trines announced, only in a more offensive way. It must not be forgotten that the re affirming of the principles of the Chicago platform was the repledging of nn inten tion, when opportunity is afforded, to de base the country's currency. It wns re assaulting the Supreme Court of the country. It means a realliance with the elements of disorder, ns against the prop erly constituted authorities of peace, in tegrity of property and person. It is the announcing once more of a desire to get into power that the sacred right of pri vate contract under the guaranty of law may be abrogated. It is the acceptance of those elements of socialism which work injury to both government and people. In fine, the reaffirmation at Kansas City was tiie re-asserting of the utter ances made at Chicago, which, revolu tionary then, are none the less so now. A source of menace to the country then, they arc c(|iiully so now; and every mun The evils and burdens of the present mo ment growing out of the S|»anish war are to Ik* laid as much at the door of Mr. Bryan and his party as at that of Mr. McKinley and his. llis explanation of his reason for wishing the treaty ratified is wholly superficial and does not bear analysis. Policy on Philippine*. I imagine that self-government will come quite as readily through the admin istration of Mr. McKinley as through that of Mr. Bryan. It will not come un der either until the Philippines are fitted for it, property rights safe and personal ones protected. I hardly believe Mr. Bryan could do more than send a com mission there, as the President has done, in order to take steps looking to sup planting the military government with a civil one. The country will not sanction the im mediate abandonment of those islands to disorder and pillage. When a time comes thnt there is safety in a constitutional home government, only remaining within the sphere of the influence of the I’nit ed States, and public sentiment is to this end, it can l»e put down that Mr. Mc Kinley’s administration will readily grant it, for I believe it is generally admitted that no one is more ready to put himself in touch with public sentiment than the President, or act in accordance there with with more alacrity. If Mr. Bryan means an immediate abandonment of onr control in the islands he must certainly fail of support, for no thoughtful person will sanction a policy which will make the country ridiculous iu the eyes of the world. Would Not Trust Him. If Mr. Hryan and his party iiad stood out as they should have against the Span ish war and had opposed instead of as sisted in ratifying tlx* Paris treaty, they would be iu a better position to confront Kepublicnn plnns and purposes, for they would at least be consistent with their action. As it is now, they urged the war, but now wish to avoid the consequences in order to gain political power by so doing. As it is, I don’t see that Mr. Hryan is less of an expansionist, through force of circumstances which he assisted in creating, than is Mr. McKinley. The and protesting against any debasement of the country's coin, will aid and abet such a proceeding tiooaiise of a ticlief iu any injustice done by t»reat Britaiu to some affiliated race ten thousand miles away. If Mr. Bryan was a statesman and not a mere declaimer, and dealt in a states manlike manner with American problems, we would not be treated to the floods of petulant fault-finding and appeals to pre judice which arc manifest in all that he says, hut would have instead suggested solutions, grounded upon principles, and in accord with the facts of national his tory and national experience. Distrust His Wis'lom. I atn sure the American people rightly distrust the wisdom of one who thus far in life has been a living expression, in every address he has made of that best definition of the essentinl elements of stump speech, namely, to claim every thing and denounce well. I am not unmindful of the fact that there arc many conditions in this country requiring careful, thoughtful and stutes manlike dealing with. There are many evils to which labor is subject that need to be remedied. Likewise there are many prejudices unjustly entertained against capital, hut in neither instance can they be dealt with to the good of all by any one who brings to them none of the ele