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About The Loup City northwestern. (Loup City, Neb.) 189?-1917 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 26, 1900)
Th«* fit *" f*d© American voi der* : m%r cn -oi the I*a he; that, if m or* -» r v v e A art iraa t«*npre** will in* it . •*• »M> or £0® uoo men; that, at at;. • *• mew.il establish peace and * •t-urt * '•* udaad*. will do more to end 1he wa> t;.«B the vc-’dur* t he ni *e 1 ve*. j hut the report that me even dia-uo tsie m irawai of a vinfrie soldier at liar J r*rM time and that me even de ta*- ti.* pv u tjr of to; adri:ini*ter fae p'frrBaret tliruurLoe: the arrhi .a|fo our*e!»e* wl'l tie mi* .mdrratuod a to m- * jopr— ated ar»d m ill blow into | game over mate the tire* our aolc * Ijm ha* »;«'<*! quenched. • » ii or ora n»i i>utat - Mr f’ee* dent r» uctantly and only from a waw of dutt am If* say that taunrM opj*** linn to the marj u* ur. a t;.e chart fat tor in protonpinjr it tiad Apu;nald>> not ubtieratood , taat a America, ever u the American j Coajrrem even bm in the N-nati*. he a*. * earner mere aupported; had he ao* »umt that it m a* proclaimed on ! ti e 41 u.p auu .n the pie** of * faction la the l nited Mate* tut every shot t • n .s^fci.ded ft* tower* fired into the , torn•» of AaerkM *oidm ma*» like lit* « . «v* fence b> Wadli»f1»B i men af~ *»-. l**« *o *- er* of k.tig <««orpe hi* ' l*t»*.rt 4 »n would havr dissolved be fo e it e»t rely erv vlailteid. I f * aitrr^MPt ui Asm<m oppoc r* «l II - »tf 4bnr rr*U U» tin ifftormnt Uirr» of Agu .naldo ami rr^*rate<1 in »* f. • *ate«. form am- g the common §*• plr. Attrit.pl* hare Irru made by • ’»: »--r* i a u. ug Amrku citizen-' ftt. i to v .p arm* and ammunition from A*.at-c port* tot hr Filipino*, and 1 tt nr t4* of infamy were ivup.rd by > the Ha-ars *• .tt> American assault* ot aor <>oeern.m«rtt at home Tte Filipi-! a. u» ik< col understand free *j*ee» h and there!- re our tolerance of American a skat, t* on t :.e Amen- an President and * ■.« American *»orermacnt meaur It *. -rt: that our Pre*ident - in the a ti-rtti or he would not permit what apf a to Iftem sorb t -ra- nable criti e t-m it i» nelireed and stated in Liuoe. ; I «i r and • ebn that the Filipino* hare ot- y to tght. l.araa* retreat, break up Into *maii parties if aree**ary. as they a * dt-.ag ti w out by an;, mean* hole oat alii toe neat Pres.oential election, and «*ur forces w til be withdrawn. A.» t* * i.a* aided the en< tn; more that. « mate arm* anti katt r **ena t**r* i Lave heard tnese report*- my •e.f 1 ta«t ta.aed with the peop'.e: I Lave -era our mangled bov* tn the feo>p.ia. and tee d I hare duid on the flr.tig ..sr and UeS.e.d our dead soldiers. U-r r f»-T* turned to the p.tilr** south ern **. y ami in sorrow rather titan anger 1 ay to tuo*e whoar voices in Anrr-ca have cheered tt*e*e misguided sal if* on to shoot our soldiers down, that the blood of those deau and w< ,w.ic boys of ours is on their Lanu* and the flood of ail the year* ran never wash that stain away. In Oof rou rather than anger 1 say these word* for 1 earnestly uelirve that our brothers knew not « hat they did tat tiariko* a a* tsiiaatv itterlt is iu»:i or sr.i r-oovt.it.* Mt.NT. Bat Nrnators. it would k*e better to aWcu a this ron.t- neo garden and O.h a.lar of the Pacific. and count our h od and treasure already spent a pro t • • ' »! ' . j ■ ... .I-: a - .. geu.fi ■ ' f ! r Vi •! ment in tb*-*e children They are not caps b e of s« ;f government How could they #e Thet are not of a ae’f-gov orn ng race 1'bey are Orientals. Ma la n*t rut" *d by >pau.ards in the la?lor s worst estate j L» i snow Dotl.&f of prtitical por »rt»ru except x> they have » ltneased the weak, corrupt cruel, and capri Cicb- rue «f Sp» b What mapic will at-rone employ to d ssolve in their a tfl* and characters those impressions of poternor* and poverned which three cent • ,r» of misrule has created? M i at a .emj w..l chanpe the oriental quality of their blood and set the self p«*rerr. np current- of the American Tea* tr throuph tl*eir Malay veins? io* sha.l the*. . In the twioklinp of an eve. t« eaai ted to the he pht> of self pot e in. np peoples which required a thousand tears for us to :each Anpio fraxoo thonph we are"’ Let men beware how thev employ • be te«m a*, f-pm eminent *' It is a aarted tr* m It is the watchword at the door of the inner tempie of liberty. '« liberty doe- not always mean self f «>v» tamt Self-povemment is a me thod of liberty -tiie h.phe*t. simplest. *<e%! and it is acquired only after cent ns *— of study and strupple and ex per.ment and instruction and all the « urn* r ts of tiie propress of man Neif fivemment :s no base and common ti up »<< he bestowed on the merely bodacious. It is the depret which crowns the graduate of liberty, not law name of liberty's infant class, who have not yet mastered the alphabet of freetii -tn Ns cape blood, oriental blood. M» ay Mud. span -h example— are ti * • f e .« met ts of s* if p»>vernirent? W* must a< t on tiie -.tuation as it *«< t* ce*t as we wouid w i*,n it. I hate talked with hundreds of these f*e.