8I0UX CO. JOUUNAL
By CEO. D. CANON.
HARRISON. NEBRASKA
NEBRASKA NEWS.
Senator John 11. Thurston wired John
T. htallalieu of Kearney that be had
designated him for the position of su
pervisor of the next census for the
Mxtb congressional district.
Fires are still burning in the country
north of Ogalalla and spreading in all
directions as the wind changes. All cf
Keith county north of the North Platte
rlrer is swept clean and the fire is ex
tending into Deuel, Arthur and Mc
pherson counties. No reports as to
eattle losses and ranch buildings.
A disastrous prairie fire swept over a
district of several miles in the northern
part of Howard county last week dur
ing the strong south wind and occas
ioned much damage. Frank A. Carlson
lost his barn, granary, comcrib and
About 1,200 bushels of corn, and others
lost considerable property. The Are re
salted from a man's carelessness In
starting a Are on a hat, windy day.
Thomas Patterson, aged 65 years, and
a boy named Howell started for Big
island, east of North Bend, to cut ever
greens. Not returning, searching par
ties started out and the lost ones were
found on the Island. Their boat had
Wrung a leak, causing them to abandon
It and take to the, water. Both drifted
ts the island and there was no way ot
escaping until they were rescued.
It has Just come to light that Mrs.
C. Howard, who is living with Mrs. H.
J. Hlggins of Fremont, attempted sui
cide Wednesday afternoon by taking
carbolic acid. It is said that she was
recently married to a man named How
ard and of late he has refused to sup
port her and that she was driven to
attempt suicide, as she thought she
had nothing to live for. Her physician
says she is entirely out of all danger
now. She is about M years old and
la almost a stranger there.
The territory burned over by the prai
rie fire In Rock county is about twenty,
gve miles long and from eight to twen
ty miles wide. Considerable damage
wmM done to hay, ranges and grsves.
Henry Habakaust a farmer living
eight miles southeast of BassetU lost
all his buildings. John Mauck lost his
stables and three head of valuable work
horses. Pick Ballenger lost all his
buildings except his house and quite a
number of persons lost their hay. Con
sidering the area which was burned
aver it is remarkable that so little
property was destroyed, and this fact
Is attributable to the effective efforts of
Um citizens The Are was the most ex
tensive which that county has ever ex
perienced, but not the fiercest. It com
menced a week ago Sunday and has
continued ever since, but is now under
control. There have been no reports
sf any fatsJltles or injuries to people.
Drainage In the Garden.
There is no danger of getting the
garden too well drained, if the whole
surface was underlaid with tiles at a
depth of from two to three feet it wou d
be ot besefit to the soil. Practically
there should be for perfect results a
drain every rod. These drains should
be given a god outlet and should be
three feet or more below the surface.
In theory a tile drain will "draw1 a
trip about four times as wide as the
depth'of the ditch, but practice teaches
that the tile drains draw mush farther
tr-F this. In practice drains as far as
ten rods apart lower the water table
ever the whole space between the
drains, but this work is not so quickly
dose as when the drains are close to-
Dralnage Is always done with sev
eral things in view. The first objec .Is
to get rid of the surplus water in the
oil. the second to permanently lower
the level at which wate- stands in Urn
oil. This level Is not fixed, but varies
with the texture of the soil. Most soils
bold the watsr too near the surface for
the good of the crops. This surface wa
ter usually disappears after the spring
rains have ceased, but is undrained
got la it remains long enough to perma
nently injure the crops.
Another reason for draining is to
sake the soli porous so as to admit air
and warmth so crops may be planted
earlier In the spring and grow later in
the fall. Well drained land Is not af
fected seriously either by drouth or ex
tremely wet weather, and as a conse
quence garden creps do better In the
garden that is well drained.
No other crops grown on the farm are
so valuable for the area they occupy as
garden crops, asd they should be given
every chance to come to perfection.
It was In a Duluth court, and the
witness was a Swede who was per
k. not so stuold as be seemed to be.
The cross-examining attorney was a
mart young man, whose object was to
disconcert the witness and discredit his
tertlmony. .,,
"What did you say your name was?
was the first question.
"Tahn" very deliberately "Peter-
"Jonn Peterson, eh? Old man Peter's
boo, I suppose. Well, John, where de
you liver'
"Where Ah live? In Duluf."
