The Sioux County journal. (Harrison, Nebraska) 1888-1899, June 01, 1899, Image 5

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    YAH'S II. Y. SFEECII
SILVER CHAMPION ROUSES HIS
HEARERS TO ENTHUSIASM.
Man and Women Cheer Until They
are Hoar--HI Spaach Ap
at Evary Point
(Boston Globe.)
New York.-Specll.) If the drmn.
cratio club' $10 dinner at the Mtrn.
poltun opera, house was splendid as a
spectacle, me Chicago platform demo
crats" dinner at the Grand Central pal
ace tonight waa magnificent In Its man-
llestatlon or enthusiasm for Wm. J.
Bryan and the principles he represents
The dollar diners arelvrd early and
remained until they had seen the last
of their hero.
The first of the began to drift Into
tne nail as early as 6 :30 o'clock. They
sat down and patiently waited,
workaday clothes. All these had an.
parently but one object In view, and
that waa to see and hear Mr. Bryan.
When the leader did appear at the
great entrance to the banqueting hall
3,000 men arose from their seats and
cheered as one. The women who had
left the gallery boxes to dine on their
own account In their own particular
room came hurrying back and joined In
me tremendous welcome.
The blare of the trumpets playing
nan to tne t-hlef was overcome and
lost in the mighty chorus of the thou
ands of voices. Men forgot that they
naa ainner taDies in front of them and
lumped upon them to get a better view
of Mr. Bryan. The air was rent with
cheers, wHh inarticulate shouts of Ju
bilation. Women lent their shrill cries
to the general acclaim, and, In a word
4,000 staid and usually sober people
eemed to have become delirious from
Joy.
Mr. Bryan walked down the center
aisle leaning upon the arm of Eugene
V. BrewHter, chairman of the commit
tee of arrangements.
When Mr. Bryan reached his place
at the guest table the diners broke loose
gain, and for several minutes the
noise of their cheering wag deafening
One man Jumped on the platform and
proposed "three cheers for our next
president." They were given in a way
that made the bunting streamers In the
roor space quiver.
Mr. Bryan, perfectly unmoved, smil
ing genially, beamed upon him admir
ers like a benevolent schoolmaster. His
colleagues at the guest table were ap
parently dazed at the extent of th dem
onstration. Not so Mr. Bryan. He has
grown so used to big demonstrations
lhat nothing surprises him.
The decorations of the big hall were
the national colors and streamers of
blue and white bunting In.festoons un
ler the glass roof. On the wall behind
the stage were hung oil portraits of
rtiomas Jefferson and Mr. Bryan, back
id with the national colors.
Across the chair which Mr. Bryan
look when he mounted the platform
was hung a huge cluster of American
Beauty roses tied with a broad crlm
lon ribbon. Upon a card attached to
(he offering was Inscribed: "To Wil
'lam Jennings Bryan from A. 8. Town,
end of Virginia." Besides the reading
lesk was displayed a floral horseshoe
Kh the emblem, "Women's Bryan
League of Brooklyn 16 to 1."
Chairman Brown said before Intro
luclng Mr. Bryan:
"I have been requested, Mr. Bryan,
to present to you this bunch of Amerl
;an Beauties In behalf of American ad
mirers, and the donors" Inscription is
this: "you, like these roses, are the na
tion's trust.' "
BRYAN B KG INS.
A tremendous amount of cheering and
applause greeted Bryan as he accepted
the flowers. He said:
"Mr. Chairman, Democrats, Ladles
i.nd Gentlemen: I esteem It a great
privilege to be permitted to attend this,
prohably the largest, banquet ever giv
tn In the United States. (Interruption
of cheers for Bryan.)
"I appreciate the kindness which has
been manifested by your action, and by
the words of those who have preceded
me. I shall carry back to my western
home new courage from your meeting
nd shall be glad to tell the people In
other states that In New York there
be those who are true to the principles
Of democracy as written In democracy's
latest creed. (Cries of "Bravo.") j
"The object of this banquet was to
give Chicago platform democrats the
chance to celebrate the birth of Thom
M Jefferson. (CrleB of "That's It.")
