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About The Loup City northwestern. (Loup City, Neb.) 189?-1917 | View Entire Issue (March 16, 1900)
t !•■;•! IMS Si’KAK |f - <d tfc* CmittM Tdly ad fxilj 8k Fir’x iss io Ttt nortf. Ir«4 rt‘f iff———1 TorooO i***oa V ate* and t.oaarra -i tlroaf I'lrj r«UM •' ite r.»tmlte« Part j tool r**Mf. 1 Tr*» §*mj of tfc* ot Jll tU rwyk* FFft; _»<i In dopes- J ft*** Toter* «*f lb# t mird ftitn: For ftB*j o»«»i#i...» it h&a ti«*r r*. I'lmt tlmt * n* * iiory % m t B* i *. i.- p,.1. tko or—Is i Otrfof, tint the » Bsr of uia of our rty thmuc^i mor* of tb# »uere** of - ?fc*i *,.*»*'> ti.*a tbx-y ut<l tjti- f r < a B f jk*|| * b|,u Ai \ 4 #*r a J. . o **' v Bftfty Wkli* or tilt# in tfc# post ip Ur* ■% n> ' • » • •<« to a! tor it#trii L**e t>ron »mb that 111,'. ffc* ■ 1* 1*0 lafe£t>r klI doui't of tb# Bl f; (b 4*f * # jk I^r f"te J*f&4 f !ktel if F tkt IVO{-i# a Mid* la to livr if mu*t tr i tab.#-** m coirv) by ' Po |*«[4# of tb** t* tty. m,d tb* d’rioyo* to** i#r» tura.« i ^ #*o< of :*» loub' ’u • ft- bit# -«• 'i ' ttt* matter «*uid Ur »«~*e «ter* to tb* B!#-e;tn* of Ik, a o*t*ooa! «< ctrtt.oe bat tbr occur - r#o .* of tb* oo*t fro boar* *a tfci* • !. t*<u b V t duriBc tb* mo*-* in* Hl ««f f tftt.utl 1 c* "tSiUL -1 ter of our pilfl) ■ « IfliPMtiee thit the *eo ■ ptr aelnj me* k*t»m* ~ tut A«t Mur#* *t Si iMIftf It There «otmm tils**® ill all ajr^ and m4*r all * *n4it*om* a hen mea a ho .& i e mi aaao * i at #^d t one? t-r r tan no u*flaipef mrrer and xn the fttuonii rom* f *t## tha l*rff* I* » t<111t that tin** i a jbfi r emr hrej no i*«4»mftry !!* a hem by ! a f hit r» tjr and anjaet r#§ * ft an certai n fp*»» ,*e tmtfmeted a^th aMM§etri1* and e* ifttrol aouc fa r»-*f»y that fruet with p:My and |e*ati<al « hi* aarry unheard • ■ form parti#* heretofore. SlefMW mtflpriaff Upon a detailed *" .'• met.* t,f f * • -© © * r -rt*S pr*~ -©4- i 1t.*» »»• umsider It well to re oust cer- ; twin matt#** ieadi'jf dir* t!y up to th* >:ttJ *t M*a#, la la- rwiler !ih9 *©*e©al member; of the aaikacal e» i '•©•» reprobating e. »th*'ta etiite* ti »f at Metnphl*. Trts *w <• .c*:d» . tfc* ie*t p’ac of pro* ©* for© to *# - **» i ’ a i.-y ifc# cational committee The re*tilt of th* roofer* ■ • a © as* *!.a* e roc-.-.*.? re ..jar.tin* ot u s Korean of Arkansas* 51 V.' '> Howard at Aia.A»a,ma &n4 J. A Parke < r K©«*nrii|r mere appointed to enrrr» j •pond With member cf tbe cationu! « Melts it tee and a»k them to a re* «a<iir4 ttpoa flemEtor Butler that be call | k a tseriir.* of the committee »t fbuoa-1 III on IV •ranry 12. Jo A Parker na* j ,rVM aa id'-retarr «f that commit* i t*e and *e*t to alt the renters of the committee blank forme ©ddre*e©d t© j Senator Bot-er aa- t ha. .'man of the na ttoa emar.tce and <ia»«4> :n* tb* artpoiua to meet at CMoasa on rVi - -.ary 12, Ou I*- *«br 21. Mr. i Pa: ... e-' Ml |ctat pi ©settled to Sena 1c«.r Haller at hi* residence la Wash- I ‘.a** on dxtj hike of aaid petition* ©m tmiaf a majority a! th# commit!##. The senator refted to re* uyni*© the*. dor :meat* mjiut that he had at read; c-vf Mt to the Wrltbrn c*f the com mittee a letter a»kinjr their vote* on the i:m© and pia*© ct kukiftf the meet < ton H- «#««r. th.* ciimmmi--*t*on did wot tea h uun.> of the members until lot# in January arm© d‘d not to ©ive j * until after ti** formal tail had been trawed; while many Beliler* of th© mmiHIo iirte* receiied it at all. nor did they mead*© aa* aetihratiow what weweer id «k© tocet.u* of the commit- ; tae jpi when the date and place of holdtBC the B»©-t:B* of the rommltto • ere tied the wiahe* of th© »Uty*nin© t. etcbem who had petitioned Senator ; Butler were utterly ignored and on the vote of a small majority of th© committee the meeting »a* .ailed for Urn win Meh . on February 19. So unfair cta the lota on of th© me©.it* at this point retarded by tUaa« member* of th© *cmm!tte© that they revolted to eta* away, aa it was to be Veen that the meeMn* ... p!ac<«d at Lincoln for the purpose of tints* th# Bryan faction erf th© com * .*tee control in it* ©rgaaiaatioo It jo .sc ur remembered that there was a rule in the committee by which to perxm could vote but one proay; and that the holder of ; ptaay must be a ret-ornined popu ».*t by th© awthoritbs of th© party in t sa own Plate It w»* though: by th© f rymait©* tha.: is S>*.»ra*fca it would te " mpomV-e for *h* mid roaderct to <ms in tni© their t>-**iie* and il was- me!! kacra that *e were unable to I*.:lag atK-n ft ok other rotate*, no it «■> thought reasonably certain that by it* HUM tbe nft!W at Uncoin the aatfiorltf of the <omsuttee would he aloe to d 'sde :»» »<ttons in the inter •at of Bryan and the democratic party. Bet when 'he men who were in roc t ad of UU party organisation rwhel ..in--on and *«vapored note*, they found that they coaid only mmmtwri to a certainty fort* two votes in th* ««%autt*r while the nud rondera bad tft or wen. they ha* mg found in Ne tt,.; amkM. at the home of Wa J. Bryan, plenty of pupa list* who were opposed to the prostitution of the party to cast their proale* in accordance with the will erf the tn.d road meiuherw Tfcea it was that the pkA was laid to con trol the »ummtttee by unfair mean* In giving out provow of Kid-road v« tecs an agreem* nt wa* signed by all proxy -bolder*. showing tbe demands of the straight populists from the com mittor and that the populists of the nation may see that there is uoibinx lisnwMSsbh or unjust ached of