"Now, Peterson, answer this Ques
tion carefully. Are you a married man?
"Ah tank so. Ah was married."
"go you think because you got mar
ried you are a married man, do you?
That's funny. Now tell the gentlemen
af this exceptionally intelligent Jury
who you married."
"Who Ah married? Ah married a
fee bare, sir! Don't you know any
hotter than to trifle with this court?
What do you mean, sir? Ton married a
IT Of course row marneu a wo-
i? DM you ever hear of any ene
Tm. Una stater 414.-
to the
Is
away
frr C torn, with mm arreted an
ti Cat sHrnt taw AM f the
tttttoteMtohMklt.
SHAME OF THE NATION
SENATOR HOAR ON WAS AGAINST
THE FILIPINOS.
All Principles of the Declaration of
Independence and the Con
stitution Violated.
A letter bearing the date of February
4, and signed by 100 or more of the
most prominent men in and around
Boston, headed by ex-Governor George
5. Boutwell, commending the attitude
in congress of Senator Hoar and In
viting him to address them at a future
A -i t a ham VttAn matu nnhUe ArrOm.
panylng it Is the letter of acknowledg
ment from Senator Hoar, bearing date
of March 29, in which he says:
'I do not think there is any reason
personal to me for holding such s pub
lic meeting. Undoubtedly there should
be and there will be many public meet
ings the country over to protest against
trampling under foot the rights of a
brave people struggling for their lib
ertles, the violations of the principles
of our own constitution and of the
declaration of independence, and the
continuance by the American people in
the costly ad ruinous path which has
brought other republics to ruin and
shame, which will dishonor labor, place
Intolerable burdens upon agriculture,
and fasten upon the republic the shame
of what President McKinley has to
lately and so truthfully declared to be
criminal aggression.
"But I think It will be wiser to have
meetings of that character a little later
rather than just now. We do not yet
know whether the piesent war for
the subjugation of the people of the
Philippines is to continue indefinitely,
or whether there Is to be a speedy sub
mission to the overwhelming power cf
the United States
PROPER TIME FOR DISCUSSION.
"If the war shsll shortly be ended
we shall then be sble to discuss the
question of our natlonsl duty free from
the disturbing influences which exist
slways when the country Is at war.
If, on the other hand, the war shall
long and Indefinitely continue, the peo
ple will begin to feel the weight of In
creased debt and Increased taxation,
the loss of life and health of our youth
and the derangement ef trade and
peaceful Industry.
"An attempt has been made to per
suade the American people that the re
sistance to our arms by the people of
the Philippine Islands has been due to
those who oppose the attempt to sub
jugate them and who opposed the ratifi
cation of the treaty by which sover
eignty over them was purchased and
paid for as an article of merchandise.
"There never was a more unfounded
or a more foolish calumny. A strict
military censorship was exercised over
the cable to the Philippine Islands dur
ing the whole period. I have In my pos
session one of the original circulars of
the cable company, warning all per
sons that no dispatch would be trans
mitted having the least relation to pol
itics, without the assent of the mili
tary authorities of the United States."
After quoting some personal expert
ences growing out of his position, Sen
ator Hoar says:
PEOPLE TRAMPLED UNDER FOOT.
"The blood of the slaughtered Fili
pinos, the blood and the wasted health
and life of our own soldiers, is upon
the heads of those who have under
taken to buy a people In the market
like sheep, or to treat them as lawful
prize and booty of war, to Impose a
government on them without their con
sent, and to trample under foot not only
the people of the Philippine islands, but
the principles upon which the American
republic Itself rests."
Continuing, Senator Hoar refers to
the pledges of the country toward Cu
bs and the president's declaration that
any ethr conduct on our part would
have been "criminal aggression," and
continues:
The law of righteousness and Justice
on which the great and free American
people should act, and, In the end,
I am sure, will act, depends not on
parallels ef latitude and meridians of
longitude or points of the compan. It
Is the same yesterday, today and for
ever. It is as true now as when our
fathers declared It In 1776. It Is as
binding upon William McKinley f day
as It was upon George Washington or
Abraham Lincoln. The only powers
of rovernment the American people
can recignlxe are Just powers, and those
powers rest upon the consent of the
governed.
NO CONSTITUTIONAL WARRANT.