ments of a statesman and all of those which wholly make up the successful stump speaker and campaign orator. Where Hvinedica Lie. 1 believe that more of the remedy lies without the pale of enacted legislation tliun within it. and that neither labor nor capital is benefited by public utter ances on the platform, in legislative halls and through the columns of the press to the effect thut there is un irrepressible conflict between them. 1 do not believe any man benefits his country by Iteiug a preacher of discon tent, strife between classes, social and political pessimism, financial disorder and continuous financial gloom, despite sur roundings and widespread prosperity, and therefore I’do not believe in Mr. Bryan. There are sonic things hi President Mc Kinley’s administration and official acts I am not in accord with. I do not accept THE NEGRO DISFRANCHISED _ _ THE FIRST STEP EM TO A NSW SLAVERY iJSNFl VZ^k Senator Tillman in Congress-"^ do our best to beep ererp negro in our State from voting " who stood out against them then ought not on some new issue, which does not in any degree lessen the danger of these for harm, fail to denounce nnd defeat them. 1 do not think that the fact that here and there may lie some elements more conservative in the party than seemed to be the ease in IStHt, makes any difference. Mr. Bryan still gives official voice to the party's views, maps out its campaigns nnd writes its platforms. Mr. Bryan’s intimates nnd advisers are still Populists and self-seekers, with the added contin gent of Tammany bosses. He lias neither use nor care for any man who is con servative in his views or careful in his utterances. Kffect on Gold Hauls. If elected President the public must Ik* prepared to see Mr. Bryan as chief execu tive and those associated with him as cabinet counsellors construe every law bearing upon the currency and the pow ers of the Treasury Department in such a manner as to nullify as best they can its provisions in so far as they bear upon the question of the maintenance of the gold standard, llis Populist allies boast that they seek power that they may bring about the repeal of the existing laws and to this end they are Mr. Bryan's cham pions end defenders. lie can and will keep the country in a state of ferment and uncertainty in an attempt to bring about the larger use of silver as a redemptive money. The ex* pi liincut is too dangerous a one to he en tered u|Miti by any on the grounds that the gold standard is so lixed in law that it eannot Ik* disturbed, no matter who may 1m* President or Secretary of the Treasury. The law ought to Ik* executed with n construction favorable to It to fully carry out ii* provisions and not In a manner antagonistic to them. It is not a perfect law. but cau Ik* made so by its friend*. It can Ik* made alsirtive by its enemies once firmly entrenched In power. ItrTan anti Hftfnt Wart It will hardly du fur mi) wound B»tir| I *t ni'H-rnt or l(t'|>uiill<'nli to •iipiMirt Mr. Hr) an twanuiu* of a wuppoaad lattrr |ni titioti hr ott ii|iif« than Mr. McKinley oil • hf »|Uf*tit>ti of rohiuial |unu>f««ioit» de pute hi* aunt |tttuition on the <|i»t«tion of tha monetary ctantlaril, tha Huprauia f lirt, tha ritfoft tiiont of law ainl tha i till of pruata rMltrart. Mr lh) [.o-.l.oit tan hardly U- a* watiafaetory ■ mm on an nuaiyTi* crowing ont uf tha Mpaniah war. lit and hi* friend*. In «fdar to put tha •dioinhH ration tu n politknl d tad tan t.iga, urged »n tha deelaraun uf war with W| *.u. and whan it u«* otar Mr lirtun, prr*t.unlly at \\ *»htugi «, through Mfuanat adttev and •uittUatton, to.•tight tutu liua u .nth lent n anther of IH'Noit ratio Htnaiurr to ratify tha traaly of fall*, deaptte tha furl that It yrntUxI f r tha part haw and tabling wtaratgn poaiaa* --■•» ttf I'urtu Itiru. and lha I'biiip l.iue*. without any pro«no.n for git mg tb*w any boma go tat ament wbatauatat difference is certainly not great enough to make any man surrender his convic tions on other great Questions to accept him upon one. It may also lie fairly doubted whether a man with so many erroneous ideas as to the conduct of the domestic affairs of the nation enn lie trusted to have right ones when it comes to managing our foreign properties. Aa to Porto Hico. As to flit* question growing out of the Porto Itican