the rosnmittcM-. revolutionary and .apariixmastary proposed or attempt ed we are phased to gaol* the agree ment terhr**aa. to w it The un£*r»igned by their several signature* eltsro the receipt of the imut mentioned to be used in the cessions of Che national < omeutttee of the People s party in IJarota. Neb., on Monday. Feb 15m and these prox has having been sent to Jo A Parker to be given out to mb parties as he de sires under direct and explicit 1 nr true twins, we t*-reuy agree in toting the same to use them in ail case* in nr enrdnaro stlh the following instrtae **| To id* for the holding of a na tional Peoples party cocitoatioa ia strict netordnnre with the so-tailed HkkIm agnasnpant— Bald contra non U> be held at thirty days before either the Oemorratk nr ropubhean conveationa. *|hj Th# baad* of representation to said convention to be the highest ac tual straight populist vote of record, exrlnsioa of fusion vote*, cast for state tickets since anu in-hiding U ‘ • Nothing to S»e said or done by the committee or any member or offi cer of it in submission or suggestion of any fusion proposition with either of the old parties. "I. To vote for the place to hold the convention agreed upon by the mid road memiers of the committee in any caucus or by mutual understanding before the sessions of the committee. "J. To vote to carry out the law of the party made at Omaha in 1892 pre venting office-holders from holding seats in conventions of the party. *'4 To vote against any resolution j which may bo construed as an en- ; dorse men t of sny candidate for presi dent or vice president. ~i. To vote against any resolution or j motion to unseat any member of this I committee on tec hnical points, such as j alleged adherence to Barker and Don nelley. on the ground that such adher ■ is disloyalty to the party or other wise ■*€ In event the committee should I dir^gard the propositions of the so- j called Omaha agreement or should at bitrarily and without just cause tin- j ►eat members of this committee, the ( holders ci t!m M proxies agree to with draw from the meeting and take sepa rate ad.on along the lines above indi cated.” When It was discovered Ivy the fus •nistfc that the mid loaders had a raa- j Jority sn<l that their votes would be j voted solidly on these questions. their 1* aders **-< ame panic stric ken, and various schemes were proposed—one of which w.ts to Icoldly bar them out and refuse them admission to the hall un- i ti-r any circumstances. This plan, however, was abandoned, and it was finally de Ided that Chairman Butler sbou'd make up a temporary roll of the committee in such a way as to give i the fusionists a majority: that their would then settle all contests i .n favor of their chosen tools, and tura < t> .t of the committee enough members j :o give them an unquestioned major itv. Goebel ism. in the days of its su- , pr* me iniquity in Kentucky: Quayism at the height of its Infamy in Penn *v Ivani. *v- er knew a more bold and infamous attenut to disfranc hise a : pie: but that the people may know bow thi* m heme was pursued, we .all tb-ir attention to the procedure of j these political bm-aners. The committee was advertised to nit at 2 o’t loc k. i ut it was late j:* the afternoon wi.en the chairman all* I the meeting t» order. The se> : ’nr? re: i what he purported to be a !♦ ia;>ora.ry roll of'the committee. It u> at <>n«e evident what the schemes of the fusion tats were. The state ot V•; i> was called. an 1 the name of A W. Fib - v. as arbitrarily dropped ft om th* n il; the name of M. V*'. How ard in Alabama; the names of Geo. V V\ i. .: . of Iiiincis and N. H. Mot r of Indiana. Frank Burkitt of 'i*ippi. Joan Seitz and H. B. Me* t. cf Ohio and a score of other h. eiiiVr* of the committee whose title u m M>at is unclouded, were also drop per from the temporary roll: while th»- t ..-mi**rs of the committee legally *- • te l and re ognixed by the party in i F; rida Indian T. nitory. Iowa. Maine. Mi Ligan. Munnesota Missouri and N« * Jersey were ignored, and men who have 1m n repudiated by the p.rty irt . invention assembled in their }-»■’. * ral states put in their places. A- M.- n as this roil whs completed. Jo A Parker, on behalf of the laidule of-th.*-road*-rs. ask*-d the chair for i re-r»-admg of the delegation from Ar kan-as. which was dene. He then ■ i-p-k' 1 f<>r what cause and by what anCtorit> Mm of A W. Files xu dropped from the rolls of the com mittee Robert Schilling at once arose and asked by w hat authority Mr. Par ,..-r came into the committee meeting. »*ating that he was not a populist. It is to an>wer those questions that I will appoint the following commit tee." replied Senator Butler, who. in d a storm of protects, named as a . mmitu-e on credentials. Senator \V. V Allen of Nebraska. Jas. B. Weaver cf I ma and J. H Davis of Texas. Mr. Davit did not serve and Harry Tracy of Texas and later Tom Patterson of Colorado wa* appointed in his place. A nutnlier of delegates were trying to get r*-< *gnition of the chair to pro test agaiust the appointment of such a biased committee, when the chair, without more ado. declared the com- i mittee adjourned until eight o'clock. ! Not withstanding emphatic- protest Senator Butler refused to recognize a demand for a vote on adjournment, and walked down from the stand, de st rting the chair. As soon as this war done, Mr. Parker of Kentucky moved I tMat Mr. Deaver of Nebraska take the « ha:r. The motion carried. Alii Reed of Iowa was elected secretary and an j adjournment was taken, after appoint ing a committee of three on creden- j i. als. until 7:30 o'clock. At the time •nmittee received the report of the < oinmittce on credentials, showing eighty-seven members of the cfMWlf t e present in person or by proxy, an other adjournment was taken, subject to the call of the chair. The bolting faction of the commit tee. which hud left the hall before the iegal adjournment of the committee. 