"No man during this whole discussion
has successfully challenged, and no
man will successfully challenge:
"First, the affirmation that under the
constitution cf the United States the
acquisition of territory, as of other
property, is not a constitutional end.
and that, while the making of the new
states and providing natlonsl defense
are constitutional ends, but only a
means to a constitutional end, so that
we may acquire and hold territory for
those purposes, the governing of sub
ject peoples la not a constitutional end,
and that there Is therefore no consti
tutional warrant for acquiring and
holding territory for that purpose.
"Second, that to leave our own conn,
try to stand on foreign toll Is In vio
lation of the warnings ef our fathers
and of tha farewell address of Wash
ington. Third. That there never was a trop
ical country govsmcd with any toler
able success without a system of con
tract labor.
Teurth, the trade advantages ef the
nwastn islands, if there be nay.
hs opened alike Minw warns.
ef them wn never
begin to pay the cost ot subjugating
them by war or holding them In sub
jection in peace.
"Fifth, that the military occupation
of these tropical regions must be kept
at an immense cost, both to the souls
and the bodies of our soldiers.
'Sixth, that the declaration as to
Cuba by the president and by congress
applies w ith stronger force to the case
of the Philippine Islands.
"Seventh, that Agu'.naldo and his fol
lowers, before we began to make war
upon them, had conquered their own
territory and Independence from the
Spanish, with the exception of a sin
gle city, and were getting ready to es
tablish a free constitution.
FIGHTING FOR FREEDOM.
"Eighth, that while they are fighting
for freedom and Independence and the
doctrines cf our fathers, we are fighting
for the principles that one people may
control and govern another in spite of
its resistance and against its will.
"Ninth, that the language and argu
ment of those who object to this war
are, without change, the language and
argument of Chatham, of Fox, of Burke
and of Barre, of Camden, and of the
English and American whigs, and the
language and argument of those who
support it are the language and argu
ment of George III. of Lord North, ot
Mansfield, of Wedderburn, of Johnson
and of the English and American torles.
"Tenth, no orator or newspaper, or
preacher being a supporter of this pol
icy of subjugation, dares repeat In
speech or print any of the great utter
ances for freedom of Washington, of
Jefferson, of John Adams, of Abraham
Lincoln, or of Charles Sumner.
"The question the American people
are now considering, and with which
they are about to deal, Is not a question
of a day, or of a year, or of an admin
istration, or of a century. It is to affect
and largely determine the whole future
of the country. We tan recover from
a mistake in regard to other matters
which have interested or divided the
people, however important or serious.
Tariffs and currency and revenue laws,
even foreign wars; all thete, as Thomas
Jefferson said, "are billows that will
pass under the ship.'
"But If the republic ! to violate the
lawse of its being, if it Is to be con
verted into an empire, not only the
direction of the voyage is to be chang
ed, but the chart and the compass are
to be thrown away. We have not as
yet taken the irrevocable step. Before
it Is taken let the voice of the whole
people be heard. I am, with high re
gard, faithfully yours,
"GEORGE F. HOAR.
TOLD OUT OF COURT.
To the list of fervent compliments
paid to the court by defeated attorneys
the following may be added:
"I think our supreme court Is a good
legislative body? What do you think V
"The court rejected the correct view
In order to follow the d d sentimentjjjjf
Ism of a one-horse text-writer."
"It Is one of the misfortunes of prac
ticing before courts of final resort that'
ar. argument presented on the facts
shown by the record becomes of no val
ue by s statement of factB manufac
tured by the court.
Judge J. M. Kurt tells a itory In the
Dallas (Tex.) News on a couple of
members of the Dallas legal profes
sion, which goes In this wise:
They were on a hunting and f.shlng
expedition to Wynne's lake. On the
day of their arrival one of the heroes
of the story, who was at that time
district Judge, found a canoe that had
been burled in the mud. He excavated
It and found It to be In pretty good
shape. He washed off all the mud and
calked a few holes In the bottom, end
It was a good boat. It was a long,
narrow affair, and was evidently never
Intended to be built for two.
However, when the Judge started eut
to fish In h'.s canoe, his lawyer friend
Insisted on going with him. The Judge
was sitting In the end toward the lake,
where the water was about six Inches
deep and the mud about four feet
"Now, keep out of this boat," ex
claimed the Judge. Tou will turn It
oer. sure. If you try to get In It."
"That's all right," said the lawyer.