tariff, I believe the admin istration made a most egregious error, hut as Democracy is now constituted and con trolled it stands for nothing so fur ns a tariff policy is concerned. It has aban doned all the advantages of its position ou this question, by advocating in its sil ver policy the very worst kind of protec lion. Mr. Bryan stands responsible for making it a party unnlile to manfully advocate a Democratic tariff doctrine. It is to-day under Mr. Bryan's leader ship, a party emphasizing a desire for special privileges and class legislation, ap pealing for the Slipixirt of every element of discontent by falling in with ami ad vocating the particularly special legisla tion which such element stands for. Its demagogy is manifest on every baud. Knitting tile Boer Issue. What thoughtful am) inquiring person can possibly believe thut either Mr. Bry an or the delegates at Kansas City arc really deeply solicitous to the extent which it is made to up|>car that they are as to the alleged wrongs of the liners iu Mouth Africa? is it not mauifest, through the thin disguise of a love of human freedom, rights milI republican form of government, that Mr. Bryan and his fol lower* ho|ie for the tierinau and Dutch vote a* a determining factor in the elec tion because of racial affiliation* with the ItiH-rs and a »upp.*o-d rats* prejudice against tlrest Britain, aud not liecause the question or the integrity of the Boer republics is ao dear to them? It Is altsurd that the great questions with which we have to do affecting the vital interest* of the I'nited Mtates shall U- overlooked in n debate upon how Ureal Britain shall conduct it* own affairs, es pecially In the face of a proclaimed reaf Urination of the M"«r.» d-o'trine, which means, properly Interpreted, that the people of the I'nited Mtates shall attend to their own affairs and let Kur.qosn tin* i ii.su took after their*. tiiNkJiait in IIiimm 11 at mat »«u*4 nnk a •rtuiwM, Ik* k i»«» t'lly <-«<*« *ati»n. uu4>r Ik* in •pirattn* af %lr Itr; an, ikMnlialil|i pro • **4«, for pulltk'al rffrvt. I» rtprro* a , »>»k la Inirtki* *nk a k?*rup*an (•>«• rrt*m. ui (a a mallvr •irmly iu »aa | ikink •«*«'k pul III.-* rk*ip. a *4 Mililrt Mtaaiik*. 4oil# kuralk Ik* 4>aaity of any *r*al party «r Wa4»r I skall k* >*ryri«nl if any Ikmtt *r. k*r*l»l«»* Ik* kniaark «f Ik* <a«a try. a«am»l ri*»| a»a«li »p* Ik* I* Wgrlly of tk« itfHkir) a cauv*>y »tn*m Republican doctrines iis against pure Democratic ones, rightly interpreted and incorporated into the administration of public affairs. Hut ns between Repub licanism and Populism, filtered through the channel of Hryanisin, 1 prefer Repub licanism. Denies Hi* Democracy. There in no Democratic doctrine pre sented this year and no Democratic can didate. Mr. ltryan was first named by the Populists because be U-st stood for Populistic doctrines. II** was only in dorsed by the convention at Kansas Pity, called under alleged Democratic auspices, because Bryanism. Populism and Democ racy as now made up are synonymous terms. The combined forces of the elements of discontent of the country having gathered in one fold and found without n dissent ing voice a candidate so m.tii.s-sioeu as to respond with an equal degree of satis faction to each one's peculiar ism, it seems to me the part of wisdom to meet them in another election, and again dem onstrate that tlic electorate of this coun try in every critical time always stands ready to do that which is wise, putting down tile wrung thing and putting up the right. To Vote for McKinley. I ant going to vote for President Mc Kinley, and do whutc\er I consistently eun to aid ill his election, not because 1 favor all his policies or approve of all his political acts, blit because under all ex isting conditions 1 ladlctc the affairs of the country will U U tter off in his hands than in those of Mr. Itryun. ! hope some time to see the Democratic party re-created, advocating Democratic candidates and Democratic principles, but it cniinot be more than a disturbing force In the country's daily history until it rid* itself of a leadership which has brought it to It* present luw estate and ceases making itself the lying iu asylum of those elements of discontent which, if once entrusted with governmeutal pow er would work Injury at home and loss of standlug abroad. Adeita la lUniwnl* It ran lli» under defeat without mm |detr and Ultimate drelrmti.in, bui a »»*•• lory gamed by it aitb a candidal* bolding the *ie»* of Mr. (tryan and a platform I'Mitai lbe party lu carry out ibr thing* adrurated at t'htrago in )*!