Nebraska Newspapers

    Th«* fit *" f*d© American voi
der* : m%r cn -oi the I*a he; that, if
m or* -» r v v e A art iraa t«*npre** will
in* it . •*• »M> or £0® uoo men; that, at
at;. • *• mew.il establish peace and *
•t-urt * '•* udaad*. will do more to end
1he wa> t;.«B the vc-’dur* t he ni *e 1 ve*. j
hut the report that me even dia-uo
tsie m irawai of a vinfrie soldier at
liar J r*rM time and that me even de
ta*- ti.* pv u tjr of to; adri:ini*ter
fae p'frrBaret tliruurLoe: the arrhi
.a|fo our*e!»e* wl'l tie mi* .mdrratuod
a to m- * jopr— ated ar»d m ill blow into |
game over mate the tire* our aolc *
Ijm ha* »;«'<*! quenched.
• » ii or ora n»i i>utat -
Mr f’ee* dent r» uctantly and only
from a waw of dutt am If* say
that taunrM opj*** linn to the marj
u* ur. a t;.e chart fat tor in protonpinjr
it tiad Apu;nald>> not ubtieratood ,
taat a America, ever u the American j
Coajrrem even bm in the N-nati*. he
a*. * earner mere aupported; had he
ao* »umt that it m a* proclaimed on !
ti e 41 u.p auu .n the pie** of * faction
la the l nited Mate* tut every shot
t • n .s^fci.ded ft* tower* fired into the ,
torn•» of AaerkM *oidm ma*» like
lit* « . «v* fence b> Wadli»f1»B i men
af~ *»-. l**« *o *- er* of k.tig <««orpe hi* '
l*t»*.rt 4 »n would havr dissolved be
fo e it e»t rely erv vlailteid.
I f * aitrr^MPt ui Asm<m oppoc
r* «l II - »tf 4bnr rr*U U» tin ifftormnt
Uirr» of Agu .naldo ami rr^*rate<1 in
»* f. • *ate«. form am- g the common
§*• plr. Attrit.pl* hare Irru made by
• ’»: »--r* i a u. ug Amrku citizen-'
ftt. i to v .p arm* and ammunition
from A*.at-c port* tot hr Filipino*, and 1
tt nr t4* of infamy were ivup.rd by >
the Ha-ars *• .tt> American assault* ot
aor <>oeern.m«rtt at home Tte Filipi-!
a. u» ik< col understand free *j*ee» h and
there!- re our tolerance of American
a skat, t* on t :.e Amen- an President
and * ■.« American *»orermacnt meaur
It *. -rt: that our Pre*ident - in the
a ti-rtti or he would not permit what
apf a to Iftem sorb t -ra- nable criti
e t-m it i» nelireed and stated in Liuoe. ;
I «i r and • ebn that the Filipino* hare
ot- y to tght. l.araa* retreat, break up
Into *maii parties if aree**ary. as they
a * dt-.ag ti w out by an;, mean* hole
oat alii toe neat Pres.oential election,
and «*ur forces w til be withdrawn.
A.» t* * i.a* aided the en< tn; more
that. « mate arm* anti katt r **ena
t**r* i Lave heard tnese report*- my
•e.f 1 ta«t ta.aed with the peop'.e: I
Lave -era our mangled bov* tn the
feo>p.ia. and tee d I hare duid on the
flr.tig ..sr and UeS.e.d our dead soldiers.
U-r r f»-T* turned to the p.tilr** south
ern **. y ami in sorrow rather titan
anger 1 ay to tuo*e whoar voices in
Anrr-ca have cheered tt*e*e misguided
sal if* on to shoot our soldiers down,
that the blood of those deau and
w< ,w.ic boys of ours is on their
Lanu* and the flood of ail the year*
ran never wash that stain away. In
Oof rou rather than anger 1 say these
word* for 1 earnestly uelirve that our
brothers knew not « hat they did
tat tiariko* a a* tsiiaatv itterlt
is iu»:i or sr.i r-oovt.it.* Mt.NT.
Bat Nrnators. it would k*e better to
aWcu a this ron.t- neo garden and
O.h a.lar of the Pacific. and count our
h od and treasure already spent a pro
t • • ' »! ' . j ■ ... .I-:
a - .. geu.fi ■ ' f ! r Vi •! ment
in tb*-*e children They are not caps
b e of s« ;f government How could
they #e Thet are not of a ae’f-gov
orn ng race 1'bey are Orientals. Ma
la n*t rut" *d by >pau.ards in the
la?lor s worst estate
j L» i snow Dotl.&f of prtitical por
»rt»ru except x> they have » ltneased
the weak, corrupt cruel, and capri
Cicb- rue «f Sp» b What mapic will
at-rone employ to d ssolve in their
a tfl* and characters those impressions
of poternor* and poverned which three
cent • ,r» of misrule has created?