"1 am an old boatman, and have flrhed
In s curout many a time, ar.d you know
a ir.kn has to sit mighty level In a
dugout."
With that he stepped Into the canoe
and M capslxed Instantly. The lawyer
saved himself by a quick spring for the
bank, but the Judge, who was about
fifteen feet offshore, was thrown In the
shallow water and mud. He crawled
out like an old hog coming out of lti
wallow, and when he reached the bank
he delivered his opinion of the lawyer
In anything but Judicial language, and
wound up In Italics, punctuated with
dashes snd exclamation points, saying
that he hoped the lawyer was satisfied.
The lawyer apologized profusely and
assured the Judge that there was noth
ing Intentional about It; that It was
purely an accident, and to show that
he was sincere divided what clothing he
had with the Judge and helped wash hit
wet and muddy suit. Peace was there
by patched up and all went well.
At the next term of court the lawyer
had a case. In which he was very much
Interested, to come up In the Judge's
court He worked on It very hard, and
thought he had It perfected. All dur
ing the trial he sat up nights studying
every point He made a long and very
exhaustive argument, and thought to
himself that he had a sure thing, hut
the Judge derided In favor of the other
fellow. It was a great disappointment
ts the lawyer, and after court had ad
journed hs caned the Judge aside and
said:
"I told yon Mt at Wynne's lake that
I tamed that boat accidentally, Mt I
want to tell you hers and now that
it was Intentional, premeditated, and
wttn express maHoe aarsthsngwt.
null tl AflinA firm t
DliTAll uLllUu IlLrLl
BELMONT'S
ANSWER'S
PERRY
LETTER,
Quotes Some of Belmont's Utter
ances Regarding Chicago
Platform.
i 1 1 ll u 1 1 1 , a-, c v. 1 . v im i . . . . j
tonight gave to the press his letter In
reply to Ferry Belmont's letter to him
At the time Uelmonl n letter was writ
ten Mr. I.iryan was in Tennessee, and
In an interview he said at the time that
he would look over the copy of Bel
... ..,!. , h Ik- l.ll.r init
IliUlll s Brut ..... ......, ai u is ciiiiici; ..a.m. j ,
point out where Helmonl's utterances turn to bimetallism, either by Interna
are In conflict with the democratic tional agreement or by the independent
;reea, as set iunii n jciiciwu
Inaugural address.
The letter tonight given out is the
result of Belmont's request that this be
done. It follows:
Lincoln, Neb., April 8, 1899. To Hon.
Perry Belmont, 865 Fifth avenue. New
York Dear Sir: Upon my return to
Lincoln I found your letter and post
script given to the press some days be
fore. I cannot find anything In my letter lo
which you can consistently object. Tou
began your speech In Madison Square
Garden on August 18. 1896. by saying
that It was time for plain speaking and
proceeded to accuse the Chicago con
vention of a "betrayal" of the demo
cratic parly.
In your Brooklyn speech, on Septem
ber 15, 189, you spoke of the Chicago
platform as "the strange doctrines born
In Chicago, of a coalition between the
unthinking element of the old party
and the solciallats, who masquerade as
popocrats."
It seems that in using the words
"betraye!" and "masquerade" I uncon
sciously fell into the syle which you
smployed In 189, but I did not reflect
upon the Intelligence of th gold stand
ard advocates by characterising them
as an "unthinking" element
My letter was much more conserva
tive in tone than the editorials and
resolutions directed against you by the
democrats of your state in 184. In
your book, volume S. psge 19, you repro
duce an edltorla' which appeared in the
Brooklyn Cltlten of October 8, 18M.
That editorial was more severe In Its
condemnation of you than the New
Tork Journal editorial, from which you
quoted In your letter, and yet instesd
of suing the Cltlten you contented
yourself with furnishing evidence to
show that you further shared your
views upon the money question.
WHERE RIGHT BELONGS.
Tou ask, first that I point out where
In your utterances are "unpatriotic, un
democratic, un-American or In conflict
with the democratic creed as set forth
In Jefferson's Inauural address."
We have no accepted standard by
ne hbvc iv hi'km -
which to determine whether a given
splnlon Is patriotic or American, but we
nave means oi aeiernniiuiR wumit.
opinion Is democratic an In accord
Wltn tne ieacnin i
I presume you use the word demo -
sratio" in a party sense, otherwise that
term would be as difficult to determine
"patriotic" or "American." The right
to determine what is democratic n a
party sense belongs to the democratic ,
party.