"There was given a banquet In honor
of Thomas Jefferson two nights ago,
and the discussion of the price per plate
obscured to some extent the difference
between that banquet and this. A dem
ocrat has a right to pay whatever he
pleases for a dinner If he haB the
money. The character of a political
banquet Is determined, not by the cost
Of It, but by the sentiments woven
Into the post-prandlal oratory.
have not one word of hostility
to utter toward those democrats who
left the democratic party In 1896. Far
oe It from us to criticise Bny man whose
Judgment or conscience ieauB nun
of the democratic party.
"When the republicans met at St.
Louis some republicans left the party
rather than adapt tnemseivns i. . w.
platform written out at St. Louis. They
irganlzcd a distinct party and they took
a name sufficiently dlffrent from the
republican name so that no one would
mlsake the one for the other. They
made a bold fight, and the republicans
who left the party In 1896 have neither
t.ark nor standing outside have
they attempted to write the platform
of the party wmcb tney im.
"The democrats who left In 1896 or
ganized a distinct party, nominated a
ticket and perfected Ihdr national or
Ionization. But Instead of naming
themselves gold democrats, so that they
could not be mistaken for the regular
democrats, they called themselves na
tional democrats, though they did not
expect to can-y a precinct In the
United States.
NO POLITICAL BIGAMY.
"The party Is an association of peo
ple for the purpose of giving force and
expression to political opinions In com
mon. They talk to us about harmony.
There can be no harmony between those
whose opinions are so antagonistic as
the opinions set forth In the Chicago
platform and the Indianapolis plat-
'Al'l that we ask Is that those who
come Into the democratic party shall be
a part of the democratic party. W
Imply Insist that a man cannot be a
political bigamist. We simply
he shall let a formal divorce, either
from our name or their principle.
"Either party ha a platform. It
doe not dismay those who stand upon
It to hear It denounced thl year by
those who denounced It three year ago.
W got accustomed to It In IM. but It
would be a surprising thing to hear
that party denounced by thoa who left
It two year ago. But thl w do not
bear. Tha democratic platform I aat
lafMtarT 0 tB0M wb0 wpported It In
I.
'That platform waa written by the
representative of the democratic party
In the most democratic convention that
baa been held In a quarter of a century.
NO MORE AMBIGUITY.
"It I a compliment to receive a pres
idential nomination from any national
convention, but I am proud that my
nomination came from a convention,
not of bosses, but of democratic citi
zens. (Loud applause.) It has vindicated
that platform, and every plank of It is
stronger today than It was when the
platform waa written.
"Those who believe that we should In
vite Into the democratic party all hose
who cannot share In the purpose and
the aspirations of that party I cannot
speak for others; I speak for myself
are wrong, and I say that I would not
abstract from It a single plank tr
get bark every man who left It.
"Nor do 1 believe we could draw peo
ple to us by cowardice. The day for
ambiguity has passed. That platform
means that In the campaign of 1896 the
hearts of the people were stirred as
they have not been lately stirred I
will tell you that It was because the
struggling masses found In it a men
ace to every man who robs his neigh
bor for his own benefit.
"It was those who have entrenched
themselves behind abuse of govern
ment who objected to that government,
and well they might object, because
that platform was aimed at every
abuse of government, and I was glad
that I was supported by those who
would have only asked me for Just
laws. I am glad that the 6.500.000 who
voted for me simply wanted me to get
other people's hands out of their pock
ets (applause) and not to get their
hands Into other people s pockets.
"Let me recall some of those planks.
ARBITRATION PLANK.
"The Chicago democrats favored ar
bitration. Democrats who stood upon
It then favor It now. The platform de
clared against government by Injunc
tion, and since the election we have
had object lessons which we did not
have before.
"Thomas Jefferson believed In trial
by Jury and government by Injunction
Is merely a disguised method by which
a man charged with crime shall be de
nled the right of trial by Jury. (Loud
cheers and applause.) That plank is
stronger than it was before.
The Chicago platform declared in
favor of an Income tax, and an income
tax is stronger now than it was be
fore. When I discuss the Income tax
decision I always resort to quotation
because I have a reputation for con
servatism which I must protect,
(Laughter.) When I want to be se
vere I quote, and when I want to be
critical to a supreme court I quote
from a member of the court, and when
I am so cautious that I even prefer
to quote from a republican member
who cannot possibly be an anarchist
because he Is a republican. Justice
Brown, In his dissenting opinion, used
these words: "I fear that In some hour
of national peril this decision will rise
up to paralyze the arm or the govern
ment "
We saw In 1896, but many people
were so blind that they could not see,
the danger, but the hour of peril came.