«, and In Kan*** City tht* year, would work aurk re* ul t a t« I be country that It would |t#*a “Ut uf pnltliral (tower at a recurring rlac ttoa. without the amalteat no non lie* tu do M hoWof. ‘T'aweyt, uaho«of«d and utuung '* The luni.er.il who wi»hva tu tat* hi* party'• fuiur* will only aid that and by def* »t mg VI. II. > ... I . I .01 ling hi • tdatfwrwi It* nil I male recur fear* to y*« at amt tnnlif* lie* la the tndepaadaar* uf Iwta.erau who are *u> h »a pun* i(da, and not through *»p*d.»a«*y, J a M i.n u l.i hll.it ASSENT OF GOVERNEb ARMY OF A MILLION VOTERS DISFRANCHISED IN SOUTH. Government by Force Imposed by the Democrat* at Home! While They Denounce Hrpnblican Administra tion in Our Colonic. - I (From the New York Times.) Four yenrs ago, in the ao-enlled Demo cratic convention at Chicago, Senator Benjamin It. Tillman of South Carolina, in offering a resolution to denounce the administration of l’resident Cleveland, made an attempt to convert the conven tion to hi* view that the campaign about to begin was a sectional one, in which the South and West were to In* combined by a common sentiment against the North and East, to overthrow those sections and make their financial opinions odious, and to destroy their domination in futnre national financial legislation and opera tions. Tillman has learned something since that day, when he was deservedly hissed and hooted in a convention otherwise none too sane or sensible, and the merit ed rebuke administered by Senator J. K. Jones possibly convinced him that sec tionalism is ns hopeless an issue ns se cession to divide the country. But he was still a man of Impulse at Kansas City. Restored to favor after a civilizing ordeal of four years of service in the Senate, he helped to prepare a platform exposing hi* party to the charge of gross inconsistency or insincerity. To Tiilinnn was assigned the task of rending tin* platform. He does not lack dramatic sense, and he has n large voice. With prodigious volume and vehemence he rolled forth the references, in tin* opening phrases to “the inalienable rights" of men guaranteed by the Declar ation of Independence and the Constitu tion. As a sweet morsel lie mouthed the language of the declaration that govern ment a must "derive their just powers from the consent of the governed..Any other government," he shouted with so norous intensity, "is tyranny, and to im pose upon any people a government of force is to sustain tin* method* of impe rialism.” The case of the I’orto Ricans was described ns appealing “with pecu liar force to our justice and magnanim ity." These sentiments were prepared nml emitted l>y Mr. Tiiiman for n|>i>Iiciiti<<n solely to the question of imperialism and the conduct of the administration in en deavoring to deal with tile new problems that vex tlie country. But they seem to have a more interesting meaning, as ap plied to Southern States, than they would as interpreted only to denounce and em barrass the administration in its effort to establish free governments in the Phil ippines, Culm ami I’orto itieo. Alabama's population in ls:a) was 1, 513,017. There were upon the cmiimn calculation of one voter in five, 303,203 voters in that State in lspti. Alabama gave to all candidates for President 193, 053 votes, Bryan receiving 130,307. Lou isiana's population in 1K!MI w as 1,118,507. The State was entitled in 1890 to at least 223.000 votes, l't east 102.040, and Bry an had 77,OtPO of these. Mississippi had 1.289.000 population in 1890, and pre sumably 257,920 males of voting age. In 1890 there were east for President in Mississippi 70,545 votes, Bryan getting 53,859. North Carolina was reported in 1890, in the census of that year, us hav ing 1,017,947 population. The State cast 331,210 votes in the presidential contest of 1890, or a little more than the reason able ratio for 1890. South Carolina, with a reported population in 1890 of 1,151,149, and with not less than 230,000 voters, eust for all eoudidates in 1890 0K,!N>7 votes, and 58,798 of them went to Mr. Tillman's