t !•■;•! IMS Si’KAK
|f -
<d tfc* CmittM Tdly
ad fxilj 8k Fir’x
iss io Ttt nortf.
Ir«4 rt‘f iff———1
TorooO i***oa V ate* and
t.oaarra -i tlroaf I'lrj
r«UM •' ite r.»tmlte« Part j
tool r**Mf.
1 Tr*» §*mj of tfc* ot
Jll tU rwyk* FFft; _»<i In dopes- J
ft*** Toter* «*f lb# t mird ftitn: For
ftB*j o»«»i#i...» it h&a ti«*r r*. I'lmt tlmt
* n* * iiory % m t B* i *. i.- p,.1.
tko or—Is i Otrfof, tint the
» Bsr of uia of our
rty thmuc^i mor* of tb# »uere** of
- ?fc*i *,.*»*'> ti.*a tbx-y ut<l
tjti- f r < a B f jk*|| * b|,u Ai \ 4 #*r a J. . o **'
v
Bftfty Wkli* or tilt# in tfc# post
ip Ur* ■% n> ' • » • •<« to a!
tor it#trii L**e t>ron »mb that
111,'. ffc* ■ 1* 1*0 lafe£t>r klI doui't of tb#
Bl f; (b 4*f * # jk I^r f"te J*f&4 f !ktel if
F tkt IVO{-i# a Mid* la to livr if mu*t tr
i tab.#-** m coirv) by ' Po |*«[4# of tb**
t* tty. m,d tb* d’rioyo* to** i#r» tura.« i
^ #*o< of :*» loub' ’u
• ft- bit# -«• 'i ' ttt* matter
«*uid Ur »«~*e «ter* to tb* B!#-e;tn* of
Ik, a o*t*ooa! «< ctrtt.oe bat tbr occur -
r#o .* of tb* oo*t fro boar* *a tfci*
• !. t*<u b V t duriBc tb* mo*-* in*
Hl ««f f tftt.utl 1 c* "tSiUL -1 ter of our pilfl)
■ « IfliPMtiee thit the *eo
■ ptr aelnj me* k*t»m* ~ tut A«t Mur#*
*t Si iMIftf It
There «otmm tils**® ill all ajr^ and
m4*r all * *n4it*om* a hen mea a ho
.& i e mi aaao * i at #^d t one? t-r r tan no
u*flaipef mrrer and xn the fttuonii rom*
f *t## tha l*rff* I* » t<111t that tin** i
a jbfi r emr hrej no i*«4»mftry !!* a hem by !
a f hit r» tjr and anjaet r#§ * ft an certai n
fp*»» ,*e tmtfmeted a^th aMM§etri1* and
e* ifttrol aouc fa r»-*f»y that fruet with
p:My and |e*ati<al « hi* aarry unheard
• ■ form parti#* heretofore.
SlefMW mtflpriaff Upon a detailed
*" .'• met.* t,f f * • -© © * r -rt*S pr*~ -©4- i
1t.*» »»• umsider It well to re oust cer- ;
twin matt#** ieadi'jf dir* t!y up to th*
>:ttJ *t M*a#,
la la- rwiler !ih9 *©*e©al member;
of the aaikacal e» i '•©•» reprobating
e. »th*'ta etiite* ti »f at Metnphl*.
Trts *w <• .c*:d» . tfc* ie*t p’ac of pro*
©* for© to *# - **» i ’ a i.-y ifc# cational
committee The re*tilt of th* roofer* ■
• a © as* *!.a* e roc-.-.*.? re ..jar.tin*
ot u s Korean of Arkansas* 51 V.' '>
Howard at Aia.A»a,ma &n4 J. A Parke
< r K©«*nrii|r mere appointed to enrrr» j
•pond With member cf tbe cationu!
« Melts it tee and a»k them to a re*
«a<iir4 ttpoa flemEtor Butler that be call |
k a tseriir.* of the committee »t fbuoa-1
III on IV •ranry 12. Jo A Parker na* j
,rVM aa id'-retarr «f that commit* i
t*e and *e*t to alt the renters of the
committee blank forme ©ddre*e©d t© j
Senator Bot-er aa- t ha. .'man of the na
ttoa emar.tce and <ia»«4> :n* tb*
artpoiua to meet at CMoasa on
rVi - -.ary 12, Ou I*- *«br 21. Mr. i
Pa: ... e-' Ml |ctat pi ©settled to Sena
1c«.r Haller at hi* residence la Wash- I
‘.a** on dxtj hike of aaid petition* ©m
tmiaf a majority a! th# commit!##.
The senator refted to re* uyni*© the*.
dor :meat* mjiut that he had at read;
c-vf Mt to the Wrltbrn c*f the com
mittee a letter a»kinjr their vote* on
the i:m© and pia*© ct kukiftf the meet <
ton H- «#««r. th.* ciimmmi--*t*on did
wot tea h uun.> of the members until
lot# in January arm© d‘d not to ©ive j
* until after ti** formal tail had been
trawed; while many Beliler* of th©
mmiHIo iirte* receiied it at all. nor
did they mead*© aa* aetihratiow what
weweer id «k© tocet.u* of the commit- ;
tae jpi when the date and place of
holdtBC the B»©-t:B* of the rommltto
• ere tied the wiahe* of th© »Uty*nin©
t. etcbem who had petitioned Senator ;
Butler were utterly ignored and on
the vote of a small majority of th©
committee the meeting »a* .ailed for
Urn win Meh . on February 19.