M i at a .emj w..l chanpe the oriental
quality of their blood and set the self
p«*rerr. np current- of the American
Tea* tr throuph tl*eir Malay veins?
io* sha.l the*. . In the twioklinp of an
eve. t« eaai ted to the he pht> of self
pot e in. np peoples which required a
thousand tears for us to :each Anpio
fraxoo thonph we are"’
Let men beware how thev employ
• be te«m a*, f-pm eminent *' It is a
aarted tr* m It is the watchword at
the door of the inner tempie of liberty.
'« liberty doe- not always mean self
f «>v» tamt Self-povemment is a me
thod of liberty -tiie h.phe*t. simplest.
*<e%! and it is acquired only after
cent ns *— of study and strupple and ex
per.ment and instruction and all the
« urn* r ts of tiie propress of man Neif
fivemment :s no base and common
ti up »<< he bestowed on the merely
bodacious. It is the depret which
crowns the graduate of liberty, not
law name of liberty's infant class, who
have not yet mastered the alphabet of
freetii -tn Ns cape blood, oriental blood.
M» ay Mud. span -h example— are
ti * • f e .« met ts of s* if p»>vernirent?
W* must a< t on tiie -.tuation as it
*«< t* ce*t as we wouid w i*,n it. I
hate talked with hundreds of these
f*e.-p.c pelt.np their views as to the
nta t. a* work nps of self p< ternment.
The prest majority simply do not un
a- -tand any participation in any pov
titiurnt whateemr The most enlipht
eaed amonp them declare that self
f< veremet* will succeed because the
employers of labor will compel their cm
p«ye to vote as (he r employer wills
and that this w ill ensure intellipent
vit.r.p 1 was assured that we could
a* pend iyam pood men always beinp
la <•?:« because the ofheial* who con
it i ate the poterement w ill nominate
then aarrewsors. choose tho«e amonp
the people who will do tin votinp and
evterm-ne determine how and where
tisrtwa* W ill he held
The most ardent advocate of self
p* "-isett ttiat I met was* anxious
that 1 should know that such a povern
».,»-ct wouid l» tranquil boiu*e. a- lie
as d is anytmr critieiwd it the pov
emmrut would ah**ot tiie offender. A
lew of litem have a sort of vrrl«al un
derstand.np of the o*-ro<*c*at ir theory,
bi t the above are the examples of the
Ideas ✓ the praet .cal work taps of self
tuveromeut entertained by the aris
twTSc-v, tiie rich planters and traders,
and heavy « mplovers of labor, the men
who wouid run the povemment
meix lKDoufT—so < imn nnos
WITH Ot a I.AltoR
Example for decades w ill W neces
aary to a struct them in American ideas
and method* of administration. Ex
amp.* example always example—this
h.-me w ill teach them As a rate their
petwra ability is not excellent Edu
cator*. both men and women, to wd on
I ha** talked in f'ebu and Luzon, were
•nan u. >us is the opinion that in all
w id and useful education they are. as
• dull and stupid In showy
tkinps idle earvinp and puintinp or
embroidery ©.- music, they have appar
ent aptitude, but even this is super
ftcial and never tborouph. They have
facoitT of speech too.
Tha "three best art tors on the ial
and at different times made to me the
same comparison, that the common
people in their stupidity are like their
caribou bulls. They ara not even good
agriculturists. Their w aste of cane is
nexeusable. Their destruction of
hemp fiber is childish. They are incura
bly indolent. They have no contin
uity or thoroughness of industry. They
wiil quit work without notice and
amuse themselves until the money they
have earned is spent. They are like
children playing at men's work.
No one need fear their competition
with our labor. No reward could be
guile. no force compel, these children
of indolence to leave their trifling
lives for the fierce and fervid industry
of high w rought America. The very
reverse is the fact, tme great problem
> the n« i-essary ial*or to develop these
islands to build the roads, open the
m:n« s clear the wilderness, drain the j
swamp-, dredge the harbors. The na- |
tive- will not supply it. A lingering
pre udice against the Chinese may pre
vent ti- from letting them supply it.
l ltimately. when the real truth of the
climate ;?id human conditions is
known, it is barely possible that our
iabor w ill go there. Even now young
men with the right moral liber and a
little capital can make fortunes there .
as planters.
But the natives w ill not come here.