Th rtiic.fd convention was more
ourelv representative than any other
.. " . . K..
CUIITCIiiiwii " - -
cause the rank snd file of the party
. wit- .....II... Ihrnnvh In
SDoke on public questions through In
atructed delegates The Chiraro plat
form Is the latest authoritative deflnl
torm is iiitj micBi a v .'
Uon of democracy & applied to Mitt-
I Alette.
luiiiuii-.
minority of the 'let-sate to
If
national convention, representing ml
jorlj. of the members of the democratic
party, has a right to determine won
Is democratic, then each members of
he nartv has a right to define democ
racy for himself, and to assert that he
Is a better democrat than anyone eise
a Deiier otraunm '
Unless you Indict that each individual
can define for himseii wna. .
cratlc, you must admit that the opln -
Ions of the democrats who "PPrt
the Chicago platform ought to out-
welch the opinions of the 133.WM wno
. ,
supported the Indianapolis platform
Or. If you prefer lo cenff tne matter
in vour own state, the opn.tcr oi me
. . . -..,
KI,3S who voted for me ought to out-
weigh the opinion, of the n um no
Joined you in the support of Palmer
and Buckner
JEEFERSON S CREED.
Tnu ask that your opinion be meas
ured by the democratic creed set forth i
In Jefferson's first Inaugural message. I
As that message dealt with general
principles and not with particular
n,,.i.ures. those principles must be ap-
piled to present Ixsues before compari
sons ran be made The parent prin
ciple Is the one piaceo, nrm in
catalogue, namely: 'Kqual ana exact,
justice to all men, nf whatever state or
persuasion, religious or political."
jpflVrsi.n's political creed was con-n-no-n
into the motto: "Equal rights
to all and imeclal privileges to none."
Let me apply this principle to tnree
questions upon which you have taken
a pewit Ion In the volumes sent me.
First Standard money. Second Paper
money. Third Income tax.
Jefferson favored the double stndsrd
Jefferson lavurru mr uwwi?
. .. , 1 r.lA .l.nuril and
&Kir,iil itu' ni" er reason iur uwnnifciii
during Ms admlnlstrstlon our nation tanjard than the fact that the English
had the free snd unlimited coinage ot financiers favor It as a means for rals-
gold and silver st the legal ratio of lng tB purchasing power of their
IS to 1. The ratio wss chsnged to M mon,r.
to 1 during Jackson's administration, circumstances determine the relative
The Chicago platform pronounced importance of questions and no one Is
against the gold standard and In favor aDla t0 Hy at this time In what pro
of the return to the free and unlimited portion the various Issues will engross
colnsge of gold and silver at the ratio puBr attention,
of II to 1, without waiting' for the aid WILL BE RtumF.MU.
sr sonssnt of any other nation. I have ne doubt that the Chiesge
I As a delegate to the Chicago conven
tUB you vo,ed for mnorl,r report,
I .hut. ,
hlch declared against Independent ft
coinage on the ground that H would
I not on'y Imperil our finances, "but
would retard or entirely prevent inter
national bimetallism, to which the ef
fort of the government should be stead
ily directed."
CAN HE EXPLAIN.
As a delegate to the Indianapolis con
vention two months later, you support-
L. . .M mtnA-.rA witKnnt uridine
i ui v 1 1 r u i v, di.iiu.iu . . , -
any declaration In favor of internation
al Dimeiauism. iou ror t'J
explain why the minority rejected at
Indianapolis the plank for which It
fought st Chicago.
Certain It Is that If the gold stand-
..J I- ..ll..lu -oK.r.tnrD then M. re
action of this country. Is both unneces
sary and undesirable. The promiscuous
use of the terms "gold standard'' and
"international bimetallism" by our op
ponents indicates either a mental con
fusion on their part or a purpose to con
fuse others ss to their real designs.
That Ihe purchasing power of a dol
lar of standard money depends upon
the number of dollars Is a fundamental
proposition, and this being true it nec
essarily follows that legislation which
affects the volume of standard money
affects the value of each unit
MADE DEAR OR CHEAP.