The war came on. We needed money
we could not tax Incomes because the
decision rose up to paralyze the arm of
the government. We had to resort to
stamp taxes, we had to hunt up any
old thing to put a stamp on.
DOLLAR AND THE MAN.
"The republican party, in all of Its
policies Is putting the dollar above the
man and In this Is departing from the
doc trine of Lincoln, Its founder, for In
18-.9 he said the republican party ne-
llcves In both the man and the aonar,
but In cases of conflict the man before
th Holtnr
The republican party Is not trying
to restore justice in taxation. The war
has shown that when this government
deals with an individual its power is
unlimited but when It deals with prop.
..rtv Its n'ower Is limited. It can draft
the citizen, but It cannoi loucn uie
dollar.
In the hour of peril the nation can
take the son from his mother, and the
huxhHnd from his wire, and stano
them up In front of an enemy's gun,
but it dare not lay Its finger upon the
wealth of the rich and make them enn-
rthnte their share.
"It has been the history of the world
that those who can make much have
been unwilling to bear their share of
tho burdens of Kovernment and have
sought to use the Instruments or gov
ernment for private gain to take from
hose who can make less man iney
can.
The democratic party is a protector
f.f the rich and the poor and that
party which makes the rich bear their
share of the Duroen is a wiicr ni
of the rich man than the party that
takes his money and sells exemption.
"There Is another plank In this plat
form which I desire to make mention
of. The republican party and the gold
democrats have been burying the mon
ey question so often that I feel I al
most ought to apologize for speaking
of the dead before so large an audience.
"The dmocratlc platform denounced
the gold standard and called It un
Amerlran and Antl-American and
pledged the party to destroy it at once
and substitute In Its place Independent
bimetallism at the ratio of 16 to It.
-Tf ih irnr standard was un-Ameri
can In 1896. It Is un-American now. If
It wns nntl-Amerlcan two years ago, It
is anti-American now, and If the gold
standard was bad In 1896, you were
convinced that It was bad In 1897, be
cause Mr. McKlnley sent three distin
guished commissioners to Eur.ipe to
get rid of the gold standard.
"And why did they not succeed? It
was because they asked of the finan
ciers of the old world a favor that they
ought to have known the financiers
would not grant. Why did we oppose
the gold standard? Because It raised
the purchasing power of the dollar and
lowered the price of the products of
labor. Then, my friends, I want to
suggest to you that the republican
promise of International bimetallism
coupled with the pledge that the gold
standard would be maintained until
other nations came to our relief, was
the most absurd plank that any party
ever put Into a platform. Think of it,
"Let me make a speech such as a
man would have to make to carry out
that program. If the republican party
had delegated Its representatives to
present this subject to the financiers
of Europe along the line of that sense
less platform, the spokesman of the
commission would have to make a
speech about like this:
HOW HE WOULD TALK.
"'Gentlemen: We have had the gold
standard for twenty-three years and
do not like It. The American people
have tried It and suffered from It, and
they have sent us here to ask you to
help us get rid of It; they recognize
that you have made money while they
have lost and therefore we ask you to
join us In restoring the state by which
we won't lose so much, and by which
you won't make so much. (Laughter
and loud applause.)
"But then candor would have com
pelled this spokesman to have added
another sentence. He would have said:
'But while we suffered a good deal we
can Buffer more If necessary. While
we have had a hard time we have not
reached the limit of endurance, and If
you people would rather go on plunder-In-
u Indefinitely w will stand by
you while tha world last.'
"That I the republican platform.
That I what It says, while still trying
to get along on national bimetallism
yet If we get the leading commercial
nations of Europe to join with us we
will maintain this thing which they
want.
AS DEMOCRATS PUT IT
"My friends, our plan was different.
we would not have ent a man over
to beg, because we read in history
when we were children that not more
than 100 years ago our people by their
oiood bought the right of the people
to legislate for themselves.
"According to our plan, when we
send a man over there It will not be to
ask a man to help us, but to announce
to them what we are going to do.
(iaugnter and applause.)
"It will be to say to them that 70,
000,000 of people have as much right to
protect their property fron. deprecia
tion as a handful or foreign financiers
have to legislate values into their own
hands. And our ambassadors would
have said to them: 'The people of the
United States have decided to restore
Independent bimetallism at the ratio of
16 to 1. We believe we can maintain
the parity, but you have a good many
investments over there, and If you
have any doubt about our doing it you
had better Join us, because if anybody
suffers it will be you not us." (Long
continued laughter and applause.)