-p.c pelt.np their views as to the nta t. a* work nps of self p< ternment. The prest majority simply do not un a- -tand any participation in any pov titiurnt whateemr The most enlipht eaed amonp them declare that self f< veremet* will succeed because the employers of labor will compel their cm p«ye to vote as (he r employer wills and that this w ill ensure intellipent vit.r.p 1 was assured that we could a* pend iyam pood men always beinp la <•?:« because the ofheial* who con it i ate the poterement w ill nominate then aarrewsors. choose tho«e amonp the people who will do tin votinp and evterm-ne determine how and where tisrtwa* W ill he held The most ardent advocate of self p* "-isett ttiat I met was* anxious that 1 should know that such a povern ».,»-ct wouid l» tranquil boiu*e. a- lie as d is anytmr critieiwd it the pov emmrut would ah**ot tiie offender. A lew of litem have a sort of vrrl«al un derstand.np of the o*-ro<*c*at ir theory, bi t the above are the examples of the Ideas ✓ the praet .cal work taps of self tuveromeut entertained by the aris twTSc-v, tiie rich planters and traders, and heavy « mplovers of labor, the men who wouid run the povemment meix lKDoufT—so < imn nnos WITH Ot a I.AltoR Example for decades w ill W neces aary to a struct them in American ideas and method* of administration. Ex amp.* example always example—this h.-me w ill teach them As a rate their petwra ability is not excellent Edu cator*. both men and women, to wd on I ha** talked in f'ebu and Luzon, were •nan u. >us is the opinion that in all w id and useful education they are. as • dull and stupid In showy tkinps idle earvinp and puintinp or embroidery ©.- music, they have appar ent aptitude, but even this is super ftcial and never tborouph. They have facoitT of speech too. Tha "three best art tors on the ial and at different times made to me the same comparison, that the common people in their stupidity are like their caribou bulls. They ara not even good agriculturists. Their w aste of cane is nexeusable. Their destruction of hemp fiber is childish. They are incura bly indolent. They have no contin uity or thoroughness of industry. They wiil quit work without notice and amuse themselves until the money they have earned is spent. They are like children playing at men's work. No one need fear their competition with our labor. No reward could be guile. no force compel, these children of indolence to leave their trifling lives for the fierce and fervid industry of high w rought America. The very reverse is the fact, tme great problem > the n« i-essary ial*or to develop these islands to build the roads, open the m:n« s clear the wilderness, drain the j swamp-, dredge the harbors. The na- | tive- will not supply it. A lingering pre udice against the Chinese may pre vent ti- from letting them supply it. l ltimately. when the real truth of the climate ;?id human conditions is known, it is barely possible that our iabor w ill go there. Even now young men with the right moral liber and a little capital can make fortunes there . as planters. But the natives w ill not come here. Let all men dismiss that fear. The Dutch have .lava, and its population, under Holland's rule, has increased ! from 2 0»'><‘.000 to more than 20.000.000 people: yet the .lava laborer has never competed w ith the laborer of Holland. And this is true of England and Ger many. of every colonizing, administer ing power. The native has produced luxuries for the lalioier of the govern ing country and afforded a market for what the laborer of the governing country, in turn, produced. In Hainan the natives are primitive. In Sulu and Mindanao the Moros are vigorous ami warlike, hut have not the lie >t e1 omentarv not ions of civilization. For t xample. they do not understand the utility of roads. Nothing exists but paths through the jungle. I have ridden for hours in Sulu over the most prin live paths, barely diseeenable in the rank gras- They have not grasped the idea of private and permanent property in land, and vet there is no lovelier spot, no richer land, no better military and naval base than the Sulu group. In Pal can. Sulu. and Minda nao the strictest military government is necessary indefinitely. The inhabi tants can never lie made to work, can never be civilized. Their destiny can net be foretold. But whether they will w unstand civilization or disappear be fore it. otir duty is plain. Ot TI.IM Of THE PI.AX OF ftOVF.RXMF.VT NEEDED IN THE PHILIPPINES: “SIMPLE A NO STRONG.’