So unfair cta the lota on of th©
me©.it* at this point retarded by
tUaa« member* of th© *cmm!tte© that
they revolted to eta* away, aa it was
to be Veen that the meeMn*
... p!ac<«d at Lincoln for the purpose
of tints* th# Bryan faction erf th© com
* .*tee control in it* ©rgaaiaatioo It
jo .sc ur remembered that there was a
rule in the committee by which
to perxm could vote but one
proay; and that the holder of
; ptaay must be a ret-ornined popu
».*t by th© awthoritbs of th© party in
t sa own Plate It w»* though: by th©
f rymait©* tha.: is S>*.»ra*fca it would
te " mpomV-e for *h* mid roaderct to
<ms in tni© their t>-**iie* and il
was- me!! kacra that *e were unable
to I*.:lag atK-n ft ok other rotate*, no it
«■> thought reasonably certain that
by it* HUM tbe nft!W at Uncoin the
aatfiorltf of the <omsuttee would he
aloe to d 'sde :»» »<ttons in the inter
•at of Bryan and the democratic party.
Bet when 'he men who were in roc
t ad of UU party organisation rwhel
..in--on and *«vapored note*, they
found that they coaid only mmmtwri
to a certainty fort* two votes in th*
««%autt*r while the nud rondera bad
tft or wen. they ha* mg found in Ne
tt,.; amkM. at the home of Wa J. Bryan,
plenty of pupa list* who were opposed
to the prostitution of the party to cast
their proale* in accordance with the
will erf the tn.d road meiuherw Tfcea
it was that the pkA was laid to con
trol the »ummtttee by unfair mean*
In giving out provow of Kid-road
v« tecs an agreem* nt wa* signed by all
proxy -bolder*. showing tbe demands
of the straight populists from the com
mittor and that the populists of the
nation may see that there is uoibinx
lisnwMSsbh or unjust ached of the
rosnmittcM-. revolutionary and
.apariixmastary proposed or attempt
ed we are phased to gaol* the agree
ment terhr**aa. to w it
The un£*r»igned by their several
signature* eltsro the receipt of the
imut mentioned to be used in the
cessions of Che national < omeutttee of
the People s party in IJarota. Neb., on
Monday. Feb 15m and these prox
has having been sent to Jo A Parker to
be given out to mb parties as he de
sires under direct and explicit 1 nr true
twins, we t*-reuy agree in toting the
same to use them in ail case* in nr
enrdnaro stlh the following instrtae
**| To id* for the holding of a na
tional Peoples party cocitoatioa ia
strict netordnnre with the so-tailed
HkkIm agnasnpant—
Bald contra non U> be held at
thirty days before either the
Oemorratk nr ropubhean conveationa.
*|hj Th# baad* of representation to
said convention to be the highest ac
tual straight populist vote of record,
exrlnsioa of fusion vote*, cast for
state tickets since anu in-hiding U
‘ • Nothing to S»e said or done by
the committee or any member or offi
cer of it in submission or suggestion
of any fusion proposition with either
of the old parties.
"I. To vote for the place to hold the
convention agreed upon by the mid
road memiers of the committee in any
caucus or by mutual understanding
before the sessions of the committee.
"J. To vote to carry out the law of
the party made at Omaha in 1892 pre
venting office-holders from holding
seats in conventions of the party.
*'4 To vote against any resolution j
which may bo construed as an en- ;
dorse men t of sny candidate for presi
dent or vice president.
~i. To vote against any resolution or j
motion to unseat any member of this I
committee on tec hnical points, such as j
alleged adherence to Barker and Don
nelley. on the ground that such adher
■ is disloyalty to the party or other
wise
■*€ In event the committee should I
dir^gard the propositions of the so- j
called Omaha agreement or should at
bitrarily and without just cause tin- j
►eat members of this committee, the (
holders ci t!m M proxies agree to with
draw from the meeting and take sepa
rate ad.on along the lines above indi
cated.”
When It was discovered Ivy the fus
•nistfc that the mid loaders had a raa- j
Jority sn<l that their votes would be j
voted solidly on these questions. their
1* aders **-< ame panic stric ken, and
various schemes were proposed—one of
which w.ts to Icoldly bar them out and
refuse them admission to the hall un- i
ti-r any circumstances. This plan,
however, was abandoned, and it was
finally de Ided that Chairman Butler
sbou'd make up a temporary roll of the
committee in such a way as to give i
the fusionists a majority: that
their would then settle all contests i
.n favor of their chosen tools, and tura <
t> .t of the committee enough members j
:o give them an unquestioned major
itv. Goebel ism. in the days of its su- ,
pr* me iniquity in Kentucky: Quayism
at the height of its Infamy in Penn
*v Ivani. *v- er knew a more bold and
infamous attenut to disfranc hise a :
pie: but that the people may know
bow thi* m heme was pursued, we .all
tb-ir attention to the procedure of j
these political bm-aners.
The committee was advertised to
nit at 2 o’t loc k. i ut it was late
j:* the afternoon wi.en the chairman
all* I the meeting t» order. The se>
: ’nr? re: i what he purported to be a
!♦ ia;>ora.ry roll of'the committee. It
u> at <>n«e evident what the schemes
of the fusion tats were. The state ot
V•; i> was called. an 1 the name of
A W. Fib - v. as arbitrarily dropped
ft om th* n il; the name of M. V*'. How
ard in Alabama; the names of Geo.