1 held a session at night and repres^n ! tame* of the regular committee met with them and submitted through Messrs. Alls-., Butler. Kdgerton, Tracy I sad Patterson the following proposi tions of harmony between the fac tions: That the majority would yield to the minority and recognize their or ganization and si* with them, provided j f would accede to these proposi- j 1 tions: ’ That the committee recognize only j legal proxies, stamped with revenue j stamps according to law. That the roll of the meeting at ! Omaha in iv«s b-> accepted as the roll of the committee, except where sub- i -■ecjuent state conventions have elect- j • d r. e m^nitM-rs; except than cases of «orient shall go before a contest com- * raitt.e composed of five members—two i to be appointed by the friends of Sen- | atf-r Butler and two by the friends if Jo A Parker, these four to agree upon i« fifth member; and that in settling ! tb*-se contests no vof«s are to be ~ast ■ on those cases by either contestants or < onte»tantces until all contests are ; settled.” These propositions were signed by i forty persons. repre*enting over fifty | lores in the committee; but they were | utterly ignored, and instead of a con ciliatory report, the credentials com- ■ mitt.-' brought In a report rejecting many proxies, by merely stating "proxy rejected.” No reason for this rejection was given, and none would t*e given. The proxies rejected were of the same form in many instances as those received; they were filled out i legally and bore revenue stamps, while sixteen proxies accepted by the com j mittee were of similar form, and did not bear revenue stamps as the law ! requires, but they were fusion proxies, snd of course, eligible, strictly so. Tom Patterson of Colorado then * moved that all members of the com mittee who attended the Cincinnati convention, or who had announced since then that they favored BaiIcel and Donnelly for the candidates of the people's party, as wed as all proxy holders coming under that provision should be barred from the meeting. Mr. Walters of Indiana moved as an amendment that all persons who in the past had bolted the action of popu list conventions and refused t.o support the nominees should be barred out. Notwithstanding many of the person^ recognized by the minority had bolted the Bryan and Watson ticket, in some instances supporting Bryan and Sew all, and in other instances supporting McKinley and Hobart, and although several persons recognized by proxy— otherwise were affiliating with demo crats. and not recognized as populists by the party in their several states, this amendment was lost by a vote of 49 to 7. The original motion then cai ried by an almost unanimous vote, and the minority of one national commit tee had gone upon record as being willing to seat confessed bolters, demo crats and republicans in their com mittee. but refusing to seat populists whose only fault was the presumption on the part of a few politicians that they might bolt the action of a conven tion which had not yet even beeu called. When this action was carried, the representatives of the regular commit tee who had come on a mission of peace left the hall, and the mid-road members, representing a large major ity of the legal votes present at the meeting of the committee, met in an other place and proceeded to reorganise the committee by electing D. Clem Denver of Nebraska national cliairmau and Jo A. Parker of Kentucky na tional secretary; Paul Dixon of Mis souri. national treasurer, and Messrs. Jerome Kearby of Texas. John C. Luce of Oregon. W. L. Peek of Georgia. 1.. W. Smith of Maine. H. L5. j Fay of Minnesota and James H. Fer- ! riss of Illinois members of the nation al executive committee. A committee of five was appointed to issue a state ment to the press of the situation, r.nd the same committee was instructed to issue a call for a national convention of the people's party to meet at Cin cinnati. O., Wednesday, May 9, 1900, for the purpose of nominating populist candidates for president aud vice president; and in addition to prepate a complete statement of the case and is sue an address covering the same to the populists of the United States, The call of this committee is ti e only legitimate call which can be is sued. as the faction which claims that it is the national committee at its be.