"Now, my friends, an argument like
that would have some effect.
SENTIMENT ABROAD.
"But, my friends, why haven't we
had International bimetallism? Is it
because there is no sentiment in Eu
rope? On the contrary, there is senti
ment there, and the sentiment Is so
strong that the French government
Joined with us In sending an ambasea
dor to England. And In England the
sentiment was so strong that a peti
tlon was sent to the English glvern-
ment, signed by the leading labor or
ganlzatlons of England, asking for In
ternatlonal bimetallism so strong that
a report was presented while our com
mission was there, a report signed by
out of fourteen memberB of a commis
sion appointed to Investigate the condl
tlon of agriculture, and the ten out
of the fourteen declared that the gold
standard was destructive to English
agriculture, and pointed to bimetallism
as the only relief for the English far
mer. (Applause.)
"But why, my friends, did the Eng
llsh government refuse to listen to the
laboring men and farmers? Because on
the 22d day of September, 1897, the
bankers of London met at the clearing
house, behind closed doors and pledged
to secrecy, declared that the gold stan
dard was all right. The English bank
ers, so few In number that they can
meet In the clearing house, determined
the policy of England, and England
determined the policy of Europe, anC
Europe will determine the policy of the
United States as long as tne rcpuDiican
party Is in power.
DROPPING MONEY QUESTION.
"T have been asked why I am not
willing to drop the money question. 1
replied: 'Because the money question
won't drop us.' I know not what oth
ers may desire or what they may be
willing to do, but I am not willing that
our declaration against tne goia siana
ard shall be dropped as long as a hand
ful of English financiers can determine
the financial policy of 70,000,ouu Amer
lrnn neonle.
"And some say that If we will not
drop the money question we ought to
drop the ratio of 16 to 1. When you
find a man opposed to 16 to 1, inquire
and you will find he was never mi
In favor of it, and then Inquire again
and you will find there is no other ra
tio that he is in ravor oi.
"We denounced International bimetal
lism as a delusion and a snare in 1896
It has been proved to be so since 1896,
We declared for the ratio of 16 to 1
In 1896, and no party has arisen to ad
vocate any other ratio but 16 to 1.
"When some other party proposes
some other ratio and tries to secure
bimetallism there is no reason why we
tlo with them. The
ratio of 16 to 1 was decided upon, not
In the Chicago convention, but at the
primaries which elected delegates to
attend the Chicago convention. The
ratio of 16 to 1 has been submitted to
the people, and those who wanted it
in 1896 are In favor of It now.
"And they know why they are in
favor of it. The ratio of 16 to 1 Is
the ratio at which our gold and silver
coins now circulate. We simply ask
reinstatement of the law that was on
the statute books where It was before
the act of demonetization was secretly
passed. We simply wanted to renew
hv law what was done by law. They
struck down silver by law. We raise
It up by law; they close the mints by
law; we open them by law. (Applause.)
They gave gold a monopoly In mint
nriviiecres bv law: we expect to give a
competitor by law, the old competitor
we had. .
Mv friends, you will hear people say
that they don't object to silver if we
only open the mints at the bullion ratio
or the commercial ratio..
A GREATER TRUST.
It Is only when a gold man com
mences to talk money that he forgets
all that he knows of other subjects
When people ask us to drop our fight
on the money question and fight the
trusts I remember that the republican
party Is today preparing to organize a
trust more potent for evil than all the
Industrial trusts combined.
There Is a bill now before congress,
reported by the republican committee,
that turns over to the national banks
the absolute control of the paper money
of this country. It provides for the re
tirement of greenbacks by an Issue of
bonds drawing 2 per cent; It provides
that banks shall be permitted to Issue
bills up to the par value of bonds and
with the 1 per cent tax on circulation
and this shall be reduced to a small
fraction of 1 per cent.
'Here Is your evidence of good repub
lican policy. They want to issue bonds
In place of greenbacks and tax the peo
ple to pay the Interests on the bonds
and thpy they refuse the tax that the
banks now pay on the circulation that
they have.
Why pile up the taxes on the people
and lower the taxes on the banker?