V V\ i. .: . of Iiiincis and N. H. Mot
r of Indiana. Frank Burkitt of
'i*ippi. Joan Seitz and H. B. Me*
t. cf Ohio and a score of other
h. eiiiVr* of the committee whose title
u m M>at is unclouded, were also drop
per from the temporary roll: while
th»- t ..-mi**rs of the committee legally
*- • te l and re ognixed by the party in i
F; rida Indian T. nitory. Iowa. Maine.
Mi Ligan. Munnesota Missouri and
N« * Jersey were ignored, and men
who have 1m n repudiated by the
p.rty irt . invention assembled in their
}-»■’. * ral states put in their places.
A- M.- n as this roil whs completed.
Jo A Parker, on behalf of the laidule
of-th.*-road*-rs. ask*-d the chair for i
re-r»-admg of the delegation from Ar
kan-as. which was dene. He then ■
i-p-k' 1 f<>r what cause and by what
anCtorit> Mm of A W. Files
xu dropped from the rolls of the com
mittee Robert Schilling at once arose
and asked by w hat authority Mr. Par
,..-r came into the committee meeting.
»*ating that he was not a populist.
It is to an>wer those questions that
I will appoint the following commit
tee." replied Senator Butler, who.
in d a storm of protects, named as a
. mmitu-e on credentials. Senator \V.
V Allen of Nebraska. Jas. B. Weaver
cf I ma and J. H Davis of Texas. Mr.
Davit did not serve and Harry Tracy
of Texas and later Tom Patterson of
Colorado wa* appointed in his place.
A nutnlier of delegates were trying
to get r*-< *gnition of the chair to pro
test agaiust the appointment of such
a biased committee, when the chair,
without more ado. declared the com- i
mittee adjourned until eight o'clock. !
Not withstanding emphatic- protest
Senator Butler refused to recognize a
demand for a vote on adjournment,
and walked down from the stand, de
st rting the chair. As soon as this war
done, Mr. Parker of Kentucky moved I
tMat Mr. Deaver of Nebraska take the
« ha:r. The motion carried. Alii Reed
of Iowa was elected secretary and an j
adjournment was taken, after appoint
ing a committee of three on creden- j
i. als. until 7:30 o'clock. At the time
•nmittee received the report of
the < oinmittce on credentials, showing
eighty-seven members of the cfMWlf
t e present in person or by proxy, an
other adjournment was taken, subject
to the call of the chair.
The bolting faction of the commit
tee. which hud left the hall before the
iegal adjournment of the committee. 1
held a session at night and repres^n
! tame* of the regular committee met
with them and submitted through
Messrs. Alls-., Butler. Kdgerton, Tracy
I sad Patterson the following proposi
tions of harmony between the fac
tions:
That the majority would yield to
the minority and recognize their or
ganization and si* with them, provided j
f would accede to these proposi- j
1 tions:
’ That the committee recognize only j
legal proxies, stamped with revenue j
stamps according to law.
That the roll of the meeting at !
Omaha in iv«s b-> accepted as the roll
of the committee, except where sub- i
-■ecjuent state conventions have elect- j
• d r. e m^nitM-rs; except than cases of
«orient shall go before a contest com- *
raitt.e composed of five members—two i
to be appointed by the friends of Sen- |
atf-r Butler and two by the friends if
Jo A Parker, these four to agree upon
i« fifth member; and that in settling !
tb*-se contests no vof«s are to be ~ast ■
on those cases by either contestants
or < onte»tantces until all contests are ;
settled.”
These propositions were signed by i
forty persons. repre*enting over fifty |
lores in the committee; but they were
| utterly ignored, and instead of a con
ciliatory report, the credentials com- ■
mitt.-' brought In a report rejecting
many proxies, by merely stating
"proxy rejected.” No reason for this
rejection was given, and none would
t*e given. The proxies rejected were
of the same form in many instances
as those received; they were filled out i
legally and bore revenue stamps, while
sixteen proxies accepted by the com
j mittee were of similar form, and did
not bear revenue stamps as the law
! requires, but they were fusion proxies,
snd of course, eligible, strictly so.
Tom Patterson of Colorado then *
moved that all members of the com
mittee who attended the Cincinnati
convention, or who had announced
since then that they favored BaiIcel
and Donnelly for the candidates of the
people's party, as wed as all proxy
holders coming under that provision
should be barred from the meeting.
Mr. Walters of Indiana moved as an
amendment that all persons who in
the past had bolted the action of popu
list conventions and refused t.o support
the nominees should be barred out.
Notwithstanding many of the person^
recognized by the minority had bolted
the Bryan and Watson ticket, in some
instances supporting Bryan and Sew
all, and in other instances supporting
McKinley and Hobart, and although
several persons recognized by proxy—
otherwise were affiliating with demo
crats. and not recognized as populists
by the party in their several states,
this amendment was lost by a vote of
49 to 7. The original motion then cai
ried by an almost unanimous vote, and
the minority of one national commit
tee had gone upon record as being
willing to seat confessed bolters, demo
crats and republicans in their com
mittee. but refusing to seat populists
whose only fault was the presumption
on the part of a few politicians that
they might bolt the action of a conven
tion which had not yet even beeu
called.