-t was only able to muster fifty-two votes, two less than a quorum. Of these sixteen were proxies without the required revenue stamps, and ■ onse qumtly illegal: twelve were men who were refused a right to sit on the com mittee at the meeting in Omaha in 181*8. as. shown by the report of the credentials committee, which is :n tne possession of this committee, aim bear ing the signatures and indorsement of William V. Allen. A. H. Cardin, John F. Buchanan, C. A. Barlow and Ki tweod Pomeroy, and five others have been turned out by regn’ar conven tions in their several states since the holding of the meeting at Omaha as the party law provides, at regular if held states •onventions; while.certain proxies were held and voted by per sons who do not and have noi for sonja time past affiliated with the peoples party in their own states. It is with regret that your coma it te° has to chronicle this record of po litical chicanery. We had hoped to -ee harmony prevail here: but when this illegal and arbitrary power to de cide who should sit in the sessions of the national committee and who should not was invoked to gain tempo; ary advantage, it became clear *hat under any conditions upon which such an il legal committee would issue a call :or a convention, the same tactics would be pursued there in making up a tem porary roll of the convention, and the will of any majority, it matters not how great, thwarted by a few design ing politicians. Recognizing this, and feeling that we are in the right, that we represent the sentiments and prin ciples of the rank and file of the peo ples party throughout the United States, the majority of your committee refused to temporize further with the insignificant minority which presumes to dictate the policies of a great party. It has been evident for some years that the intention of certain persons placed in the leadership of the peo ples party has been to lead the stal wart reform voters who make up the membership of our party into the camp of the organized democracy. This has been accomplished to some extent through the policy of fusion, through which principle and honor are put upon the auction block and soid in ex change for offices and position. Your committee does not believe it is the will of those who have in the past un ceasingly fought the battles of reform movement shall be sold to the corrupt and servile politicians of either of the old parties, and therefore we call upon the peoples party of the several stoles c.f the union to support us in this hon est effort to save the party from those who would destroy it. The cause is too great to surrender to spoilsmen— It is the sacred cause of human lib erty. When this cause goes down, with it goes the hope of liberty for the people of Ameriea. Let us never sur render the peoples party, but stand by it and uphold it in its onward course, until finally the victory shall be ours. It vu*s at Cincinnati that the peoples party was born: it was there that a few determined men met in 1898 md declared that it should not die; now let us gather the clans into a mighty conclave on the ninth of May at the birthplace of our party, and kindle anew the fires of liberty in our ranks which have been dimmed by the faith lessness of our chosen leaders in the past; and In this revival of the peo ples party let us adopt a system of party government that will make an o'lier betrayal impossible. And in this effort to make the peoples party the peoples party indeed, as well as in name, we invite the assistance and co operation of all citizens of this re public who are opposed to the pluto cratic measures of the two old parties; who favor the great principles of hu man liberty enunciated in the Omaha platform, and with direct legislation our battle-cry. we will go into the campaign of 1900 stronger than ever before as a party, and rid, thank God, of those false leaders who have in the past betrayed bs for the fleshpots of democracy and the crumbs that fail from the masters’ tables. D. CLEM DEAVER. Chairman, JO A. PARKER, Secretary. Friend (after tea)—“Your little wife it a brilliantly handsome woman. I should think you’d be jealous of her.” Host (confidentially)—‘‘To tell the truth. Simpkins, I am. I would never invite anybody here that any sane wo man would take a fancy to.”—New York Weekly. C0BDEN1TE DIATRIBE FREE-TRADERS object to ex isting CONDITIONS. They Demand “a Sweeping Tariff Kn actinent That Shall Drlrs Avery Vestige of Protection Out of Oar Fiscal System. The Boston Herald finds in the pend ing reciprocity treaties and in the prop osition to bring Porto Rico into the American tariff system a convenient occasion for venting its free-trade 6pleen. Lapsing into Cobdenite dia tribe, this irreconcilable protestant against the facts of history and the logic of events savagely assails the whole system of protection to Ameri can labor and industry as the product of logrolling and lobbying. Thus: "A used his influeuce to secure fa vors of B, C, D and E, on the under standing that these latter were to use their influence to help him pull certain chestnuts out of the congressional fire, but under these reciprocal trade treat ies A and B think that they are likely to lose a part of their Ill-gotten spoils, and hence they call upon C, D and E, and the whole remaining alphabet of interests as well, to assist them in de fending themselves against this inva sion. As there has to be loyalty be tween logrollers as well as honor among thieves, the others are likely to respond to this appeal by doing what they can to defeat the objectionable pioposition.” There you have the typical free trade conception of an economic system whose results are the marvel cf the civilized world. The men who sup plied the information which enabled congress to frame successful tariff laws are characterized as selfish conspira tors against the general good, and by indirection are stamped as ‘•thieves.” Of course the Boston Herald has a remedy to propose. It is to abolish protection absolutely and get back to the platform of free trade pure and simple: “We are thus In our policy, both in ternational and national, the slaves of these industrial tyrants which the Protective system has built up. Ap parently. the only way that we are to relieve ourselves of these “old men of the sea” is to hurl them from our shoulders by a sweeping Tariff enact ment which shall drive every vestige cf Protection out cf our fiscal system, and impose taxes only upon those com modities from which we hope to ob tain a revenue, and on those at such a point, high or low. as seems best calculated to bring about the desired result.” Congressman Hopkins was right in contending in his Forum article that the Tariff is still a live issue. It is true that there are not at present a very large number of Free Trade propagandists who are so frank and so foolhardy as the Boston Herald writer above quoted. There are. how ever, many who believe as he does, but are restrained by considerations of prudence from saying so in plain words. Fulfillment Kxreedn PrnmUe. The country’s experience with the unfulfilled promises of the Free-Trad ers and with the unpromised fulfill ment of the Protectionists affords a modern exemplification of the Scrip tural parable of the two sons, one of whom said. *T go, sir.” and went not; the other, of whom said. ”1 go not,” and went. The Wilson law supporters promised to give us the markets of the world through their Tariff changes in the direction of Free Trade. Instead they gave our markets to the foreign ers and struck a death blow to Ameri can industries. The supporters of the Protective Tariff policy have never made many promises in respect to the securing of foreign markets. They have advocated Protection chiefly as a means of preserving to us our home market. They have kept their prom ises, but they have gone far beyond any promises. Under Protection Am erican manufacturers have kept for themselves the American market, with its marvelous consuming capacity, and they have won much beyond that. They have a large and constantly growing share in the markets of the world. One of the most recent evidences of the entrance of American manufactur ers into foreign fields is the announce ment that the Baldwin Locomotive Works has recently had. in addition to many other foreign orders, an order for ten Atlantic type passenger engines for the state railroad of France. It is also reported that the Jackson and Bharpe company have received a large order for tramway cars from Alexan dria. Egypt. These things, among thousands of others like them, were neither guaranteed nor promised, but they have come to pass under the be nign regime of McKinley and Protec tion. Tariff and Trnstr. The Philadelphia Ledger does no; believe that Congress can do anything directly to overcome the trusts. It says: “There is one method, however, of coping with monopolistic trusts without attempting specific legislation pronouncing them unlawful. It would effectually cripple the power of oppres sion exercised by the practical monopo lies which are the beneficiaries of an excessive tariff. Should congress lower the rate of duties on all products that are the subjects of monopoly in the home market the competition of Europe would compel extortionate trusts to deal justly by the American consumer. This is an eminently prac tical plan, which is in complete accord with the protective tariff principle as defined by the last national convention of the Republican party, which con demned equally foreign control and domestic monopoly.” The next thing, in the evolution fav ored by the Ledger, would be to re move the tariff altogether from certain articles, and we should soon have, not only the international trust, which could defy tariffs, but the whole tariff and revenue problem would be newly complicated. It is rather surprising that Republican papers should recom mend any such course. They prove thereby how really deep-seated the in dignation against the trusts is. But let the country honestly try direct and specific penal legislation before invok ing free trade as an actl-trust ally.— Pittsburg Press. BOON TO AMERICAN LABOR. Foundation of Prosperity That Cannot I!« Undermined. The London Globe, commenting on the present industrial cocdition in Lancashire, says, as quoted In the ca ble dispatches: “The high tariff on American manufactures virtually mo nopolirv- th' home market and is thus able to reap large profits in spite of labor being comparatively dearer in England.” The wording of the above is a little obscure, but tbe evident meaning is that by reason of the tariff protection American manufacturers are enabled to monopolize their home markets,thus shutting out the English manufactur ers—which enables the American man ufacturer to reap large profits, not withstanding that they pay their work men higher wage3 than the English manufacturers pay their workmen. Consequently English industry lan guishes while American industry fiour ishes. We may commiserate the unfortun ate condition of the English manufac turers and laborers, but at the same time we must recognize the fact that it is the business of each country to legislate for the interests of its own industries and people. The American Congress looks after the welfare of American industries and may with a good conscience leave the British par liament to look after British indus tries. If Parliament refuses protec tion to English manufacturers, that is its own lookout; and if Congress chooses to protect American manufac turers and thereby enables them to pay higher wages to their workmen, it cannot be held responsible if the policy has a paralyzing effect upon British industry. The Globe's brief acknowledgment is an effective vindication of the Am erican tariff policy as it affects Amer ican interests. By securing tbe Amer ican manufacturer his home market, the tariff furnishes him with a founda tion of prosperity that cannot be un dermined by foreign competitors—and working from this vantage point the American manufacturer is often able to undersell the foreign manufacturer in his own market.