* In all other islands our government must tie simple and strong. It must be a uniform government. Different forms for different islands will produce perpe! ual dist urbance. because the peo ple of each island would think that the people of the other islands are more favored than they. In Panay I heard inurmurings that we were giving Ne gros an American constitution. This i« a human quality, found even in America, and we must never forget that in dealing with the Filipinos we deal with children. And so our gov ernment must lie simple and strong. Simple and strong! The meaning of those two words must be written in every line of Philippine legislation, realized in evert act of Philippine ad ministration. A Philippine office in our Department of State: an American governor-general in Manila, with pow er to meet daily emergencies: possibly an advisory council with no power ex cept that of discussing measures with the governor-general, whieh council would be the germ for future legisla tures. a school in practical government. American lieutenant-governors in each province, with a like council about him: if possible, an American resident in each district and a like council grouped about him: freqnent and un announced visit* of provincial govern ors to the districts of their province: periodical reports to the governor general: an American l>oard of visita t on to make semi-annual trips to the archipelago without power of sugges tion or interference to officials or peo ple. but only to report and recom mend to the Philippine office of our State Ivpartment: a Philippine eivil service, with promotion for efficiency: the atolition of duties on exports from the Philppines: the establishment of import dutie" on a revenue basis, with such discrimination in favor of Ameri can imports a*- will prevent the cheaper goods of other nations from destroying American trade: a complete reform of local taxation on a just aud scientific basis, beginning with a tax on land ac cording to it" assessed value: the mint r.g of abundant money for Philppine and Oriental use: the granting of franchises and concessions upon the the theory of developing the resources of the archipelago, and therefore not by sale, but upon participation in the profits of the enterprise: the formation of a system of public schools every where with compulsory attendance rigidly enforced: the stahlishment of the English language throughout the islands, teaching it exclusively in the schools and using it through interpre ters exclusively in the courts: a simple civil code and a still simpler criminal code and both common to all the isl ands except Sulu. Mindanao, and Pu luan: American judges for all but smallest offenses: gradual, slow, and I careful introduction of the best Fili pinos into the w orking machinery of the government, no promise whatever of the franchise until the people have Wen prepared for it: all this backed by the nece"sary force to execute it: this outline of government the situa tion demand" as soou as tranquility is established. Fntil then military gov ernment is advisable. t:\OI.isil OR TU'TCHf* SYSTEM IMPOSSIBLE PR< *TE< TORATE IMPRACTICA RLE. We cannot adopt the Dutch method n .lava, nor the English method in the Malay states, because both of these systems rests rest on and operate through the existing governments of hereditary princes, w ith Dutch or Eng lish residents a- advisors. But in the Philippines there are no such heredi tary rulers, no such established gov ernments. There is no native ma chinery of administration except that | of the villages. The people have Wen deprived of the advantages of heredit ary native princes, and yet not in structed in any form of regular, just, and orderly government. Neither is a protectorate practicable. If a protectorate leaves the natives to their own methods more than would our direct administration of their gov ernment. it would permit the very evils which it is our duty to prevent. If. on the other hand, under a protee tormte. we interfere to prevent those 1 *'*ils, we govern as much as if we di rectiy administer the government, but without system or constructive pur pose. In either alternative we incur all the responsibility of directly gov erning them ourselves, without any of the benefits to us. to them, or to the archipelago, which our direct adminis tration of government throughout the islands would secure. K1N1> OF AMERICAN OFFICIALS NECES SARY. Even the elemental plan I have out lined will fail in the hands of any but ideal administrators. Spain did not utterly fail in devising—many of her plans were excellent; she failed in ad ministering. Her officials as a class were corrupt, indolent.cruel, immoral. They were selected to please a faction in Spain, to placate members of the Cortes, to bribe those whom the Gov ernment feared. They were seldom selected for their fitness. They were the spawn of Government favor and Government fear, and therefore of Government iniquity. The men we send to administer civ ilized government in the Philippines must be themselves the h.ghest exam ples of our civilization. I use the word examples, for examples they must l»e in that word's most absolute sense. They must be men of the world and of affairs, students of their fellow-men. not theorists nor dreamers. They must be brave men. physically as well a* morally. They must be as incorruptible as honor, as stainless as purity, men whom no force can frighten, no influ- j ence coerce, no money buy. Such men come high, evcu here in America. But they must