When this action was carried, the
representatives of the regular commit
tee who had come on a mission of
peace left the hall, and the mid-road
members, representing a large major
ity of the legal votes present at the
meeting of the committee, met in an
other place and proceeded to reorganise
the committee by electing D. Clem
Denver of Nebraska national cliairmau
and Jo A. Parker of Kentucky na
tional secretary; Paul Dixon of Mis
souri. national treasurer, and Messrs.
Jerome Kearby of Texas. John C.
Luce of Oregon. W. L. Peek of
Georgia. 1.. W. Smith of Maine. H. L5. j
Fay of Minnesota and James H. Fer- !
riss of Illinois members of the nation
al executive committee. A committee
of five was appointed to issue a state
ment to the press of the situation, r.nd
the same committee was instructed to
issue a call for a national convention
of the people's party to meet at Cin
cinnati. O., Wednesday, May 9, 1900,
for the purpose of nominating populist
candidates for president aud vice
president; and in addition to prepate a
complete statement of the case and is
sue an address covering the same to
the populists of the United States,
The call of this committee is ti e
only legitimate call which can be is
sued. as the faction which claims that
it is the national committee at its be.-t
was only able to muster fifty-two
votes, two less than a quorum. Of
these sixteen were proxies without the
required revenue stamps, and ■ onse
qumtly illegal: twelve were men who
were refused a right to sit on the com
mittee at the meeting in Omaha in
181*8. as. shown by the report of the
credentials committee, which is :n tne
possession of this committee, aim bear
ing the signatures and indorsement of
William V. Allen. A. H. Cardin, John
F. Buchanan, C. A. Barlow and Ki
tweod Pomeroy, and five others have
been turned out by regn’ar conven
tions in their several states since the
holding of the meeting at Omaha as
the party law provides, at regular if
held states •onventions; while.certain
proxies were held and voted by per
sons who do not and have noi for sonja
time past affiliated with the peoples
party in their own states.
It is with regret that your coma it
te° has to chronicle this record of po
litical chicanery. We had hoped to -ee
harmony prevail here: but when
this illegal and arbitrary power to de
cide who should sit in the sessions of
the national committee and who should
not was invoked to gain tempo; ary
advantage, it became clear *hat under
any conditions upon which such an il
legal committee would issue a call :or
a convention, the same tactics would
be pursued there in making up a tem
porary roll of the convention, and the
will of any majority, it matters not
how great, thwarted by a few design
ing politicians. Recognizing this, and
feeling that we are in the right, that
we represent the sentiments and prin
ciples of the rank and file of the peo
ples party throughout the United
States, the majority of your committee
refused to temporize further with the
insignificant minority which presumes
to dictate the policies of a great
party.
It has been evident for some years
that the intention of certain persons
placed in the leadership of the peo
ples party has been to lead the stal
wart reform voters who make up the
membership of our party into the
camp of the organized democracy. This
has been accomplished to some extent
through the policy of fusion, through
which principle and honor are put
upon the auction block and soid in ex
change for offices and position. Your
committee does not believe it is the
will of those who have in the past un
ceasingly fought the battles of reform
movement shall be sold to the corrupt
and servile politicians of either of the
old parties, and therefore we call upon
the peoples party of the several stoles
c.f the union to support us in this hon
est effort to save the party from those
who would destroy it. The cause is
too great to surrender to spoilsmen—
It is the sacred cause of human lib
erty. When this cause goes down,
with it goes the hope of liberty for the
people of Ameriea. Let us never sur
render the peoples party, but stand by
it and uphold it in its onward course,
until finally the victory shall be ours.
It vu*s at Cincinnati that the peoples
party was born: it was there that a
few determined men met in 1898 md
declared that it should not die; now
let us gather the clans into a mighty
conclave on the ninth of May at the
birthplace of our party, and kindle
anew the fires of liberty in our ranks
which have been dimmed by the faith
lessness of our chosen leaders in the
past; and In this revival of the peo
ples party let us adopt a system of
party government that will make an
o'lier betrayal impossible. And in this
effort to make the peoples party the
peoples party indeed, as well as in
name, we invite the assistance and co
operation of all citizens of this re
public who are opposed to the pluto
cratic measures of the two old parties;
who favor the great principles of hu
man liberty enunciated in the Omaha
platform, and with direct legislation
our battle-cry. we will go into the
campaign of 1900 stronger than ever
before as a party, and rid, thank God,
of those false leaders who have in the
past betrayed bs for the fleshpots of
democracy and the crumbs that fail
from the masters’ tables.
D. CLEM DEAVER. Chairman,
JO A. PARKER, Secretary.
Friend (after tea)—“Your little wife
it a brilliantly handsome woman. I
should think you’d be jealous of her.”
Host (confidentially)—‘‘To tell the
truth. Simpkins, I am. I would never
invite anybody here that any sane wo
man would take a fancy to.”—New
York Weekly.
C0BDEN1TE DIATRIBE
FREE-TRADERS object to ex
isting CONDITIONS.
They Demand “a Sweeping Tariff Kn
actinent That Shall Drlrs Avery
Vestige of Protection Out of Oar
Fiscal System.