Let all men dismiss that fear. The
Dutch have .lava, and its population,
under Holland's rule, has increased !
from 2 0»'><‘.000 to more than 20.000.000
people: yet the .lava laborer has never
competed w ith the laborer of Holland.
And this is true of England and Ger
many. of every colonizing, administer
ing power. The native has produced
luxuries for the lalioier of the govern
ing country and afforded a market for
what the laborer of the governing
country, in turn, produced.
In Hainan the natives are primitive.
In Sulu and Mindanao the Moros are
vigorous ami warlike, hut have not the
lie >t e1 omentarv not ions of civilization.
For t xample. they do not understand
the utility of roads. Nothing exists
but paths through the jungle. I have
ridden for hours in Sulu over the most
prin live paths, barely diseeenable in
the rank gras- They have not grasped
the idea of private and permanent
property in land, and vet there is no
lovelier spot, no richer land, no better
military and naval base than the Sulu
group. In Pal can. Sulu. and Minda
nao the strictest military government
is necessary indefinitely. The inhabi
tants can never lie made to work, can
never be civilized. Their destiny can
net be foretold. But whether they will
w unstand civilization or disappear be
fore it. otir duty is plain.
Ot TI.IM Of THE PI.AX OF ftOVF.RXMF.VT
NEEDED IN THE PHILIPPINES: “SIMPLE
A NO STRONG.’*
In all other islands our government
must tie simple and strong. It must
be a uniform government. Different
forms for different islands will produce
perpe! ual dist urbance. because the peo
ple of each island would think that the
people of the other islands are more
favored than they. In Panay I heard
inurmurings that we were giving Ne
gros an American constitution. This
i« a human quality, found even in
America, and we must never forget
that in dealing with the Filipinos we
deal with children. And so our gov
ernment must lie simple and strong.
Simple and strong! The meaning of
those two words must be written in
every line of Philippine legislation,
realized in evert act of Philippine ad
ministration. A Philippine office in
our Department of State: an American
governor-general in Manila, with pow
er to meet daily emergencies: possibly
an advisory council with no power ex
cept that of discussing measures with
the governor-general, whieh council
would be the germ for future legisla
tures. a school in practical government.
American lieutenant-governors in each
province, with a like council about
him: if possible, an American resident
in each district and a like council
grouped about him: freqnent and un
announced visit* of provincial govern
ors to the districts of their province:
periodical reports to the governor
general: an American l>oard of visita
t on to make semi-annual trips to the
archipelago without power of sugges
tion or interference to officials or peo
ple. but only to report and recom
mend to the Philippine office of our
State Ivpartment: a Philippine eivil
service, with promotion for efficiency:
the atolition of duties on exports from
the Philppines: the establishment of
import dutie" on a revenue basis, with
such discrimination in favor of Ameri
can imports a*- will prevent the cheaper
goods of other nations from destroying
American trade: a complete reform of
local taxation on a just aud scientific
basis, beginning with a tax on land ac
cording to it" assessed value: the mint
r.g of abundant money for Philppine
and Oriental use: the granting of
franchises and concessions upon the
the theory of developing the resources
of the archipelago, and therefore not
by sale, but upon participation in the
profits of the enterprise: the formation
of a system of public schools every
where with compulsory attendance
rigidly enforced: the stahlishment of
the English language throughout the
islands, teaching it exclusively in the
schools and using it through interpre
ters exclusively in the courts: a simple
civil code and a still simpler criminal
code and both common to all the isl
ands except Sulu. Mindanao, and Pu
luan: American judges for all but
smallest offenses: gradual, slow, and
I careful introduction of the best Fili
pinos into the w orking machinery of
the government, no promise whatever
of the franchise until the people have
Wen prepared for it: all this backed
by the nece"sary force to execute it:
this outline of government the situa
tion demand" as soou as tranquility is
established. Fntil then military gov
ernment is advisable.
t:\OI.isil OR TU'TCHf* SYSTEM IMPOSSIBLE
PR< *TE< TORATE IMPRACTICA RLE.
We cannot adopt the Dutch method
n .lava, nor the English method in the
Malay states, because both of these
systems rests rest on and operate
through the existing governments of
hereditary princes, w ith Dutch or Eng
lish residents a- advisors. But in the
Philippines there are no such heredi
tary rulers, no such established gov
ernments. There is no native ma
chinery of administration except that
| of the villages. The people have Wen
deprived of the advantages of heredit
ary native princes, and yet not in
structed in any form of regular, just,
and orderly government.
Neither is a protectorate practicable.
If a protectorate leaves the natives to
their own methods more than would
our direct administration of their gov
ernment. it would permit the very
evils which it is our duty to prevent.