Ik* had. Better pure mili tary occupation for years than govern ment by any other quality of adminis tration. Better abandon this priceless possession, admit ourselves incompe tent to do our part in the world redeeming work of our imperial race: j better now haul down the flag of ar duous deeds for civilization and run up the flag of reaction and decay than to : apply academic notions of self-govern ment to these children or attempt their government by any but the most perfect administrators our country can produce. I assert that such ad- | ministrators can be found. There is one in Cuba now who. w itli the words •Money is not everything." refused $30,000 a year as president of a corporation that he might contine the work of our race in the regeneration of Santiago, and thus an nounced and typified the new ideal of the Republic,which pessimists declared had become sordid and base. And among our 80.000.<*00 we have thous ands like him. Necessity will produce them. Ol'R ADMINISTRATORS MI ST BE EXAMPLES. I repeat that our Government and our administrators must be examples. You cannot teach the Filipino by pre cept. An object lesson is the only les son he comprehends. He has no con ception of pure, orderly, equal, impar tial government, under equal laws justly administered, because be has never seen such a government. He must be shown the simplest results of good government by actual example in order that he may begin to understand its most elementary principles. Such a government will have its ef fect upon us here in America, too. Model administration there will be an example created bv ourselves for model administration here: and our own ex ample is the only one Americans ever heed. It is not true that charity be gins at home. Selfishness begins there: but charity begins abroad and ends in its full glorv in the home. It is not i true that perfect government must be achieved at home before administering j it abroad: its exercise abroad is a sug gestion. an example, and a stimulus for the l>est government at home. It j is a- if we projected ourselves upon a living screen and beheld ourselves at j work. England to-day is the home of j ideal municipal governments. Well. England's administration of Bombay did not divert attention from Glasgow, and Glasgow is to-dav is the model for all students of municipal problems, j England's sanitary regeneration of filthy Calcutta made it clearer that I Birmingham must Ik* regenerated, too. ! and to-day Birmingham is the munici ! pal admiration of all instructed men. England's miracle is Egypt, surpassing the ancient one of turning rods into j serpents because the modern miracle turns serpents into men. deserts into ; gardens, famine into plenty—England's work in the land of the sphinx has solved its profound riddle, exaulted ! not England only, but all the world. • by its noble example, and thrilled to I the very soul every citizen of Great Brit | ain with civic pride in the achievements J of the greatest civilizing empire of the ; world. “Cast thy bread upon the : waters and after many days it shall re turn unto you.” “With what measure j ve mete, it shall be meted to you again.” DOMINANT NOTES OF Ol*R FIRST AND SECOND CENTCRIF.S. Mr. President, self-government and I internat development have been tlie dominant notes of our first century: i administration and the development i.f ! other lands will be the dominant notes of our second century. And adminis ! tration is as high and holy a function ; as self-government, just as the care of a trust estate is as sacred an obligation as the management of our own con I cerns. Cain was the first to violate the ! divine law of human society which makes of us our brother's keeper. And administration of good government is the first lesson in self-government, that exalted estate toward which all civilization tends. Administration of good government is not denial of liberty. For what is < liberty? It is not savagery. It is not the exercise of individual will. It is not dictatorship. It involves govern- j ment. but not necessarily self-govern ment. It means law. First of all. it is a common rule of action, applying equally to all within its limits. Lib erty means protection to property and : life without price, free speech without intimidation, justice without purchase or delay, government without favor or j favorites. What will best give all this to the people of the Philippines—Ameri can administration, developing them I gradually toward self-government, or self-governwent by a people before they know what self-government means? TRITE INTERPRETATION OF DECLARATION j OF INDEPENDENCE. The Declaration of Independence does not forbid us to do our part in the regeneration of the world. If it did. the Declaration would be wrong, just as the Articles of Confederation, drafted by the very same men who signed the Declaration, was found to be wrong. The Dedaraticn has no ap plication to the pretent situation. It was written by self-governing men for self-governing men. It was written by men who, for a century