man Brynn. What became of the tiOO.OOO votes that appear to have Iweu missing from tin* election returns of Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi and South Carolina? Were these tMM),000 voters to lie governed, in ease Mr. Bryan was chosen or defeated, without their consent, thus subjecting them to tlie "tyranny" referred to by the Democratic platform? Have those miss ing voters been since found and required to give their consent to the election of Representatives in Congress in order that they should not lie taxed without nation al representation fairly secured? Or has their consent been obtained to new re strictions of tlie suffrage? Has there twen shown any tendency in any of those States to exchange "tlie methods of im perialism for those of a republic?" How have Alabama, Louisiana, Missis sippi. North Carolina and Smith Carolina qualified themselves to reproach the ad ministration for imperialism? Have not three of those States formally and com pletely and tlie two others by progressive steps undertaken to deprive some ISOO, 009 of "tlie governed" of tlie opportunity to give or withhold that consent guaran teed ns u rigid according to the Demo cratic application of tlie 1 Vclnratinti of Independence, and secured by tlie Con stitutiou? Why waste hy|*oeritical platform M-iiti llient on the people of I'orto Hh*o t«> enuse they have "a government without their consent atnl taxation without rep resentation." when tkat.inai voter* in four States, ull 1 kcinocratic States, are depriv ed of the right to consent, ami about 1 .isnmssi altogether, if we consider Vir ginia, tieorgia, Florida and Tennessee, Bre in like manner subjected to "tyrau uy.” V|r Tillman's platform also ilr elnrea its opposition to ‘'militarism" for the reason that “it means conquest abroad and intimidation and oppression at home. It means the standing army that has always been fatal to free insti tutions." What apology does, Senator Tillman offer to the standing army of l.tasMaat voters dUfrsm hised in South* era States? Were ‘'intimidation and op press low at liome" praettced to bring sboiil that result, peculiar only to one section of the country? |>,,cs not the eon dltbm of these silctaevd voter* "appeal with peculiar force la our justice and magnanimity ?** l.aUsr Prosper*** In Mew lark, |u New V tk State tto Hwm of l.a Ut Mtatisiie* show* that the number of employes In 3 MVS of the largest factories In the State ha* Increased in Ihe Iasi threw years by M.XII. «r I* T pee cent, while the mere*** in Wages I* f.M lin, ed, or IA • fuel .cat, vv ••** OM ihe Ur*si Laban. W ige* uf employe* .<■*»• t, l with the shipping sa Ihe liteal Lakes have been generally adrasved, GRYAN'O COULOQUY. (Dedicated to soft citizens.) I favor Free Silver and paper, I honor Free Trade and Free Gold, In fact, I shall play any caper That brings me a vote, young or old. I preach “the consent of the governed,” And practice "Imperial sway," I’ll premise all things to the voter Who stands on my platform to day. I know I’m a talker from Way Rack, And gifted with "gall" and with "mouth.” It matters not how 1 maneuver. I'm sure of the Red, Solid South I I favor "Expansion" am! taxes, Rul don't wish to Justify wrong, And believe In the riot of "Red Shirts” If they vote for me often and strong. I'll promise all things If elected. And do what 1 please when I'm In; I favor all virtue In office. But wink at tough Tammany sin, I know I'm n Blower and Actor, B.v hiding my "Sixteen to One" Behind Anti Impel lal humbug, That souu, like Free Stiver, Is gone. 1 know I’m a Howler and Iloodoo, But the Farmer and Miner don't see That my Anti Imperial clap trap Is a I'urauiount Fraud, Just per se. A Dictator, I'm bold to my party; I force them to do what I think, And still to the trough I ean lead them. But can I Induce them to drink? And when the election t« over, If 1 should the White House attain, I'll turn and twist with the Rabble— Bamboozle and fool them again! JOHN A. JOYCE, Washington, D. C. | “Dear Boy” Letters | jivffwfwfwffwmwu My Dear Hoy In your last letter ynti say that old man Skinner, your employ er, says that In* "doesn't see what a farmer can he thinking of to vote for McKinley when the trusts arc squeez ing the life out of the farmers and the country is drifting right into imperialism every dnv.” You want to know how to answer him. Well, I will tell you wlmt to sny to him and then 1 hove a few words to say to you. A-k Mr. Skinner if he remembers that in 13!Ml he sold that sorrel mare that used to work on the nigh side with old Jim for $45. Ask him whether the sorrel wasn't a lietter horse tbnu that bay that hi1 sold to Crawford the other day for $30. Remind him tiiat he sold his wool in 1N!)