If. on the other hand, under a protee
tormte. we interfere to prevent those
1 *'*ils, we govern as much as if we di
rectiy administer the government, but
without system or constructive pur
pose. In either alternative we incur
all the responsibility of directly gov
erning them ourselves, without any of
the benefits to us. to them, or to the
archipelago, which our direct adminis
tration of government throughout the
islands would secure.
K1N1> OF AMERICAN OFFICIALS NECES
SARY.
Even the elemental plan I have out
lined will fail in the hands of any but
ideal administrators. Spain did not
utterly fail in devising—many of her
plans were excellent; she failed in ad
ministering. Her officials as a class
were corrupt, indolent.cruel, immoral.
They were selected to please a faction
in Spain, to placate members of the
Cortes, to bribe those whom the Gov
ernment feared. They were seldom
selected for their fitness. They were
the spawn of Government favor and
Government fear, and therefore of
Government iniquity.
The men we send to administer civ
ilized government in the Philippines
must be themselves the h.ghest exam
ples of our civilization. I use the word
examples, for examples they must l»e
in that word's most absolute sense.
They must be men of the world and of
affairs, students of their fellow-men.
not theorists nor dreamers. They must
be brave men. physically as well a*
morally. They must be as incorruptible
as honor, as stainless as purity, men
whom no force can frighten, no influ- j
ence coerce, no money buy. Such men
come high, evcu here in America. But
they must Ik* had. Better pure mili
tary occupation for years than govern
ment by any other quality of adminis
tration. Better abandon this priceless
possession, admit ourselves incompe
tent to do our part in the world
redeeming work of our imperial race: j
better now haul down the flag of ar
duous deeds for civilization and run up
the flag of reaction and decay than to :
apply academic notions of self-govern
ment to these children or attempt
their government by any but the most
perfect administrators our country
can produce. I assert that such ad- |
ministrators can be found.
There is one in Cuba now who. w itli
the words •Money is not everything."
refused $30,000 a year as president of a
corporation that he might contine
the work of our race in the
regeneration of Santiago, and thus an
nounced and typified the new ideal of
the Republic,which pessimists declared
had become sordid and base. And
among our 80.000.<*00 we have thous
ands like him. Necessity will produce
them.
Ol'R ADMINISTRATORS MI ST BE EXAMPLES.
I repeat that our Government and
our administrators must be examples.
You cannot teach the Filipino by pre
cept. An object lesson is the only les
son he comprehends. He has no con
ception of pure, orderly, equal, impar
tial government, under equal laws
justly administered, because be has
never seen such a government. He
must be shown the simplest results of
good government by actual example in
order that he may begin to understand
its most elementary principles.
Such a government will have its ef
fect upon us here in America, too.
Model administration there will be an
example created bv ourselves for model
administration here: and our own ex
ample is the only one Americans ever
heed. It is not true that charity be
gins at home. Selfishness begins there:
but charity begins abroad and ends in
its full glorv in the home. It is not
i true that perfect government must be
achieved at home before administering
j it abroad: its exercise abroad is a sug
gestion. an example, and a stimulus
for the l>est government at home. It
j is a- if we projected ourselves upon a
living screen and beheld ourselves at
j work. England to-day is the home of
j ideal municipal governments. Well.
England's administration of Bombay
did not divert attention from Glasgow,
and Glasgow is to-dav is the model for
all students of municipal problems,
j England's sanitary regeneration of
filthy Calcutta made it clearer that
I Birmingham must Ik* regenerated, too.
! and to-day Birmingham is the munici
! pal admiration of all instructed men.
England's miracle is Egypt, surpassing
the ancient one of turning rods into
j serpents because the modern miracle
turns serpents into men. deserts into
; gardens, famine into plenty—England's
work in the land of the sphinx has
solved its profound riddle, exaulted
! not England only, but all the world.
• by its noble example, and thrilled to
I the very soul every citizen of Great Brit
| ain with civic pride in the achievements
J of the greatest civilizing empire of the
; world. “Cast thy bread upon the
: waters and after many days it shall re
turn unto you.” “With what measure
j ve mete, it shall be meted to you
again.”
DOMINANT NOTES OF Ol*R FIRST AND
SECOND CENTCRIF.S.
Mr. President, self-government and
I internat development have been
tlie dominant notes of our first century:
i administration and the development i.f
! other lands will be the dominant notes
of our second century. And adminis
! tration is as high and holy a function
; as self-government, just as the care of
a trust estate is as sacred an obligation
as the management of our own con
I cerns. Cain was the first to violate the
! divine law of human society which
makes of us our brother's keeper. And
administration of good government is
the first lesson in self-government,
that exalted estate toward which all
civilization tends.