and a half, had l*een experi menting in self-government on this continent, and whose ancestors for hundreds of years before had been gradually developing toward that high and holy estate. The Declaration ap plies only to people capable of self government. How dare any man prostitute this expression of the very elect of self-governing people to a race of Malay children of barbarism, schooled in Spanish methods and ideas? And you. who say the Declaration ap plies to all men. how dare you deny its application to the American Indian? And if you deny it to the Indian at home, how dare you grant it, to the Malay abroad? PHRASE "CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED" MISUNDERSTOOD. The declaration does not contem plate that all government must have the consent of the governed. It an nounces that man's "inalienable rights are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness: that to secure these rights governments are established among men deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed: that when any form of goverhment becomes de structive of those rights, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it." j "Life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap piness" are the important things: "consent of the governed" is one of the means to those ends. If "any form of government becomes destructive of those ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it. says the Declaration. “Any forms"' includes all forms. Thus the Declara tion itself recognizes other forms of government than those resting on the consent of the governed. The word "con sent' itself recognizes other forms.for "consent" means the understanding of the thing to which the "consent” is given: and there are people in the world who do not understand any form of government. And the sense in which "consent" is used in the Declaration is broader than mere un derstanding: for "consent’’ in the Declaration means participation in the government "consented" to. And yet these people who are not capable* of "consenting' to aDy form of govern ment must be governed. And so the Declaration contemplates all forms of government which secure the fundamental rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Self government. when that will bo^t se cure these ends, as inthe case of people capable of self-government: other ap propriate forms when people arc not capable of self-government. And so the authors of the Declaration themselves governed the Indian with out his consent: the inhabitants of Louisiana without their consent: and ever since the sons of the makers of the Declaration have been governing not by theory, but by practice, after the fashion of our governing race, now by one form, now by another, but al ways for the purpose of securing the great eternal ends of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, not in the savage, but in the civilized meaning of those terms—life according to orderly methods of civilized society: liberty regulated bv law: pursuit of happiness limited by the pursuit of happiness by every other man. ! CONSTITUTION A I. POWER TO GOVERN* AS WE PI.EASE. Senators in opposition are estopped from denying our constitutional power : to govern the Philippines as circum ; stances may demand, for such power is admitted in the case of Florida. Louis iana. Alaska. How. then, is it denied in the Philippines? Is there a geo graphical interpretation to the Con stitution? Do degrees of longitude fix constitutional limitations? Does a thousand miles of ocean diminish con stitutional power more than a thousand miles cf land? The ocean does not separate us from our held of duty and endavor—it joins us. an established highway needing no repair, and landing us at any point de sired. The seas do not separate the Philippine Islands from us or from each other. The seas are highways through the archipelago, which would cost hundreds of millions of dollars to construct if they were land instead of water. Land may separate men from ! their desire, the ocean never. Russia l has been centuries in crossing Siberian wastes: the Puritans crossed the At ! lantic in brief and flying weeks. if the lloers must have traveled by : land, they would never have reached the Transvaal: but they sailed on liber ty's ocean: they w alked on civilizations ; untaxed highway, the welcoming sea. j Our ships habitually sailed round the cape and anchored in California's har bors before a single trail had lined the j desert with the whitening bones of those who made it. No! No! The i ocean unites us: steam unites us: elec- I tricity unites us: all the elements of | nature unite us to the region where dtity and interest call us. There is in j the ocean no constitutional argument j against the march of the flag, for the ■ : oceans, too. are oxtrs. With more ex tended coast lines than any uation of i history: with a commerce vaster than J any other people ever dreamed of. and | that commerce as yet only in its be- : ginnings: with naval traditions equal- j ing those of England