The Boston Herald finds in the pend
ing reciprocity treaties and in the prop
osition to bring Porto Rico into the
American tariff system a convenient
occasion for venting its free-trade
6pleen. Lapsing into Cobdenite dia
tribe, this irreconcilable protestant
against the facts of history and the
logic of events savagely assails the
whole system of protection to Ameri
can labor and industry as the product
of logrolling and lobbying. Thus:
"A used his influeuce to secure fa
vors of B, C, D and E, on the under
standing that these latter were to use
their influence to help him pull certain
chestnuts out of the congressional fire,
but under these reciprocal trade treat
ies A and B think that they are likely
to lose a part of their Ill-gotten spoils,
and hence they call upon C, D and E,
and the whole remaining alphabet of
interests as well, to assist them in de
fending themselves against this inva
sion. As there has to be loyalty be
tween logrollers as well as honor
among thieves, the others are likely
to respond to this appeal by doing what
they can to defeat the objectionable
pioposition.”
There you have the typical free trade
conception of an economic system
whose results are the marvel cf the
civilized world. The men who sup
plied the information which enabled
congress to frame successful tariff laws
are characterized as selfish conspira
tors against the general good, and by
indirection are stamped as ‘•thieves.”
Of course the Boston Herald has a
remedy to propose. It is to abolish
protection absolutely and get back to
the platform of free trade pure and
simple:
“We are thus In our policy, both in
ternational and national, the slaves of
these industrial tyrants which the
Protective system has built up. Ap
parently. the only way that we are to
relieve ourselves of these “old men of
the sea” is to hurl them from our
shoulders by a sweeping Tariff enact
ment which shall drive every vestige
cf Protection out cf our fiscal system,
and impose taxes only upon those com
modities from which we hope to ob
tain a revenue, and on those at such
a point, high or low. as seems best
calculated to bring about the desired
result.”
Congressman Hopkins was right in
contending in his Forum article that
the Tariff is still a live issue. It is
true that there are not at present a
very large number of Free Trade
propagandists who are so frank and
so foolhardy as the Boston Herald
writer above quoted. There are. how
ever, many who believe as he does, but
are restrained by considerations of
prudence from saying so in plain
words.
Fulfillment Kxreedn PrnmUe.
The country’s experience with the
unfulfilled promises of the Free-Trad
ers and with the unpromised fulfill
ment of the Protectionists affords a
modern exemplification of the Scrip
tural parable of the two sons, one of
whom said. *T go, sir.” and went not;
the other, of whom said. ”1 go not,”
and went. The Wilson law supporters
promised to give us the markets of the
world through their Tariff changes in
the direction of Free Trade. Instead
they gave our markets to the foreign
ers and struck a death blow to Ameri
can industries. The supporters of the
Protective Tariff policy have never
made many promises in respect to
the securing of foreign markets. They
have advocated Protection chiefly as
a means of preserving to us our home
market. They have kept their prom
ises, but they have gone far beyond
any promises. Under Protection Am
erican manufacturers have kept for
themselves the American market, with
its marvelous consuming capacity, and
they have won much beyond that.
They have a large and constantly
growing share in the markets of the
world.
One of the most recent evidences of
the entrance of American manufactur
ers into foreign fields is the announce
ment that the Baldwin Locomotive
Works has recently had. in addition to
many other foreign orders, an order for
ten Atlantic type passenger engines
for the state railroad of France. It is
also reported that the Jackson and
Bharpe company have received a large
order for tramway cars from Alexan
dria. Egypt. These things, among
thousands of others like them, were
neither guaranteed nor promised, but
they have come to pass under the be
nign regime of McKinley and Protec
tion.
Tariff and Trnstr.
The Philadelphia Ledger does no;
believe that Congress can do anything
directly to overcome the trusts. It
says: “There is one method, however,
of coping with monopolistic trusts
without attempting specific legislation
pronouncing them unlawful. It would
effectually cripple the power of oppres
sion exercised by the practical monopo
lies which are the beneficiaries of
an excessive tariff. Should congress
lower the rate of duties on all products
that are the subjects of monopoly in
the home market the competition of
Europe would compel extortionate
trusts to deal justly by the American
consumer. This is an eminently prac
tical plan, which is in complete accord
with the protective tariff principle as
defined by the last national convention
of the Republican party, which con
demned equally foreign control and
domestic monopoly.”
The next thing, in the evolution fav
ored by the Ledger, would be to re
move the tariff altogether from certain
articles, and we should soon have, not
only the international trust, which
could defy tariffs, but the whole tariff
and revenue problem would be newly
complicated. It is rather surprising
that Republican papers should recom
mend any such course. They prove
thereby how really deep-seated the in
dignation against the trusts is. But let
the country honestly try direct and
specific penal legislation before invok
ing free trade as an actl-trust ally.—
Pittsburg Press.
BOON TO AMERICAN LABOR.
Foundation of Prosperity That Cannot
I!« Undermined.
The London Globe, commenting on
the present industrial cocdition in
Lancashire, says, as quoted In the ca
ble dispatches: “The high tariff on
American manufactures virtually mo
nopolirv- th' home market and is thus
able to reap large profits in spite of
labor being comparatively dearer in
England.”