Administration of good government
is not denial of liberty. For what is <
liberty? It is not savagery. It is not
the exercise of individual will. It is
not dictatorship. It involves govern- j
ment. but not necessarily self-govern
ment. It means law. First of all. it
is a common rule of action, applying
equally to all within its limits. Lib
erty means protection to property and :
life without price, free speech without
intimidation, justice without purchase
or delay, government without favor or j
favorites. What will best give all this to
the people of the Philippines—Ameri
can administration, developing them I
gradually toward self-government, or
self-governwent by a people before they
know what self-government means?
TRITE INTERPRETATION OF DECLARATION j
OF INDEPENDENCE.
The Declaration of Independence
does not forbid us to do our part in the
regeneration of the world. If it did.
the Declaration would be wrong, just
as the Articles of Confederation,
drafted by the very same men who
signed the Declaration, was found to
be wrong. The Dedaraticn has no ap
plication to the pretent situation. It
was written by self-governing men for
self-governing men.
It was written by men who, for a
century and a half, had l*een experi
menting in self-government on this
continent, and whose ancestors for
hundreds of years before had been
gradually developing toward that high
and holy estate. The Declaration ap
plies only to people capable of self
government. How dare any man
prostitute this expression of the very
elect of self-governing people to a race
of Malay children of barbarism,
schooled in Spanish methods and ideas?
And you. who say the Declaration ap
plies to all men. how dare you deny its
application to the American Indian?
And if you deny it to the Indian at
home, how dare you grant it, to the
Malay abroad?
PHRASE "CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED"
MISUNDERSTOOD.
The declaration does not contem
plate that all government must have
the consent of the governed. It an
nounces that man's "inalienable rights
are life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness: that to secure these rights
governments are established among
men deriving their just powers from
the consent of the governed: that when
any form of goverhment becomes de
structive of those rights, it is the right
of the people to alter or abolish it." j
"Life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap
piness" are the important things:
"consent of the governed" is one of the
means to those ends.
If "any form of government becomes
destructive of those ends, it is the
right of the people to alter or abolish
it. says the Declaration. “Any forms"'
includes all forms. Thus the Declara
tion itself recognizes other forms of
government than those resting on the
consent of the governed. The word "con
sent' itself recognizes other forms.for
"consent" means the understanding of
the thing to which the "consent” is
given: and there are people in the
world who do not understand any
form of government. And the sense
in which "consent" is used in the
Declaration is broader than mere un
derstanding: for "consent’’ in the
Declaration means participation in the
government "consented" to. And yet
these people who are not capable* of
"consenting' to aDy form of govern
ment must be governed.
And so the Declaration contemplates
all forms of government which secure
the fundamental rights of life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness. Self
government. when that will bo^t se
cure these ends, as inthe case of people
capable of self-government: other ap
propriate forms when people arc
not capable of self-government. And
so the authors of the Declaration
themselves governed the Indian with
out his consent: the inhabitants of
Louisiana without their consent: and
ever since the sons of the makers of
the Declaration have been governing
not by theory, but by practice, after
the fashion of our governing race, now
by one form, now by another, but al
ways for the purpose of securing the
great eternal ends of life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness, not in the
savage, but in the civilized meaning of
those terms—life according to orderly
methods of civilized society: liberty
regulated bv law: pursuit of happiness
limited by the pursuit of happiness
by every other man.
! CONSTITUTION A I. POWER TO GOVERN* AS
WE PI.EASE.
Senators in opposition are estopped
from denying our constitutional power
: to govern the Philippines as circum
; stances may demand, for such power is
admitted in the case of Florida. Louis
iana. Alaska. How. then, is it denied
in the Philippines? Is there a geo
graphical interpretation to the Con
stitution? Do degrees of longitude fix
constitutional limitations? Does a
thousand miles of ocean diminish con
stitutional power more than a thousand
miles cf land?