—Minneapolis Trib une. There Should lie but One Kesnlt. The Republican party relies on the good sense of the people to continue in power an administration which has won for itself the heartiest commenda tions at home and abroad. Never in the history of its progress has the Unite ! States stood among the nations of the earth where it stands today. Never in the history of its development has this country seen such a period of prosperity as prevails today. But these are the conditions Mr. Bryan and his following would change, for the better, as they claim. They tell the artisan, the mechanic and the day laborer how much improved conditions would be under a popoaratic-free-silver Repub lican- Free-Trade- Anti-Expansion-etc., rule, br.t the man who toils hard for his daily bread is slow to take advan tage of the proffered service. He knows that a bird in the hand is worth two in the bush; that his home has never known so many luxuries as he finds in it today; and his good sense tells him that he cannot afford to give up a sure thing for chimeras and pretty theories. Watch him as he goes to the polls next fall and see how he casts his ballot. If he really loves his wife, his children, his home, and his country, there can scarcely be but one result.—McCook • Neb.) Republican. The Ileal Danger. Several Republican newspapers in the country which claim that Free Trade is a dead issue, because of the unexampled prosperity, are probably not aware of the fact that many sec tions of the country, and our colleges in particular, are being flooded with Free-Trade literature, especially of the kind aiming to show that the Protec tive Tariff is responsble for the so called trusts. The worst of it is that the Free-Trade propaganuists are re ceiving aid and comfort from Repub lican victims of the foreign markets craze, who have somehow persuaded themselves that certain of our indus tries no longer need Protection, and that we are in a position to make con siderable concessions to foreign pro ducers in return for a prospective small increase in our export trade. As we well know from past experience, the Protective system is never so much endangered as when its professed friends have come to think that its safety is not menaced hv the ever ac tive and aggressive Free-Trade move ment.— Clinton's Magazine. Forced to Accept Frosperily. Gen. John B. Golden, commenting upon the wave of Southern prosperity, says that the North and East will have to keep a sharp lookout or else the manufacturing interests of the South will overtake and catch them. That is all right; but isn’t it about time for the South to help the North and East? If the South could have her way she would vote her own manufactories out of existence. Her prosperity has been forced upon her by the voters of the "North and East.”—Beaton (111.) Republican. I'uusnal Cause for WorrSment. Mary—“You look worried, John; what’s the trouble?” John—"Why, you see. It's like this: Four years ago I was troubled about getting a Job; now. so many jobs are offered that I don't know which one to take.” HUNTING FOR GRIEVANCES. Democrats Unhappy Because of Toe Much Prosperity. The great wave of prosperity that promptly followed the inauguration of a Republican national administration in 1897, a significant contrast with the preceding four years of industrial and financial depression, promoted by Democratic legislative and execute follies, a successful, brilliant and popu lar war. in the interests of humanity, which has immeasureabiy exalted the prestige of American arms, added to the domain of the nation some of the fairest and most valuable island arean of the eastern and western seas, se cured for the Republic a commanding place among the nations of earth, anc won respect for its flag wherever it greets the winds; an administration of public affairs so broad and sagacious that it restored brotherhood to the Union on fields of war, and in its set tlements of peace accomplished in a twelvemonth the industrial and com mercial work of half a century. For these giv.-fying results full credit is assuredly due the P^publican party. It was Republican legislaaon that put in motion cur existing rusting wheels of industry, thus furnishing employment to millions of idle hands, and while the Democratic rank and tile manfully contributed to tne successes of our wai with Spain, their leaders are now clamoring for a relinquishment of all the fruits of their victories. In all these triumphs they refuse to see anything but national peril, and even interpret as an omen of evil thi glow of prosperity that rests upon th# land like a vast benediction. Their last catalogue of minor grievances, re cited in the House by Lentz of Ohio, during the recent discussion on the currency bill, was a remarkable ex position of party rancor. He is a blat ant anti-expansionist, and, enraged at the certainty of coming defeat, reck lessly charged the administration with crimes enough to make the angel3 weep. Like a rattlesnake in the dog days, he was blinded by his own venom, striking wildly at everything Republican, pointing to every political pain that is racking the Democratic anatomy, and making the exposure all the mere amusing to his opponents be cause of his inability to devise a rem edy for any of them. Could he be goaded into another intemperate har angue. we might be able to find out what is the matter with him and his faction besides the old chronic disor der of State rights.