The wording of the above is a little
obscure, but tbe evident meaning is
that by reason of the tariff protection
American manufacturers are enabled
to monopolize their home markets,thus
shutting out the English manufactur
ers—which enables the American man
ufacturer to reap large profits, not
withstanding that they pay their work
men higher wage3 than the English
manufacturers pay their workmen.
Consequently English industry lan
guishes while American industry fiour
ishes.
We may commiserate the unfortun
ate condition of the English manufac
turers and laborers, but at the same
time we must recognize the fact that
it is the business of each country to
legislate for the interests of its own
industries and people. The American
Congress looks after the welfare of
American industries and may with a
good conscience leave the British par
liament to look after British indus
tries. If Parliament refuses protec
tion to English manufacturers, that is
its own lookout; and if Congress
chooses to protect American manufac
turers and thereby enables them to
pay higher wages to their workmen,
it cannot be held responsible if the
policy has a paralyzing effect upon
British industry.
The Globe's brief acknowledgment
is an effective vindication of the Am
erican tariff policy as it affects Amer
ican interests. By securing tbe Amer
ican manufacturer his home market,
the tariff furnishes him with a founda
tion of prosperity that cannot be un
dermined by foreign competitors—and
working from this vantage point the
American manufacturer is often able
to undersell the foreign manufacturer
in his own market.—Minneapolis Trib
une.
There Should lie but One Kesnlt.
The Republican party relies on the
good sense of the people to continue in
power an administration which has
won for itself the heartiest commenda
tions at home and abroad. Never in
the history of its progress has the
Unite ! States stood among the nations
of the earth where it stands today.
Never in the history of its development
has this country seen such a period of
prosperity as prevails today. But these
are the conditions Mr. Bryan and his
following would change, for the better,
as they claim. They tell the artisan,
the mechanic and the day laborer how
much improved conditions would be
under a popoaratic-free-silver Repub
lican- Free-Trade- Anti-Expansion-etc.,
rule, br.t the man who toils hard for
his daily bread is slow to take advan
tage of the proffered service. He knows
that a bird in the hand is worth two
in the bush; that his home has never
known so many luxuries as he finds in
it today; and his good sense tells him
that he cannot afford to give up a sure
thing for chimeras and pretty theories.
Watch him as he goes to the polls next
fall and see how he casts his ballot. If
he really loves his wife, his children,
his home, and his country, there can
scarcely be but one result.—McCook
• Neb.) Republican.
The Ileal Danger.
Several Republican newspapers in
the country which claim that Free
Trade is a dead issue, because of the
unexampled prosperity, are probably
not aware of the fact that many sec
tions of the country, and our colleges
in particular, are being flooded with
Free-Trade literature, especially of the
kind aiming to show that the Protec
tive Tariff is responsble for the so
called trusts. The worst of it is that
the Free-Trade propaganuists are re
ceiving aid and comfort from Repub
lican victims of the foreign markets
craze, who have somehow persuaded
themselves that certain of our indus
tries no longer need Protection, and
that we are in a position to make con
siderable concessions to foreign pro
ducers in return for a prospective
small increase in our export trade. As
we well know from past experience,
the Protective system is never so much
endangered as when its professed
friends have come to think that its
safety is not menaced hv the ever ac
tive and aggressive Free-Trade move
ment.— Clinton's Magazine.
Forced to Accept Frosperily.
Gen. John B. Golden, commenting
upon the wave of Southern prosperity,
says that the North and East will have
to keep a sharp lookout or else the
manufacturing interests of the South
will overtake and catch them. That
is all right; but isn’t it about time for
the South to help the North and East?
If the South could have her way she
would vote her own manufactories
out of existence. Her prosperity has
been forced upon her by the voters
of the "North and East.”—Beaton
(111.) Republican.
I'uusnal Cause for WorrSment.
Mary—“You look worried, John;
what’s the trouble?”
John—"Why, you see. It's like this:
Four years ago I was troubled about
getting a Job; now. so many jobs are
offered that I don't know which one to
take.”
HUNTING FOR GRIEVANCES.
Democrats Unhappy Because of Toe
Much Prosperity.
The great wave of prosperity that
promptly followed the inauguration of
a Republican national administration
in 1897, a significant contrast with the
preceding four years of industrial and
financial depression, promoted by
Democratic legislative and execute
follies, a successful, brilliant and popu
lar war. in the interests of humanity,
which has immeasureabiy exalted the
prestige of American arms, added to
the domain of the nation some of the
fairest and most valuable island arean
of the eastern and western seas, se
cured for the Republic a commanding
place among the nations of earth, anc
won respect for its flag wherever it
greets the winds; an administration
of public affairs so broad and sagacious
that it restored brotherhood to the
Union on fields of war, and in its set
tlements of peace accomplished in a
twelvemonth the industrial and com
mercial work of half a century. For
these giv.-fying results full credit is
assuredly due the P^publican party. It
was Republican legislaaon that put in
motion cur existing rusting wheels of
industry, thus furnishing employment
to millions of idle hands, and while
the Democratic rank and tile manfully
contributed to tne successes of our wai
with Spain, their leaders are now
clamoring for a relinquishment of all
the fruits of their victories.