The ocean does not separate us from
our held of duty and endavor—it joins
us. an established highway needing no
repair, and landing us at any point de
sired. The seas do not separate the
Philippine Islands from us or from
each other. The seas are highways
through the archipelago, which would
cost hundreds of millions of dollars to
construct if they were land instead of
water. Land may separate men from
! their desire, the ocean never. Russia
l has been centuries in crossing Siberian
wastes: the Puritans crossed the At
! lantic in brief and flying weeks.
if the lloers must have traveled by
: land, they would never have reached
the Transvaal: but they sailed on liber
ty's ocean: they w alked on civilizations
; untaxed highway, the welcoming sea.
j Our ships habitually sailed round the
cape and anchored in California's har
bors before a single trail had lined the j
desert with the whitening bones of
those who made it. No! No! The
i ocean unites us: steam unites us: elec- I
tricity unites us: all the elements of |
nature unite us to the region where
dtity and interest call us. There is in j
the ocean no constitutional argument j
against the march of the flag, for the ■
: oceans, too. are oxtrs. With more ex
tended coast lines than any uation of i
history: with a commerce vaster than J
any other people ever dreamed of. and |
that commerce as yet only in its be- :
ginnings: with naval traditions equal- j
ing those of England or of Greece, and ;
the work of our Navy only just begun:
w ith the air of the ocean in our nostrils
and the blood of a sailor ancestry in
oylr veins: w itli the shores of alf the
continents calling us. the great Repub- i
lie before I die will be the aeknowl- j
odged lord of the world's high seas, j
And over them the Republic will hold ;
dominion, by virtxie of the strength !
God has given it. for the peace of the j
world and the betterment of man.
WORDS OF EMPIRE EXPRESSLY XX COXSTI !
TXTIOX.
No: the oceans are not limitations of
the power which the Constitution ex- !
pressly gives Congress to govern all j
tei-ritory the nation may acquire. The :
Constitution declares that -‘Congiess j
shall have power to dispose of and |
make all needful rules and regulations
respecting the territory belonging to
the United States.” Not the North
west Territory only: not Louisiana or
Florida only; not territory on this con
tinent only, but any territory anywhere
belonging to the nation. The'found
ore of the nation were not provincial.
Theirs was the geography of the world.
They were soldiers as well as landsmen,
and they knew that where our ships
should go our flag might follow. They
had the logic of progress, and they
knew that the Republic they were
planting must, in obedience to the laws
of our expanding race, necessarily de
velop into the greater Republic which
the world beholds to-day. and into the
still mightier Republic which the world
will finally acknowledge as the arbiter,
under God. of the destinies of mankind,
■and so our fathers wrote into the Con
stitution these words of growth, of ex
pansion. of empire, if you will, unlim
ited by geography or climate or bv
anything but the vitality and possibili
ties of the American people: “Congress
shall have power to dispose of and
make all needful rules and regulation*
respecting the territory belonging to
the United States."*
I'OWKH IMTI-IKD TOGOVKFX AS AYE ri-KASE
The power to govern all territory the
nation may acquire Avould have been in 1
Congress if the language affirming that
power had not been written in the Con
stitution. For not all power> of the ]
National Government are expressed
Its principal poAvers are implied The
written Constitution is but the index i
of the living Constitution. Had this
not been true, the Constitution would
have failed. For the people in any
CAent would have developed and prog
ressed. And if the Constitution had
not had the capacity for growth corre
sponding Avith the growth of the na
tion. the Constitution would and should
have l>een abandoned as the Articles of
Confederation were abandoned For
the Constitution is not immortal in it
self. is not useful even in itself The
Constitution is immortal and even
useful only as it serves the orderly de
A'elopment of the nation. The nation
alone is immortal. The nation alone
is sacred. The Army is its servant
The Navy is its servant. The Presi
dent is its serAant. This Senate is its
serA-ant. Our laws are its methods
Our Constitution is its instrument.
This is the golden rule of constitu
tional interpretation: The Constitu
tion was made for the people, not the
people for the Constitution.
Hamilton recognized this golden
rule when he formulated the doctrine
of implied powers. Marshall recognized
it AA'hen he applied that doctrine to
constitutional interpretation in Mc
Cullough vs. Maryland. Congress rec
ognized it when it provided for inter
nal improvements. The Supreme
Court of the Republic recognized it
when it confirmed the act of Congress
in making the promissory note of the
Republic legal tender for debts. Wash
ington recognized it A\-hen he sent the
nation's soldiers to suppress local riot
in 1794: and Lincoln, the soul andsA'm
I
bol of the common people, recognized
the doctrine of implied powers in ev
ery effort he made to save the nation.
Thex*e is no power expressed in the
Constitution to charter a bank: and al
though the subject was familiar to the
framers of the Constition. who still re
mained silent on it. Marshall said that
this power was implied. There is no
power expressed in the Constitution to
make internal improvements: and al
thotigh it AA'as a subject painfully be
fore the framers of the Constitution,
Avho yet remained silent upon it, Con
gress said it is implied.
1 here is no power expressed m the
Constitution, but almost the reverse,
to make anything but gold and silver
legal tender for payment of debts; the
Supreme Court declared it is implied.