What does It mean? Why, If that law
5?oes Into effect and the Vk per cent
bonds are at par then a national bank
with a capital of $100,000 ran Invest the
$100,000 In bonds, deposit the bonds in
the treasury and draw upon the bonds
$100,000 In bank notes, so that the j
amount the bank gets back Is Just
equal to the amount the bank paid for
the bonds, so that It has not a single
dollar Invested and yet it goes drawing
2V4 per cent Interest a year on nothing
at all. It Is a small proposition In
mathematics and yet those banks will
tell you they want this done for the
public good.
"There Is another object that Is not
set forth In the Chicago platform, and
Is yet Included In the principles It sets
forth.
THE STANDING ARMY.
"The president In his message of 189S
asked for a standing army of 100,000
men. We have had no national con
vention to learn that the democratic
Sarty I opposed to militarism In the
nlted States. Seventy thousand more
soldier needed than In 1IM. Why?
For International protection T Why, what
ha happened since 78M, except the
republican administration. Does a re
publican administration make more sol
diers necessary? Where prosperity
comes and confidence is restored is It
necessary to have soldiers to point It
out with bayonets?
"But they tell us that we need them
for outside service. Where? In Cuba?
Oh, no; not permanently, because the
president has promised the Cubans that
our occupation Is only temporary.
Therefore, he would not need soldiers
permanently In Cuba.
"Nor are they needed In Porto Rico.
My own opinion has been that the peo
ple of Porto Rico should be permitted
to choose for themselves between an
nexation and republic of their own. But
so far they have expressed no desire
for a republic and seem to desire an
nexation. So that there does not seem
to be any necessity for the soldiers
there.
"Where do we need a large Increase
In the army? In the Philippines? Why,
my friends? The president In his Bos
ton speech said the question was to be
settled by the American people, and
until the American people have settled
it, how do you know it will need 70,000
soldiers there permanently?
"But if we do, according to their ar
gument, need 70,000 soldiers there per
manently, then I ask you, my friends,
what Is the expense going to be? It Is
estimated that It costs $1,000 a soldier
to keep the army In the United States
and $1,500 a soldier to keep the army
outside the United States. Seventy
thousand soldiers would mean over
$100,000,000 a year. Who pays the
money? The Filipinos? Why, my
friends. If we make the Filipinos pay
the expense of our army we will have
to tax them several times as much as
Spain overtaxed them."
TO CALL FOR MORE MEN,
Pr cedent Confers with Other Of
ficials, but Decides to Watt.
Washington, D. C (Special.) A con
ference held at the White house
between the president. Secretary Alger,
Secretary Long and Adjutant General
Corbln resulted in the confirmation of
the original decision of the cabinet to
at present refrain from availing Itself
of the authorization conferred by con
gress to organize a volunteer army of
35,000 BOldiers in addition to the pres
ent regular army.
The matter of returning the volun
teers was tlBO discussed. The depart
ment laarranging for their return tj
the United States as soon as the neces
sary transportation can be secured
To General Otis has been left ilic se
lection of the organizations to be s.nt
home first, and It Is expjted tnar. ho
will follow the pla'i he has out.llr.ed
of relieving first the men who hav
been longes: In the Philippines.
General Otis' latest cablegram de
scriptive of the conditions in the Phil
ippines was carefully considered, and
it was concluded to accept his estimate
from the military needs of the caLe, so
that as he has already indicated that
his present army is sufficient for the
purpsse he has In view, the decision
lb tantamount to a resolve to avoid re
course to the additional volunteers.
A cablegram was sent to General
Otis, however, called forth by the ne
cessity for withdrawing the state vol
unteers from the Philippines, again
asking him whether he would need
more men after he has received the
reinforcements now on the way to Ma
nila or under orders to embark as soon
as transportation can be secured.
Otis now has a force believed to ag
gregate about 22.000 effective men. Sec
retary Alger informed him that the
troops now on the way and to be or
dered would give him an army of about
30,000 men, after allowing for the re
turn of the state volunteers. This is
believed at the war department to meet
all of the needs of the summer season.
It is intended to withdraw one regi
ment from Porto Rico and to send three
regiments now in this country to the
Philippines as soon as they can De
equipped and transported there, though
it is not believed that they will reach
Manila for two or three months. It is
also stated that the conditions In Cuba
are such that it is quite probable some
troops can be withdrawn from that
Island for service in the Philippines.