In all these triumphs they refuse to
see anything but national peril, and
even interpret as an omen of evil thi
glow of prosperity that rests upon th#
land like a vast benediction. Their
last catalogue of minor grievances, re
cited in the House by Lentz of Ohio,
during the recent discussion on the
currency bill, was a remarkable ex
position of party rancor. He is a blat
ant anti-expansionist, and, enraged at
the certainty of coming defeat, reck
lessly charged the administration with
crimes enough to make the angel3
weep. Like a rattlesnake in the dog
days, he was blinded by his own
venom, striking wildly at everything
Republican, pointing to every political
pain that is racking the Democratic
anatomy, and making the exposure all
the mere amusing to his opponents be
cause of his inability to devise a rem
edy for any of them. Could he be
goaded into another intemperate har
angue. we might be able to find out
what is the matter with him and his
faction besides the old chronic disor
der of State rights.—San Francisco
Chronicle.
Will Come in Good Time.
The Diagley law seems to have got
ten in good work in South Carolina
along its specialty of promoting the
establishment of new industries. The
report of the Secretary of State of
South Carolina shows that there were
twenty-six new cotton mills chartered
and commissioned in that State dur
ing the year 1S99. Prosperity of this
sort speaks for itself. Those twenty
six new mills represent the employ
ment of many thousands of workmen,
the payment in wages of many thou
sands of dollars, and the expenditure
by the workmen employed of - large
sums of money for food and clothing
and for all the requirements of life. As
a result the South Carolina agricultur
ist sells more of his food products, and
the South Carolina trader sees his
sales and his surplus grow. The sale
of the products manufactured by the
new mills brings money into the state
from the other States of the country
and from abroad, money which be
comes distributed among the people of
the State generally, in exchange for
what they have to sell, wffether it be
labor or property. The situation could
hardly be improved upon except by
having more of the same kind; and the
Dingley law will see to it that that
comes in good time.
llrave Rot I ijadirioos.
History records .he existence of a
billy goat, dear to tfle heart of his mas
ter, but generally objected to by the
community on account of his bucking
proclivities. Nothing was exempt from
his attack, and success only made him
more and more aggressive. One day
he felt unusually pugnacious, and in
this frame of mind he wandered down
on the railroad. Just then an express
train came in sight. It was drawn by
the most powerful engine in the coun
try, called General Prosperity. Billy
saw it and prepared for the battle of
his life. As it approached he got him
self in position and bucked. The re
sult was disastrous. Billy lay bleeding
and dead by the roadsid'*. and General
Prosperity, with its train, passed on.
Hearing of Billy's death, his owner
strolled down to where he lay and thus
soliloquized: "Oh, Billy, why did you
try it? Billy, you were a nice goat;
you were not afraid of anything Billy,
you were the bravest goat I ever saw;
but. Billy, damn your judgment!"—
Freeport (111.) Journal.
A Stint Too Hard for Bryan.
It has been hinted that even should
Mr. Bryan come east, perhaps he could
not stem the tide of increases in wages
which seems to be affecting all lines
of industry like a panic. One of the
last advances reported is the an
nouncement that January 1 the cotton
manufacturers of Augusta, Ga.. will
raist- the wages of their employes, and
it is predicted that other souther*
manufacturers will follow suit. It is
estimated that when the first of Janu
ary has come, there will be in the
northern states about 140,000 cotton
mill operatives working under increas
ed wages, and that the advance in the
south will bring the total number ol
employes in that branch of industry
who are receiving higher wages up to
more than 160,000.—Oswego (N. Y.J
Time#.
Conspiracy.
That wages are being raised ad over
the country is doubtless due to a con
spiracy among certain persons who
want to give the Republican campaign
material in order to defeat Mr. Bryan
next year.—Cleveland Leader.
Why They Are Had.
Four years ago. under Democratic
rule, a lot of Republicans were waiting
for the mills to open. Now a lot of
Democrats and Populists are mad be
cause they don't close.—Hutchinson
(Kan.) Mail.
THE SUNDAY SCHOOL.
LESSON XI. MARCH 18 - MARK
21:13-22—AT MATTHEWS.
Golden Text “He SaI(| U|lto Uim
Follow V:2« — flow the
Snvlor of the World Reached ,be
Uaases of the People.
IS. "And lie went forth »evn ••
the city of Capernaum, where he V. |-l
bven teaching and healing (see last £
-on*. I>> the seaside " where »>.. k ■
often been before. He probably
to the northeast of the city toward the
-£2o£d°f the Ji0rdHn mufti,u!.o
re. orted . he taught," i. P bv (,1<v
tenre cf the original. The multitude ke,■>
them.—Mwlson?* ^ h* k'“J
thU , As h.e Pas?ed by, moving along
the shore, instead of remaining all th*
time in one place. “He saw Levi the sn„
of Alpha-us. Levi was his name at the
II™ °f hl* ral’- 11(1 is elswhere called
Mat.hew. Sitting at the leceipt c.f cus
t°m. Toll house t “tel booth,” m Ed
.nburghb or custom house, for the <« I
lection of the taxes on lish, or duties
on the merchandise which passed along
the great roads to Jerusalem, Tyre, and
Da muse us, and the East, which centered
at Capernaum “Said unto him Fellow
me. both in heart as hi- Savior teach
er and master, and literally by taking
his place among our Lord's c....slant at
tendants.