—San Francisco Chronicle. Will Come in Good Time. The Diagley law seems to have got ten in good work in South Carolina along its specialty of promoting the establishment of new industries. The report of the Secretary of State of South Carolina shows that there were twenty-six new cotton mills chartered and commissioned in that State dur ing the year 1S99. Prosperity of this sort speaks for itself. Those twenty six new mills represent the employ ment of many thousands of workmen, the payment in wages of many thou sands of dollars, and the expenditure by the workmen employed of - large sums of money for food and clothing and for all the requirements of life. As a result the South Carolina agricultur ist sells more of his food products, and the South Carolina trader sees his sales and his surplus grow. The sale of the products manufactured by the new mills brings money into the state from the other States of the country and from abroad, money which be comes distributed among the people of the State generally, in exchange for what they have to sell, wffether it be labor or property. The situation could hardly be improved upon except by having more of the same kind; and the Dingley law will see to it that that comes in good time. llrave Rot I ijadirioos. History records .he existence of a billy goat, dear to tfle heart of his mas ter, but generally objected to by the community on account of his bucking proclivities. Nothing was exempt from his attack, and success only made him more and more aggressive. One day he felt unusually pugnacious, and in this frame of mind he wandered down on the railroad. Just then an express train came in sight. It was drawn by the most powerful engine in the coun try, called General Prosperity. Billy saw it and prepared for the battle of his life. As it approached he got him self in position and bucked. The re sult was disastrous. Billy lay bleeding and dead by the roadsid'*. and General Prosperity, with its train, passed on. Hearing of Billy's death, his owner strolled down to where he lay and thus soliloquized: "Oh, Billy, why did you try it? Billy, you were a nice goat; you were not afraid of anything Billy, you were the bravest goat I ever saw; but. Billy, damn your judgment!"— Freeport (111.) Journal. A Stint Too Hard for Bryan. It has been hinted that even should Mr. Bryan come east, perhaps he could not stem the tide of increases in wages which seems to be affecting all lines of industry like a panic. One of the last advances reported is the an nouncement that January 1 the cotton manufacturers of Augusta, Ga.. will raist- the wages of their employes, and it is predicted that other souther* manufacturers will follow suit. It is estimated that when the first of Janu ary has come, there will be in the northern states about 140,000 cotton mill operatives working under increas ed wages, and that the advance in the south will bring the total number ol employes in that branch of industry who are receiving higher wages up to more than 160,000.—Oswego (N. Y.J Time#. Conspiracy. That wages are being raised ad over the country is doubtless due to a con spiracy among certain persons who want to give the Republican campaign material in order to defeat Mr. Bryan next year.—Cleveland Leader. Why They Are Had. Four years ago. under Democratic rule, a lot of Republicans were waiting for the mills to open. Now a lot of Democrats and Populists are mad be cause they don't close.—Hutchinson (Kan.) Mail. THE SUNDAY SCHOOL. LESSON XI. MARCH 18 - MARK 21:13-22—AT MATTHEWS. Golden Text “He SaI(| U|lto Uim Follow V:2« — flow the Snvlor of the World Reached ,be Uaases of the People. IS. "And lie went forth »evn •• the city of Capernaum, where he V. |-l bven teaching and healing (see last £ -on*. I>> the seaside " where »>.. k ■ often been before. He probably to the northeast of the city toward the -£2o£d°f the Ji0rdHn mufti,u!.o re. orted . he taught," i. P bv (,1<v tenre cf the original. The multitude ke,■> them.—Mwlson?* ^ h* k'“J thU , As h.e Pas?ed by, moving along the shore, instead of remaining all th* time in one place. “He saw Levi the sn„ of Alpha-us. Levi was his name at the II™ °f hl* ral’- 11(1 is elswhere called Mat.hew. Sitting at the leceipt c.f cus t°m. Toll house t “tel booth,” m Ed .nburghb or custom house, for the <« I lection of the taxes on lish, or duties on the merchandise which passed along the great roads to Jerusalem, Tyre, and Da muse us, and the East, which centered at Capernaum “Said unto him Fellow me. both in heart as hi- Savior teach er and master, and literally by taking his place among our Lord's c....slant at tendants. 