There is no power expressed in the
Constitution to maintain order in a
State with the nation's soldiers unless
the State first calls for aid: Washing
ton. Lincoln, and Cleveland said it is
implied. The legislative, the execu
tive. and the judicial departments of
our Government have recognized and
confirmed the doctrine of implied pow
ers. by which alone the Constitution
lives, the people make progress, and
the Republic marches forward to its
imperial destiny. "The letter killeth;
but the spirit giveth life.'’
Ry the same reasoning that Hamil
ton. Marshall. Washington. and Lincoln
employed we could infer our power to
do the work of administering govern
ment in the Philippines as the situation
may demand, even if that power
had not been affirmed in express
words. We could infer it from the
purpose of the Constitution to “pro
vide for the common defense and pro
mote the general welfare” of the na
tion and the power given Congress to
make laws to secure these ends.
For the archipelago is a base for the
commerce of the East. It is a base for
military and naval operations against
the onlv powers with whom conflict is
possible; a fortress thrown up in the
Pacific, defending our western coast,
commanding the waters of the Orient,
and giving us a point from which we
can instantly strike and seize the pos
session of any possible foe.
MAY GOVERN I'NDKR ANY FORM WE
PLEASE.
The nation's power to make rules
and regulations for the government of
its possessions is not eonfined to any
given set of rules or regulations. It is
not contineg to any particular forrau'a
of laws or kind of government or type
of administration. Where do Senators
find constitutional w arrant for any spe
cial kind of government in ‘‘territory
l>elonging to the United States." The
language affirming our power to gov
ern such territory is as broad as the |
requirements of all possible situations, j
And there is nothing in the Constitu
tion to limit that comprehensive lan
guage. The very reverse is true. For
power to administer government any- j
where and in any manner the situation
demands would have been in Congress
if the Constitution had been silent: not
merely because it is a power not re
served to the States or people; not j
merely because it is a power inherent
in and an attribute of nationality: not
even because it might be inferred from
other specific provisions of the Consti
tution; but because it is the power
most necessary for the ruling tendency j
of our race—the tendency to explore. I
expand, and grow, to sail new seas and j
seek new lands, subdue the w ilderness, '
revitalize decaying peoples, and plant
civilized and civilizing governments
over all the globe.
For the makers of the Constitution
were of the race that produced Haw- '
kins, and Drake, and Raleigh, and
Smith, and Winthrop. and Penn.
They were of the great exploring,
pioneering, colonizing, and governing
race who went forth with trade or
gain or religious liberty as the imme
diate occasion for their voyages, but
really because they eould not help it:
because the blood within them com
manded them: because their racial ten
dency is as resistless as the currents
of the sea or the process of the suns or
any other elemental movement of na
ture. of which that racial tendency its
self is the most majestic. And when
they wrote the Constitution they did
not mean to negative the most ele
mental characteristic of their race, of
which their own presence in America
was an expression and an example.
You cannot interpret a constitution
without understanding the race that
wrote it. And if our fathers had in
tended a reversal of the very nature
and being of their race, they would
have so declared in the most emphatic
words our language holds. But they
did not. and in the absence of such
words the power would remain which
is essential to the strongest tendency
of our practical race, to govern where
ever we are, and to govern by the me
thods best adapted to the situation.
But our fathers were not content with
silence, and they wrote in the Consti
tution the words which affirm this es
sential and imperial power.
TIIF. WIICI.E <jr . 'TION Et.F.MKXTAE.
Mr. 1’ivsititnt. this question is deep
er than any question of party politi •
deeper than any question of ti e isolat
ed policy of on r country even, deeper
even than any question of constitution,
si power It is elemental. It is racial,
(iod has not been preparing the Eng
lish-speaking and Teutonic peoples for
a thousand years for nothing but vain
and idle self-contemplation and self
admiration No! lie has mad • us the
master organizers of the world* to
establish system where clue s reigns
lie has given us the spirit of p-ogvess
to overwhelm the forces of reaction
throughout the earth. He has made
us adepts in government that we may
administer governments a:r.r;ig sav
age and senile peoples. Wen* it u t
for such a force as this the world w <> d 1
relapse into barbarism and night And
of all our race He has marked the
American people ns lii> chosen nation
to finally lead in the regenerat ion of
the world This is the d vine mission
of America, and it holds for us ail the
profit, all the gloi v. all tlie happiness
possible to man We are trustees of
the world's progress, guard an' of its
righteous peace The judgment of the
Master is upon us ‘ Ye have been
faithful over a few things; 1 w ill make
you ruler over many things "
What shall history say of us-' Shall
it say that we renounced that holy
trust, left the savage to his base con
dition, the w ilderness to the reign of
waste. deserted duty. abandoned
glory, forget our sordid profit even, be
cause we feared our strength and read
the charter of our powers with the
doubter's eye and the quibbler's mind?