or of Greece, and ; the work of our Navy only just begun: w ith the air of the ocean in our nostrils and the blood of a sailor ancestry in oylr veins: w itli the shores of alf the continents calling us. the great Repub- i lie before I die will be the aeknowl- j odged lord of the world's high seas, j And over them the Republic will hold ; dominion, by virtxie of the strength ! God has given it. for the peace of the j world and the betterment of man. WORDS OF EMPIRE EXPRESSLY XX COXSTI ! TXTIOX. No: the oceans are not limitations of the power which the Constitution ex- ! pressly gives Congress to govern all j tei-ritory the nation may acquire. The : Constitution declares that -‘Congiess j shall have power to dispose of and | make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory belonging to the United States.” Not the North west Territory only: not Louisiana or Florida only; not territory on this con tinent only, but any territory anywhere belonging to the nation. The'found ore of the nation were not provincial. Theirs was the geography of the world. They were soldiers as well as landsmen, and they knew that where our ships should go our flag might follow. They had the logic of progress, and they knew that the Republic they were planting must, in obedience to the laws of our expanding race, necessarily de velop into the greater Republic which the world beholds to-day. and into the still mightier Republic which the world will finally acknowledge as the arbiter, under God. of the destinies of mankind, ■and so our fathers wrote into the Con stitution these words of growth, of ex pansion. of empire, if you will, unlim ited by geography or climate or bv anything but the vitality and possibili ties of the American people: “Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulation* respecting the territory belonging to the United States."* I'OWKH IMTI-IKD TOGOVKFX AS AYE ri-KASE The power to govern all territory the nation may acquire Avould have been in 1 Congress if the language affirming that power had not been written in the Con stitution. For not all power> of the ] National Government are expressed Its principal poAvers are implied The written Constitution is but the index i of the living Constitution. Had this not been true, the Constitution would have failed. For the people in any CAent would have developed and prog ressed. And if the Constitution had not had the capacity for growth corre sponding Avith the growth of the na tion. the Constitution would and should have l>een abandoned as the Articles of Confederation were abandoned For the Constitution is not immortal in it self. is not useful even in itself The Constitution is immortal and even useful only as it serves the orderly de A'elopment of the nation. The nation alone is immortal. The nation alone is sacred. The Army is its servant The Navy is its servant. The Presi dent is its serAant. This Senate is its serA-ant. Our laws are its methods Our Constitution is its instrument. This is the golden rule of constitu tional interpretation: The Constitu tion was made for the people, not the people for the Constitution. Hamilton recognized this golden rule when he formulated the doctrine of implied powers. Marshall recognized it AA'hen he applied that doctrine to constitutional interpretation in Mc Cullough vs. Maryland. Congress rec ognized it when it provided for inter nal improvements. The Supreme Court of the Republic recognized it when it confirmed the act of Congress in making the promissory note of the Republic legal tender for debts. Wash ington recognized it A\-hen he sent the nation's soldiers to suppress local riot in 1794: and Lincoln, the soul andsA'm I bol of the common people, recognized the doctrine of implied powers in ev ery effort he made to save the nation. Thex*e is no power expressed in the Constitution to charter a bank: and al though the subject was familiar to the framers of the Constition. who still re mained silent on it. Marshall said that this power was implied. There is no power expressed in the Constitution to make internal improvements: and al thotigh it AA'as a subject painfully be fore the framers of the Constitution, Avho yet remained silent upon it, Con gress said it is implied. 1 here is no power expressed m the Constitution, but almost the reverse, to make anything but gold and silver legal tender for payment of debts; the Supreme Court declared it is implied. There is no power expressed in the Constitution to maintain order in a State with the nation's soldiers unless the State first calls for aid: Washing ton. Lincoln, and Cleveland said it is implied. The legislative, the execu tive. and the judicial departments of our Government have recognized and confirmed the doctrine of implied pow ers. by which alone the Constitution lives, the people make progress, and the Republic marches forward to its imperial destiny. "The letter killeth; but the spirit giveth life.'’ Ry the same reasoning that Hamil ton. Marshall. Washington. and Lincoln employed we could infer our power to do the work of administering govern ment in the Philippines as the situation may demand, even if that power had not been affirmed in express words. We could infer it from the purpose of the Constitution to “pro vide for the common defense and pro mote the general welfare” of the na tion and the power given Congress to make laws to secure these ends. For the archipelago is a base for the commerce of the East. It is a base for military and naval operations against the onlv powers with whom conflict is possible; a fortress thrown up in the Pacific, defending our western coast, commanding the waters of the Orient, and giving us a point from which we can instantly strike and seize the pos session of any possible foe. MAY GOVERN I'NDKR ANY FORM WE PLEASE. The nation's power to make rules and regulations for the government of its possessions is not eonfined to any given set of rules or regulations. It is not contineg to any particular forrau'a of laws or kind of government or type of administration. Where do Senators find constitutional w arrant for any spe cial kind of government in ‘‘territory l>elonging to the United States." The language affirming our power to gov ern such territory is as broad as the | requirements of all possible situations, j And there is nothing in the Constitu tion to limit that comprehensive lan guage. The very reverse is true. For power to administer government any- j where and in any manner the situation demands would have been in Congress if the Constitution had been silent: not merely because it is a power not re served to the States or people; not j merely because it is a power inherent in and an attribute of nationality: not even because it might be inferred from other specific provisions of the Consti tution; but because it is the power most necessary for the ruling tendency j of our race—the tendency to explore. I expand, and grow, to sail new seas and j seek new lands, subdue the w ilderness, ' revitalize decaying peoples, and plant civilized and civilizing governments over all the globe. For the makers of the Constitution were of the race that produced Haw- ' kins, and Drake, and Raleigh, and Smith, and Winthrop. and Penn. They were of the great exploring, pioneering, colonizing, and governing race who went forth with trade or gain or religious liberty as the imme diate occasion for their voyages, but really because they eould not help it: because the blood within them com manded them: because their racial ten dency is as resistless as the currents of the sea or the process of the suns or any other elemental movement of na ture. of which that racial tendency its self is the most majestic. And when they wrote the Constitution they did not mean to negative the most ele mental characteristic of their race, of which their own presence in America was an expression and an example. You cannot interpret a constitution without understanding the race that wrote it. And if our fathers had in tended a reversal of the very nature and being of their race, they would have so declared in the most emphatic words our language holds. But they did not. and in the absence of such words the power would remain which is essential to the strongest tendency of our practical race, to govern where ever we are, and to govern by the me thods best adapted to the situation. But our fathers were not content with silence, and they wrote in the Consti tution the words which affirm this es sential and imperial power. TIIF. WIICI.E <jr . 'TION Et.F.MKXTAE. Mr. 1’ivsititnt. this question is deep er than any question of party politi • deeper than any question of ti e isolat ed policy of on r country even, deeper even than any question of constitution, si power It is elemental. It is racial, (iod has not been preparing the Eng lish-speaking and Teutonic peoples for a thousand years for nothing but vain and idle self-contemplation and self admiration No! lie has mad • us the master organizers of the world* to establish system where clue s reigns lie has given us the spirit of p-ogvess to overwhelm the forces of reaction throughout the earth. He has made us adepts in government that we may administer governments a:r.r;ig sav age and senile peoples. Wen* it u t for such a force as this the world w <> d 1 relapse into barbarism and night And of all our race He has marked the American people ns lii> chosen nation to finally lead in the regenerat ion of the world This is the d vine mission of America, and it holds for us ail the profit, all the gloi v. all tlie happiness possible to man We are trustees of the world's progress, guard an' of its righteous peace The judgment of the Master is upon us ‘ Ye have been faithful over a few things; 1 w ill make you ruler over many things " What shall history say of us-' Shall it say that we renounced that holy trust, left the savage to his base con dition, the w ilderness to the reign of waste. deserted duty. abandoned glory, forget our sordid profit even, be cause we feared our strength and read the charter of our powers with the