In other words, money being a crea
tion of law. the dollar may be made
dear or cheap by legislation. Bimetal- J
lists, both Independent and Internatlon-
al. contend that legislation which gives
gold a monopoly on mint privileges has
for its object and effect the enhance
ment of the purchasing power of the
dollar, rising dollars and falling prices
are synonymous terms.
Rising dollars are profitable to those
who own money and fixed investments,
but they are Injurious to those who
own property, owe debts or create our
wealth.
Mr. McKinley, 1891, charged in a pub
lic speech that Mr. Cleveland, during
his first administration, was dishonor
ing one of the precious metals, discred
iting silver snd enhancing the price ot
gold. He Insisted that Mr. Cleveland
was trying to "make money scarce an.
therefore, dear." snd added: "Te would
hsve Increased the value of money tnd
diminished the value of everything else
Money the master, snd everything else
a servant"
If Mr. McKinley. then, understood the
resl purpose of the gold standard, as
I believe he did. who could think Jeffer
son capable of advocating a policy,
which Instead of securing equal and
exact Justice for all made "mrney the
master and everything else the ser
vant?" CARLISLE'S UTTERANCE.
Mr. Carlisle. In s srecr In lf"8 said;
"The conspiracy lo rteetroy hv legisla
tion and otherwise from three-seventhr
q one-nan qi in? mrinn .
the mor& ( the most glgsntlc crime of
lh)i or any other age."
o one-half of the metallic money cf
jj nr. Carlisle was men ngni, "
b,ueVe he was, he was denouncing the
i gold standard, w no can utruc: j;iri-
1 gon rapaCle Qf guch a crime?
Bimetallism stood for 81 years, from
1792 to 187J, without any political party
condemning It at a national conven
tion. The gold standard was adopted
n 187S without any party asking tor
it. and was retained for twenty-three
ears before any national convention
... i. to be good
.
In 1896 the democrats, populists and
gnver republicans declared for Inde-
I . ., . l.li- V. ,..nti.
nendent bimetallism, while the repub
lican oartr was pledged to Internation
al bimetallism. Thirteen and a half
gi DlmrUUiiBm. inn iwu
n,0 voters supported partiei pledff-
1 j a- V. 4n..KU ..iartrlPtM CH.tngt
! ed to the double standard as against
, 10 in? uuuuic " b
j th. KolA ,tandard, while only 133,000
upported the only ticket ever nomi
nated upon a platform declaring the
gold standard to be a blessing, and
you, as s member of that party, were
so disgusted In one campaign that you
have ever since been trying to wear
' me name aemorrBi .i.-i-,v
I ,he pom)cal principles for which the
. word itands.
; whether I deem the money
! QUflrtlon, presented In the Chicago
j . now param0unt to all
; . ...... i in.i. nnnn th
owners, inu ..... -
; . ....., of the lo of 1 to 1. I
a8um, to ,,peak for the oemo.
a.,,, tnr mvulf aa
crane ii 1 17. .j w - - - '
lndlvl(Jual and Mnr mjr opinions
mjp Qwn obBervatlon8 1 reply that
no , ltlon amonB
rt.mnrr.ts tc abandon either the prln-
Mmin.iii.m or the ratio of
1 to 1.
XI I BY ARE NOT DECEIVED.
Those who supported the Chicago
platform are not deceived by qulbbllngs
over the ratio, when such qulbbllngs
come from men like yourself, who ad
vocate, not International bimetallism,
not Independent bimetallism at some
other ratio, but the single gold stsnd
ard. After the election Mr. McKinley sent
a commission to Europe to secure In
ternational aid In getting rid of the
gold standard snd a republican con-
f appropriated money to pay the
.nfe. of the commission. The corn-
mi lnn fslled because of English op-
position, and English opposition was
due to the opposition of Enflllsh finan
ciers. Jefferson democrats must have a bet-
jenerson annwui. muv - m
. . ...klll. tha mnA
nlatform will be reaffirmed. Unless the
republicans withdraw their demand for
an Increase In the standing army that
question also will be under discussion.
The Issue raised by the threat of Imper
ialism may be settled before the cam
paign opens, or It msy occupy an Im
portant position In the campaign.
The anti-trust issue will doubtless
bold a more prominent place In 1900
than in 18, because the rapid Increase
in the number of trusts the last two
years has aroused the public to a real
ization of the viciousness of the trust
principle.