Shall it say that, called by events to
captain and command the proudest,
ablest, purest race of history in his
tory's noblest work, we declined that
great commission? Our fathers would
not have had it so No! They found
ed no paralytic government, incapable
of the simplest acts of administration.
They planted no sluggard people, pass
ive w hile the world's work calls them
They established no reactionary na
tion. They unfurled no retreating
flag.
GODS HAND IN ALL.
That flag has never paused in its on
ward march. Who dares halt it now—
now. when history's largest events are
carrying it forward: now. w hen we are
at last one people, strong enough for
any task, great enough for any glory
destiny can bestow? How comes it
that our tirst century closes with the
process of consolidating the American
people into a unit just accomplished,
and quick upon the stroke of that
great hour presses upon us our world
opportunity, world duty, and world
glory, which none but a people welded
into an indivisible nation can achieve
or perform?
lilind indeed is he who sees not the
hand of God in events so vast, so har
monious. so benign. Reactionary in
deed is the mind that preceives not
that this vital people is the strongest
of the saving forces of the world: that
our place, therefore, is at the head of
the constructing and redeeming na
tions of the earth: and that to stand
aside while events march on is a sur
render of our interests, a betrayal of
our duty as blind as it is base. Craven
indeed is the heart that fears to per
form a work so golden and so noble;
that dares not win a glory so im
mortal.
Do vou tell me that it will cost us
money? When did Americans ever
measure duty by financial standards?
Do you tell me of the tremendous toil
required to overcome the vast diffi
culties of our task? What mighty
work for the world, for humanity, even
for ourselves, has ever been done with
ease? Even our bread must we eat bv
the sweat of our faces. Why are we
charged with power such as no people
ever knew, if we are not to use it in a
work such as no people ever wrought?
Who will dispute the divine moaning
| of the fable of the talents?
Do you remind me of the precious
blood that must be shed, the lives that
must be given, the broken hearts of
; loved ones for their slain? And this
indeed is a heavier price than all com
bined. And yet as a nation every his
toric duty we have done, every achieve
ment we have accomplished, has been
by the sacrifice of our noblest sons.
Every holy memory that glorifies the
flag is of those heroes who have died
that its onward march might n *t be
stayed. It is the nation's dearest livei
yielded for the flag that makes it dear
to us; it is the nation's most precious
blood poured out for it that makes it
precious to us. That flag is woven of
hcroiim ar.d grief, of the bravery of
men and women's tears, of righteous
ness and battle, of sacrifice and
anguish, of triumph and of glory. It
is these which make our flag a holy
thing. Who would tear from that
sacred banner the glorious legends of
a single battle, where it has waved on
land or sea? What son of a soldier of
the flag whose father fell beneath it
on any field would surrender that
proud record for the heraldry of a
king? In the cause of civilization, in
the service of the Republic anywhere
on earth. Americans consider wounds
the noblest decorations man can win.
and count thd giving of their lives a
glad and precious duty.
Pray God that spirit never fails.
Pray God the time may never come
when Mammon and the love of ease
shall so debase our blood that we will
fear to shetl it for the flag and its im
perial destiny. Pray God the time may
never come when American heroism is
but a legend like the story of the l id,
American faith in our mission and our
might a dream dissolved, and the glory
of our mighty race departed.
And that time will never come. We
will renew our youth at the fountain
of new and glorious deeds. We will
exalt our reverence for the flag by
carrying it to a noble future as well
as by remembering its ineffable past.
Its immortality will uot pass, because
everywhere and always we will ac
knowledge and discharge the solemn
responsibilities our sacred flag, in its
deepest meaning, put upon us. And
so. Senators, with reverent hearts,
where dwells the fear of God, the
American people move forward to the
future of their hope and the doing of
His work.
Mr. President and Sccato-3, adopt
t* resolution offered, that peace may
qu. kly come and that we may begin
onr saving, regenerating. and uplift
ing work. Adopt it. and this blood
shed will cease when these deluded
children of our islands learn that this
is the final word of the representa
tives of the American people in Con
gress assembled. Reject it, and the
world, history, and the American pe<v
ple will know where to forever fix the
awful responsibility for the conse
quences that will surely follow such
failure to do our manifest duty. How
dare we d^’ay whe our soldiers’ blood
is flowing? [Applause in the gallerk*.]