15. “As Jesus sat (b-tter, he [Matthew 1
was reclining) at meat in his house, at
a great feast which Matthew made, ac
cording to Luke. And “many publicans
(see on v. 14) and sinners.” Disreputable
sinners and outcasts, notorious offend
ers. The Pharisees were quite as great
sinners, but in another way. “Sat also
. . . with Jesus. They were invited
by Matthew to meet J»-sus. probably that
they might team more of the truth from
him. It seems to have be.n an tffurt
of Matthew to bring his old acquaint
ances and friends into the kingdom of
God. "lor there were many" pre-ont
who were following Jesus whe.c\er ho
went to learn more of him, and these
were present.
16. "A\ hen the scribe- and Pharisee* "
The strictest outward religionists and
observers of the ceremonial law, the men
who were l.k- whited sepulchers and
dishes washed on the outside, but full cf
all uncleanness within. “Saw him." The
Pharisees were not guests, b.” freely
came into the house and looke on, a.*
cording to the custom of the E “Said
unto his disciple--,” who were robably
nearer. “How* is it that he t .th and
drlnketh w ith publicans and - oners?”
Eating and drinking was a . .f
friendship.
17. “When Jesue h-ard it." < either
overheard their words or the disciple*
reported them. “He saith un them. 1
He made two answers to their rititi-m.
one from analogy, the other from the
Scriptures. “They that are whole.'*
Strong, healthy, hale, as th. Pharisee*
imagined they were morally. It i- only
"they that are sick" who need a t.hvsi
cian.
13. “The disciples of John n >1 ef the
Pharisees used to fast. bet!< •, as K.
V.. “were fasting" at this tint* So' that
the banquet was held on a fas! day. and
the contrast between the tea-ting of
Jesus and his disciples and the fa-ting
of the hungry onlookers naturally called
out She question, “Why do the disci- les
of John and of the Pharisees fast, hut
thy disciples fast not?’ Why are you#
disciples less religious? Why «lo th'y
not realize the evils of the time and the
oppressions of the nation?
The reply was by a familiar illustra
tion.
19. “Can the children of the bride
chamber.” The bridegroom’s friends,
who conducted the bride from her i;»\h
er’s house to her future home, amid
festivities and rejoicings, to the mar
riage feast. "Fast, while the bride
groom is with them?” It wa< wholly
incongruous, and could be only a form.
! It was now a time of rejoicing, and their
j conduct and religious life should agree
thereto. It would be a moral discord to
fast at the wedding feast.
20. "But the days will come.” etc. At
Jesus’ death they will feel like mourn
ing. so sad and troubled that fasting
will be the natural expression of their
hearts. Jesus continues his reply by a
general principle, of which his an-w« r
to their question about fasting was one
application. But many more applications
were to appear in the progress of the
grafting of the new kingdom of God upon
the old. This principle would heir* the
disciples in many a difficult question In
the future, and all down the ages
21. "No man also seweth a piece of
new cloth," unfulled, unshnink. rather
than “undressed." as in R. V.. which is
an unfamiliar manufacturer's term. But
the cloth, just as finished as it ever
would be. would yet shrink in the wear
ing unless ft were sponged and shrunk—
a familiar experience. "On an old gar
ment.” as a patch. “Taketh away from
the old.” etc. The patch, exactly fitting
the rent In the old garment, would shrink
more and more, till the older and weak
er cloth gave way under the intense
strain, and the rent became much larger
than before.
22. “And no man.” None are so fool
ish. “Putteth new wine into old bot
tles." R. V. rightly "wine-skins.” 1. e,
skins of animals from which the body
is withdrawn leaving the skin whole, ex
cept the neck, which becomes the mouth
of the bottle, and the legs, which are
tied up. "Our word ‘bottle’ originally
carried the true meaning, being a bottle
of leather. In Spanish, bota means a
leather bottle, a boot, and a butt. In
Spain, wine is stili brought to market in
pig-skins. In the East, goatskins a re
commonly used.”—M. R Vincent. “Else
the new wine doth burst the battles."
by the pressure of the gases produced
by the process of fermentation upon
leather weakened and cracked by age.
A prominent brewer says that the pres-'
sure of champagne in gla^s bottles after
nine months Is equal to sixty pounds to
the square inch. Probably some of the
gases evaporate through the w infkins,
and make the pressure less.
LITTLE CLASSICS.
Beware of the fury of a patient man.
— Dryden.
The brave love mercy and delight to
save.—Gay.
The apparel oft proclaims the m;«n.
—Shakespeare.
The man that blushes is not quite
a brute.—Young.
Beggars must not be choosers.—*
Beaumont and Fletcher.
Absence makes the heart grow fond
er.—Thomas Haynes B&yly.
To take a soldier without ambition
is to pull off his spurs.—Bacon.
Nothing is so firmly believed as
what we least know.—Montaigne.
Man s inhumanity to man makes
countless thousands mourn.—Burns.
All men that are ruined are ruined on
the side of their natural propensities.
—Burke.
Of every noble action the intent is
to give worth reward, vice punishment.
—Beaumont and Fletcher.
Old wood best to burn, o.’i w>ce to
drink, old friends to trust, und old au*
. tbors to read.—Quoted by Bacon.
A blush is no language; only a du
bious flag-signal, which may mean
either of two contradictories—George
Eliot.
A good book ii. the precious life
blood of a master spirit embalmed aDd
treasured up on purpose to a life be
yond life.—Milton.
Papa, potatoes, poultry, prunes and
prism are all very good words for the
lips—especially prunes and prism.—
Dickens.