But the Industrial trust which seeks
to destroy competition. Is another man
ifestation of the monopolistic idea,
which underlies both the gold standard
and the attempt to give banks the
control of the volume of paper money.
The fight against industrial trusts,
therefore, will strengthen rather than
weaken the fight against the gold
standard.
In your speeches you take an em
phatic stand in favor of a bank cur
rency, to which Jefferson was so em
phatically opposed. One of the chief
differences between him and Hamilton
grew out of the bank question. He
said In one of his letters:
"I have ever been the enemy of the
banks, not of those discounting for cash
but of those fostering their own paper
In circulation and thus banishing our
cash. My xeal against those Institu
tions was so warm and open at the es
tablishment of the Bank of the United
States that 1 was derided as a maniac
by the tribe of bank-mongers who were
seeking to filch from the public their
swindling and barren gains. To sur
render to banks the right to issue paper
money confers upon them a valuable
privilege denied to other people. In vio
lation of the motto above referred to,
and, In addition to this, gives them
practical control over the property ot
the rest of the people."
QUESTION OF BANKS. .
You believe that the issuing of paper
money is a function of the banks and
that the government ought to get out
of the banking business. Jefferson be
lieved that the Issuing of paper money!
la oie of the functions of government
and hat the banks ought to go out
of the governing business.
Tou oppose an income tax. The In
come tax of 1894 was Intended to equal
ize the burdens of the federal govern
ment Until the recent war taxes were
levied almost all the federal revenues
were collected from Internal revenue
'axes and Import duties.
Both of these systems place the tax
upon consumption and bear most heav.
ily upon pople with the smallest In
come. They sre. In effect graded In
come taxes, with the per cent decreas-(
Ing as the Income Increases. The doc-'
trine of equal and exact Justice to all
requires that the burdens of govern-(
ment shall be proportioned to the bene
fits received. The Income tax was a
step In this direction.
I have selected those three questions
because they are Important and be
cause ycur position upon them has been
clearly defined. Tour speeches abound
In expressions of confidence In the gold
standard: your correspondence wlth
Mt. Warren sets forth your opposition
to the Income tax and a newspaper
item, quoted In your book, gives you
"redlt for drafting that portion of the
Indianapolis platform which related to
the retirement of the greenbacks and
the substitution of bank currency.
"TENDER SOLICITUDE."
Tour prophecy that "law to prevent
wage earners to salary earners from
demanding and securing payment In'
gold dollars would not be a winning
Issue" evinces a tender solicitude of
the laboring man. I might suggest that
bimetallism alarms you more than it
does the wage earners.
It vii not the employes who were
fighting at the specter of free silver
in 18M; neither did the laboring man
share your desire to add to the privi
leges of the banks. On December 20,
1897, a year after the election, the Fed
eration of Labor adopted the following
resolution:
"Resolved, That we declare ourselves
most positively opopsed to the Osge
financial bill, recently Introduced In
congress by the secretary of the treas
ury. It ts a measure that, If adopted
ss a law, will only the more firmly rivet
the gold standard on the people of the
country and perpetuate Its disastrous
effects in every form.
"Resolved, That we pronounce the
Gage bill an undisguised effort to re
tire our greenback currency and all
government paper money, whh a view
to the substitution of national bank
notes In their stead, and thus passing
the national bank system for years
upon the American people."
I am not willing to believe that you
are more Interested In the laboring men
than they are In themselves, or that you
know better than they what Is good for
them. Tours truly, W. J. BRTAN.
LIKE QUAIL
The Kansas City Journal Is an un
wavering supporter of the McKinley
administration and therefore an advo
cate ot imperialism. In Its Issue of
Tuesday, April 11, the Journal, with
apparent glee, prints the following:
"Company I had taken a few pris
oners and stopped," writes Charles
Brenner of Minneapolis In his account
of the charge at Caloocan. "The colo
nel ordered them up Into line time after
time, and finally sent Captain Bishop
back to start them. There occurred
the hardest sight I ever saw. They had
four prisoners and didn't know what
to do with them. They asked Captain
; Bishop what to do, and he said, 'Tou
know the orders,' and four natives fell
dead. Then Ihe line moved on through
the city. thre-quarters of a mile la
, advance. It was fine shooting, as M
was open ground, and ws picked thata
off like quell."
It ts unnecessary ts make commast an
this. Tstuntes sould net to