SHORT REST FOR NEBRASKANS
Regiment Recuperates In Hlstorir
Blockhouses After Exertions.
Camp Santa Mesa, Near Manila, .
-The First Nebraska and the First
Colorado have exchanged positions on
the firing line, the Colorado troops re
lieving the Nebraskans at the water
works. Colonel Stotsenberg requested
General Hale to send him reinforce
ments or relief, as his men were In need
of a chance to rest, having been almost
The regiment not only had cleared
the country of Insurgents from San
Juan del Monte to the Maraqulna val
ley, but had held Its positions by con
tinued fighting, forcing back the insur
gents in their repeated attempts to re
capture the pumping station, in ac
complishing this the regiment had to
use the greatest vigilance. It was nec
essary to call upon the men every oth
er night and sometimes every night
for guard and outpost duty. Owing to
the amount of territory we were pro
tecting It called for a large number of
posts. Taking this in conjunction with
the other hardships which are bound to
appear In the field of action, the men
needed a chance to recuperate. Gen
eral Hale thus ordered the change for
the Nebraska boys' benefit.
The Nebraskans are now stationed In
Blockhouses Nos. 6, 6 and 7. The block
houses are situated close to the old Ne
braska camp, Santa Mesa, and about
three miles from Manila. It will be re
membered that the fight with the In
surgent army startedfrom these block
houses. The Insurgents In blockhouse
No. 7 fired upon our outpost after we
had killed one of their sentries who had
refused to halt at the command on the
night of February 4. Blockhouses Nos.
and 7 wer captured by the Nebraskans
the following morning. The headquar.
rs are stationed at Camp Mesa and all
the business of the regiment Is trans
acted from that point.
Big Sugar Deal.
Ventura, Cal. (Special.) The Oxnard
beet sugar factory and, 3,000 acres of
'and In this county have been trans-
ferred by the Pacific Beet Sugar com
pany to the American Beet Sugar
company. The deed bears revenue
stamps Indicating a consideration of
$1,600,000.
This step Is one of the most important
In the consolidation of the four Oxnard
factories. The American Beet Sugar
company, recently organized In New
York, with a capital stock of $20,000,.
000, now owns the factories at Norfolk
and Grand Island, Neb., besides the
750-ton factory at Chlno and the 2,000
ton factory at Oxnard, Just conveyed.
i
New Tork-(Special.) R. PuHon Cut
ting, a trustee of the American Beet
Sugar company, confirmed the Ven
tura dispatch, but would give no fur
ther Information on th plana for con.
colldation.
BIQ PAY OF PREACHERS.
Dr. Hlrach of Chicago Draw 15,
OOO a Year.
In offering Dr. Emil G. Hlrsch $15,000
a year for fifteen years to remain as its
pastor, Sinai congregation of Chicago
will pay him as large a salary as Is
received by any clergyman In the Unit
ed States. It is the same that is paid
Bishop Potter of New York, who, how
ever, has a rectory furnished, heated
and lighted free of cost, and is pro
vided with a private secretary. The
late Rev. Dr. Hall of the Fifth Avenue
Presbyterian church of New York, dur
ing the last years of his life, received
the largest salary ever paid a clergy
man in the United States, which was
$20,000 a year, without the manse. rD.
Hall's salary proper was $15,000, and
$5,000 additional wos contributed by
Robert Bonner and two other wealthy
members of the congregation. His suc
cessor, Mr. Connell, who comes from
Regent's Park Presbyterian church of
London, is offered $10,000 and a resi
dence. That is the salary paid to Dr.
Gregory, dean of St. Paul's cathedral,
and Dr. Bradley, dean of Westminster
Abbey, London. Dear Farrar receives
$7,000 a year. The hierarchy of the
church of England enjoy enormous sal
aries, which are necessary to maintain
the large establishments required of
them. The archbishop of Canterbury
received $60,000 a year, but he needs
every cent of it to meet his social and
ecclesiastical obligations at Lambeth
palace, the home of the primate of the
church of England. The salary of the
archbishop of York and that of the
archbishop of London is $50,000 a year.
The archbishop of Ireland receives $12,-
500. The other bishops of the church of
England are paid from $10,000 to $25,000
a year. The average pay of a vicar in
England is $3,500 outside the large
cities, in the cities the salary varying
according to the wealth of the parish,
from $2,500 to $10,000.