doubter's eye and the quibbler's mind? Shall it say that, called by events to captain and command the proudest, ablest, purest race of history in his tory's noblest work, we declined that great commission? Our fathers would not have had it so No! They found ed no paralytic government, incapable of the simplest acts of administration. They planted no sluggard people, pass ive w hile the world's work calls them They established no reactionary na tion. They unfurled no retreating flag. GODS HAND IN ALL. That flag has never paused in its on ward march. Who dares halt it now— now. when history's largest events are carrying it forward: now. w hen we are at last one people, strong enough for any task, great enough for any glory destiny can bestow? How comes it that our tirst century closes with the process of consolidating the American people into a unit just accomplished, and quick upon the stroke of that great hour presses upon us our world opportunity, world duty, and world glory, which none but a people welded into an indivisible nation can achieve or perform? lilind indeed is he who sees not the hand of God in events so vast, so har monious. so benign. Reactionary in deed is the mind that preceives not that this vital people is the strongest of the saving forces of the world: that our place, therefore, is at the head of the constructing and redeeming na tions of the earth: and that to stand aside while events march on is a sur render of our interests, a betrayal of our duty as blind as it is base. Craven indeed is the heart that fears to per form a work so golden and so noble; that dares not win a glory so im mortal. Do vou tell me that it will cost us money? When did Americans ever measure duty by financial standards? Do you tell me of the tremendous toil required to overcome the vast diffi culties of our task? What mighty work for the world, for humanity, even for ourselves, has ever been done with ease? Even our bread must we eat bv the sweat of our faces. Why are we charged with power such as no people ever knew, if we are not to use it in a work such as no people ever wrought? Who will dispute the divine moaning | of the fable of the talents? Do you remind me of the precious blood that must be shed, the lives that must be given, the broken hearts of ; loved ones for their slain? And this indeed is a heavier price than all com bined. And yet as a nation every his toric duty we have done, every achieve ment we have accomplished, has been by the sacrifice of our noblest sons. Every holy memory that glorifies the flag is of those heroes who have died that its onward march might n *t be stayed. It is the nation's dearest livei yielded for the flag that makes it dear to us; it is the nation's most precious blood poured out for it that makes it precious to us. That flag is woven of hcroiim ar.d grief, of the bravery of men and women's tears, of righteous ness and battle, of sacrifice and anguish, of triumph and of glory. It is these which make our flag a holy thing. Who would tear from that sacred banner the glorious legends of a single battle, where it has waved on land or sea? What son of a soldier of the flag whose father fell beneath it on any field would surrender that proud record for the heraldry of a king? In the cause of civilization, in the service of the Republic anywhere on earth. Americans consider wounds the noblest decorations man can win. and count thd giving of their lives a glad and precious duty. Pray God that spirit never fails. Pray God the time may never come when Mammon and the love of ease shall so debase our blood that we will fear to shetl it for the flag and its im perial destiny. Pray God the time may never come when American heroism is but a legend like the story of the l id, American faith in our mission and our might a dream dissolved, and the glory of our mighty race departed. And that time will never come. We will renew our youth at the fountain of new and glorious deeds. We will exalt our reverence for the flag by carrying it to a noble future as well as by remembering its ineffable past. Its immortality will uot pass, because everywhere and always we will ac knowledge and discharge the solemn responsibilities our sacred flag, in its deepest meaning, put upon us. And so. Senators, with reverent hearts, where dwells the fear of God, the American people move forward to the future of their hope and the doing of His work. Mr. President and Sccato-3, adopt t* resolution offered, that peace may qu. kly come and that we may begin onr saving, regenerating. and uplift ing work. Adopt it. and this blood shed will cease when these deluded children of our islands learn that this is the final word of the representa tives of the American people in Con gress assembled. Reject it, and the world, history, and the American pe<v ple will know where to forever fix the awful responsibility for the conse quences that will surely follow such failure to do our manifest duty. How dare we d^’ay whe our soldiers’ blood is flowing? [Applause in the gallerk*.]