15. “As Jesus sat (b-tter, he [Matthew 1 was reclining) at meat in his house, at a great feast which Matthew made, ac cording to Luke. And “many publicans (see on v. 14) and sinners.” Disreputable sinners and outcasts, notorious offend ers. The Pharisees were quite as great sinners, but in another way. “Sat also . . . with Jesus. They were invited by Matthew to meet J»-sus. probably that they might team more of the truth from him. It seems to have be.n an tffurt of Matthew to bring his old acquaint ances and friends into the kingdom of God. "lor there were many" pre-ont who were following Jesus whe.c\er ho went to learn more of him, and these were present. 16. "A\ hen the scribe- and Pharisee* " The strictest outward religionists and observers of the ceremonial law, the men who were l.k- whited sepulchers and dishes washed on the outside, but full cf all uncleanness within. “Saw him." The Pharisees were not guests, b.” freely came into the house and looke on, a.* cording to the custom of the E “Said unto his disciple--,” who were robably nearer. “How* is it that he t .th and drlnketh w ith publicans and - oners?” Eating and drinking was a . .f friendship. 17. “When Jesue h-ard it." < either overheard their words or the disciple* reported them. “He saith un them. 1 He made two answers to their rititi-m. one from analogy, the other from the Scriptures. “They that are whole.'* Strong, healthy, hale, as th. Pharisee* imagined they were morally. It i- only "they that are sick" who need a t.hvsi cian. 13. “The disciples of John n >1 ef the Pharisees used to fast. bet!< •, as K. V.. “were fasting" at this tint* So' that the banquet was held on a fas! day. and the contrast between the tea-ting of Jesus and his disciples and the fa-ting of the hungry onlookers naturally called out She question, “Why do the disci- les of John and of the Pharisees fast, hut thy disciples fast not?’ Why are you# disciples less religious? Why «lo th'y not realize the evils of the time and the oppressions of the nation? The reply was by a familiar illustra tion. 19. “Can the children of the bride chamber.” The bridegroom’s friends, who conducted the bride from her i;»\h er’s house to her future home, amid festivities and rejoicings, to the mar riage feast. "Fast, while the bride groom is with them?” It wa< wholly incongruous, and could be only a form. ! It was now a time of rejoicing, and their j conduct and religious life should agree thereto. It would be a moral discord to fast at the wedding feast. 20. "But the days will come.” etc. At Jesus’ death they will feel like mourn ing. so sad and troubled that fasting will be the natural expression of their hearts. Jesus continues his reply by a general principle, of which his an-w« r to their question about fasting was one application. But many more applications were to appear in the progress of the grafting of the new kingdom of God upon the old. This principle would heir* the disciples in many a difficult question In the future, and all down the ages 21. "No man also seweth a piece of new cloth," unfulled, unshnink. rather than “undressed." as in R. V.. which is an unfamiliar manufacturer's term. But the cloth, just as finished as it ever would be. would yet shrink in the wear ing unless ft were sponged and shrunk— a familiar experience. "On an old gar ment.” as a patch. “Taketh away from the old.” etc. The patch, exactly fitting the rent In the old garment, would shrink more and more, till the older and weak er cloth gave way under the intense strain, and the rent became much larger than before. 22. “And no man.” None are so fool ish. “Putteth new wine into old bot tles." R. V. rightly "wine-skins.” 1. e, skins of animals from which the body is withdrawn leaving the skin whole, ex cept the neck, which becomes the mouth of the bottle, and the legs, which are tied up. "Our word ‘bottle’ originally carried the true meaning, being a bottle of leather. In Spanish, bota means a leather bottle, a boot, and a butt. In Spain, wine is stili brought to market in pig-skins. In the East, goatskins a re commonly used.”—M. R Vincent. “Else the new wine doth burst the battles." by the pressure of the gases produced by the process of fermentation upon leather weakened and cracked by age. A prominent brewer says that the pres-' sure of champagne in gla^s bottles after nine months Is equal to sixty pounds to the square inch. Probably some of the gases evaporate through the w infkins, and make the pressure less. LITTLE CLASSICS. Beware of the fury of a patient man. — Dryden. The brave love mercy and delight to save.—Gay. The apparel oft proclaims the m;«n. —Shakespeare. The man that blushes is not quite a brute.—Young. Beggars must not be choosers.—* Beaumont and Fletcher. Absence makes the heart grow fond er.—Thomas Haynes B&yly. To take a soldier without ambition is to pull off his spurs.—Bacon. Nothing is so firmly believed as what we least know.—Montaigne. Man s inhumanity to man makes countless thousands mourn.—Burns. All men that are ruined are ruined on the side of their natural propensities. —Burke. Of every noble action the intent is to give worth reward, vice punishment. —Beaumont and Fletcher. Old wood best to burn, o.’i w>ce to drink, old friends to trust, und old au* . tbors to read.—Quoted by Bacon. A blush is no language; only a du bious flag-signal, which may mean either of two contradictories—George Eliot. A good book ii. the precious life blood of a master spirit embalmed aDd treasured up on purpose to a life be yond life.—Milton. Papa, potatoes, poultry, prunes and prism are all very good words for the lips—especially prunes and prism.— Dickens.