The Episcopalians and Presbyterians
pay larger salaries than any other de
nominations, but the pulpits most en
vied In the United States are those of
the Collegiate Reformed Dutch church
of New York City. There are seven or
eight churches of that denomination'
under the same management and sup
ported from an endowment that Is ex
ceedingly rich. Its income is next to
that of Trinity church, and amounts to
several hundred thousand dollars a
year. The pastors of the collegiate
churches are paid $10,000 for life and
are allowed to retire from active pas
toral work when they reach the age
of 65 years.
Trinity parish is the richest in the
world, and has an income of about
$300,000 from buildings and other in
vestments. It supports five or six
churches, several schools, hospitals and
other charitable institutions and pays
the manager of its business a salary of
$10,000 a year. The rector of Trinity
church receives $12,500. The same sal
ary Is paid by St. Thomas' and St. Bar
tholomew's. I was informed by good
authority that five clergymen in New
York city received that salary and at
least twelve received $10,000 a year.
The average pay of a clergyman In
New York City, excepting the pastors
of mission churches, is probably $6,000.
The editorial profession is not so well
paid. There are probably sixteen ed
itors In New York, not proprietors of
newspapers, who receive $10,000 a year
or over. The Journal and World have
four each, the Herald two, the Times,
Post and Brooklyn Eagle one each.
The highest editorial salary paid in
the United States is $15,000.
Editorial writers of recognized abil
lty, city editors, news editors and man
aging editors on the large daily papers
are paid from $5r000 to $7,500 a year.
A few physicians in New York make
very large fees. There are two or
three specialists whose incomes will
exceed $50,000 a year, perhaps ten make
$25,000, and perhaps twenty from $15,000
to $20,000. Ten thousand dollars a year
Js considered a large practice.
The salaries of our college professors
do not campare with those of Europe,
although public school teachers in the
United States are paid two or three
times as much. The teacher of an or
dinary school In England, France or
Germany, who makes $25 a month Is
doing very well, but several chairs at
Oxford, Cambridge, Edinburgh, Glas
gow and Aberdeen universities are
worth from $10,000 to $12,000 a year. The
same difference Is found In the govern
ment service. High officials are paid
two or three times as much In Europe
as In this country, but ordinary clerks
enjoy not more than one-third or one
fourth the compensation that is receiv
ed for corresponding service In the
United States. The university profes
sors in Europe often enjoy hereditary
grants and dues from students, which
are not customary in the United States.
The chair of anatomy In Edinburgh
medical faculty Is probably the most
valuable of any professorship in the
world, being worth about $25,000 a year
One of the professorships In the Uni
versity of Berlin Is worth $15,000, but
there the popularity of a professor has
a great deal to do with his compensa
tion. In the United States the college
faculties receive from $1,500 to $4,000
a year.
We hear a great deal about the enor
mous fees charged by city lawyers and
many of the stories are no doubt true.
Nelson Cromwell of New York has the
reputation of receiving the largest sin
gle fee ever paid to an attorney for a
single service, which was $260,000 cash
for advising and assisting Decker, How.
ell & Co., a firm of brokers, during the
panic caused by the collapse of the VII-
lard Northern Pacific syndicate about j
twelve year ago. His clients not only
cheerfully paid him thl amount, but j
after their affair wer settled present-,
cd him with a handsom silver service I
properly Inscribed as a testimonial of
their confidence and gratitude. MrJ
Cromwell received a similar
and some say even more, for hi
vices as counsel for the receiver af "
the Northern Pacific and Wlaconate
Central railroads; $300,000 was paid ta
the attorneys who advised the reorgan
ization committee of the Union Pacific!
railroad, but their services continued!
for several months and five or six flrnas
were engaged. !
Jose Ignatio Rodriguez, a Washington!
lawyer, received a fee of $200,000 for antJ
tling what was known as the Mora1
claim against Spain. Grover Cleveland
was given a cnecx tor iiuo.uoo oy is.