(1 for 14 rents and that lie sold this year at -7 rents, and kicked like a steer because lie didn't get 30. Gently suggest that he sold a couple of steers in 1 SiMI for $3.25 per hundred, and that they were as good as those splendid fellows that lie sold last week for $5.10. The old man runs a huckster wagon in to Neisonvilie and sells produce to the miners' wives. Ask him if lie remem bers that four years ago a woman would come out to tlie wagon and say: "Can you let me have a peck of pota toes ami trust me till John gets work?” Remind him that the same woman* comes out now and says: “Give me three dozen of eggs and two pounds of butter. What are those peaches worth? I'll take a basketful of them. Give me a peek of those tomatoes. How much docs it all come to? Here’s your money. When are you going to living in some veal? Jobu likes veal for breakfast.” Ask him if he doesn't know that more money has been paid out as wages to working men during the past year than in any other year in the history of the Hock ing Valley. Ask him whether a consid erable part of this money hasn't found its way into his capacious pocketbook. Remind him that lie told me that when ever the Mnybew farm is put up for sale he intends to bid on that upper eighty that joins his, and that he has made enough money in the last two years to pay for it. And then gently suggest that he doe# not appear to be suffering much from imperialism or trusts either. Tell him that perhaps he had better let well enough alone. Tell him not to vote for what he doesn't want. Tell him that when trade is good and business confi dence strong mid healthful, it is not wise to tear the whole thing down by giving the administration Into untried hands. 1 think that this is the only kind of argument that will touch old man Skin ner, but you, my boy, have a larger soul. I want to say some other things to you. My boy, thank God that you live in a country prosperous at home and honored abroad, and never so prosperous und honored us now. Wlieu you come to vote this full, re member that the national credit ha# reached its highest (mint, that tile work of American la borers has gained its high est reward, mid that the glory of Ameri can arms on land and sea has liccn most widely maintained under the wise, thoughtful, patriotic administration of William McKinley. Remember that his administration i# carrying out the principles mid policy ut the Republican party. Remember that the blood of four gen erations of American soldiers runs in your veins, und then vote so that you will not lie ashamed of your vote on the day after election. YOU It FATHER. Karin Mnrtasat-a ami Interest. In 1M!*I the farm mortgage* of the State of Kanins amounted to the vast sum of 9-ttiisHMMsi, ntiich of It bearing the etorbitant interest of l‘J per ctnt, was reduced in lM*tt to less tbau 9-11.tsst, tasi certainly a remarkable evidence of tlie prosperity of the farmer. The pres ent rates of interest on Kansas farm loans are the lowest ever known. Prosperity Proof In Money Order*. I’listiilth'* statistic* are tlgniAcant. From June mi, IStV to June Jti. IhM*, there was a gam of T.isst tsai iu the num ber of money orders Issued, while their value Increased by |3fiiyill,lMI. and the average ano-unt of earh order frmu 97 <»• to 97 ft). This is another proof of the eiistence of .\1< Kiulry prosperity. I.ahor In Hlikigta. labor t'uiumisso.aer IV» of Michigan, say* lu his !«•*» re|n( "Wags** show a decided UMfease over those of Ivjtt. sad an average of more than It* for *«■ uI in huh over IVtl The greatest gala U la the fact that ail idle labor ia bow vtendilv employed at r*ts«*»f»litt wage*" na**n Worth Money Mow. Bheep are higher thaw for twenty yeara a ad worth about doab is what they w * tv font yeara ng>». What loos Are Worth. The total value of the former's sad dsiryu.au s m «h rest la od pef test greater than .a IMMl