Benedict for his advice in the organ
izatlon of the gas trust. Walter
Logan, of New York, received $100,1
cash for his services in a recent
case in Connecticut. William M. Er-j
arts, Mr. Choate, Alexander GreenJ
Judge Hoadley, Francis Lynde Stetsoni
and other New York lawyers who de
a corporation business have been mak
ing a great deal of money recently by
assisting in the organization of t rustic
Their fees for Buch services will aver
age $25,000, but this money is not onljr
divided among several persons, but it
used to pay small armies of clerka,
stenographers and assistants. A Ma -law
firm like Hoadley, Lauterbach Jk
Johnson, will have twenty-five or thirty -and
some of them even more person
uu men pay runs, iiutzy, tui uuih.b a
A ' (1 LI, nuu 111 C WUIIOCI 1 Ul ,,-.. . . . . . V
and other political clients, make a great '
deal of money. Judge Dillon, the at
torney for the Gould system, has a sal
ary of $25,000 a year. Judge Gary at '
Chicago, who negotiated the reorgau- -izatlon
of the Federal Steel company,
is said to have made $100,000 In a few -
weeks. President Harrison's fee aa
counsel for the Venezuelan government
before the boundary arbitration at -Paris
will be $50,000. Ex-Secretary Tra
cey, his associate, will receive $25,0O
John W. Foster was paid $100,000 for
ins Bervicca ua nuviacr iu nj vm.,
government in negotiating the peaca -treaty
with Japan.
The largest salary received by any
person in the United States is paid ta -Mr.
Hyde, the president of the Equit
able Life Insurance company $100,000 a ;
year. He owns the controlling Intereat
In the company and simply takeB tha -money
out of one pocket and puts ft
Into another. Frank Thompson, presi
dent of the Pennsylvania railroad, re
ceives $50,000 a year; Chauncey M. De
pew, as president of the New York Ceo
tral, receives $25,000, and few of the--presidents
of the great trunk lines are
paid less.
John Gates, as president of the Illi
nois Steel company, received a salary
of $40,000. Four of the managers of tna
Carnegie company receive $25,000 each.,
together with an interest in the profits
At least ten of the Carnegie superin
tendents receive $10,000 each.
George Gould, who is president oT'
the Western Union, the Missouri Pa
cific and several other large corpora
tions, receives no salary from any at
them.
Bank presidents in New York, whe
devote their entire time, are paid from
$10,000 to $25,000 a year and enjoy un
usual opportunities for making money
outside. The presidents of some of tha:
lergest banks accept no salary at alt
Mr. Williams, president of the Chem
ical National bank, the largest In the
United States, is paid $100 a month for
his services.
Lucky Thirteen.
Notwithstanding all our boasted civ
ilization and the efforts of the Thlrteea
clubs, how few of us there are wha
are not, in the inmost recesses of our
hearts, afraid of the simple number
thirteen, says the Philadelphia Tlmea.
Deny it as we may, an unpleasant emo
tion arises in us if, unwittingly, we'
sit down to dinner where thirteen are r
to eat. This number, however, waal-
not always regarded as unlucky. In.
fact, there is plenty of evidence in tha
folk-lore of ancient peoples to shpw
that in olden times it was held aa a
lucky number. The history of the Pari
sians, the natives of India, and of the
aboriginal Indians of our own westerrti
continent amply proves this fact. Bib
lical students also well know that in
testamentary times the Jews were of"
the same opinion In regard to the mys
tic number. Thirteen cities were espe
cially dedicated to the priestly tribe;
thirteen high-priests descended fromr
Aaron; thirteen kings sat in the high
council of the ancients; preparatfonsr
for the feast of the passover were be
gun on the thirteenth day of the montbr
of Mizan, and tha holy incense consist
ed of thirteen different odors. Among
the long-since extinct tribes of Southr
America the number had a sacred and"
divine meaning. The Inhabitants of
Peru counted seven days, without any
particular name, in the week. The
year had seven times fifty-two days, or
four times thirteen yeeks. A fathet
was compelled to suprort his child tor
the thirteenth year. The Aztec hatf
weeks of thirteen days, each with a
special name. Their century had fifty
years, or four times thirteen. Their
public archives were of circular form,
with a sun in the center of each of the
thirteen parts composing it, and their
tribes numbered thirteen. It Is an In
teresting fact, and one well worth look
lng up, that several of the great event
of our history occurred on the thir
teenth day of the month, and more eo
peclally on a Friday.
Chicago News: "Ah, he cried, kneef-
lng at her feet; "say you will marry
me, and I will be your devoted Slav
for life." "Arise, Henry," she answered;,
"you will not do. That was what my
first husband Mid, and before we had'
fairly got out of the church h began
telling m how he wanted ma to wMt
mjr hair."