The American. (Omaha, Nebraska) 1891-1899, April 15, 1898, Image 5
THE AMERICAN. MSI IB B Such is the Tenor cf the Message on Cuban Affairs Sent to the Two Houccs of Congress on Monday. CANNOT irKtfMSXIZE ISLAM'S IXDI-PKXDEXCE Ixecuthe Opjcses RecDjnitian of Ceirtry 2s Inxlhatail favors the Orantin) of Aathoritj to I'se Sach Forces of llz t'nltcd St3tes. as are Necessary to End Hostilities ar.J Establish a Stable Government. WASHINGTON. April 12 The pres ident sent the following messaga to the congress of the Unhed State: Obedient to the precept cf the con stitution which commands the presi dent to give congress from time to time Information of the state of the union, and to recommend to their con sideration such measure as he shall , Judge necessary and expedient, it be comes my duty now to address your body with regard to the, grave crisis that has arisen In the relations of the United States to Spain, by reason of the warfare that for more than three years has raged in the neighbor ing Island of Cuba. I do so because cf the Intimate connection cf the Cu ban question with the state of our own union, and the grave relation the eourse which is now incumbent upon the nation to adopt must needs bear to the traditional policy of ouj gov ernment. If It is to accord with the precept laid down by the founders of the republic and religiously observed by succeeding administrations to the present day. The present revolution is but the successor of other similar insurrections which have occurred in Cuba against the dominion of Spain, extending over a - period of nearly half a century, each of which, during its progress, has subjected the United States to great effort and expense in enforcing its neutrality laws, caused enormous losses to the Americau trade and commerce, caused irritation, snnpyance and disturbance among our citizens, and, by the exerrlee of cruel ana Darharous and uncivilised prac tices or warrare, shocked the sensi bilities and offended the humane sym pathies of our people. Since the present revolution began ' in February. I89.ri thu seen the fertile domain at our inresnoia ravaged by fire and sword In the course Of a striiPE'la iinsniialoa In the history of the island and rarely parsiieiea as to me number of the combatants and bitterness of the con test bv SJl V revolution nf mrulara times where a dependent people, striv ing ;o oe tree, nave been opposed by the power of the sovereign-state. Our people have beheld a once prosper ous community reduced to compara tive want, its commerce virtually par alyzed. Its exceptional productiveness diminished, its fields laid waste, Its mills in ruins and its people perish ing by tens of thousands from hun ter and starvation. We have found ourselves constrained in the observ ance of that strict neutrality which our laws and which the law of ra tions enjoins, to police our own wat ers, and watch our own seaports in prevention of any unlawful act in aid of the Cubans. Our trade has suffer ed so the capital Invested by our citl sens In Cuba has been largely lost and the forbearance of our people has been so sorely tried as to beget a per ilous unrest among our own citizens, which has Inevitably found its expres sion from time to time in the na tional legislature so that issues whol ly external to our own body politic engross attention and stand in the way of that close devotion to domes tic advancement that becomes a self eontented commonwealth whose pri mal maxim has been me avoidance of all foreign entanglements. All this must needs awaken and has indeed aroused the utmost concern on the part of this government, as well dur ing my predecessor's as my own In April, 1896. the evils from which our country suffered through the Cu ban war became so onerous that my predecessor made an effort to bring about a peace throush the mediation of this governbent in any way that might tend to an honorable adjust ment of the contest between Spain and Its coveted colony, on the basis of some effective scheme of self-government for Cuba under the flag and sovereignty of Spain. It failed, through the refusal of the Spanish government then in power to consider any form of mediation or Indeed any plan of settlement which did not begin with the actual submission of the insur gents to the mother country, and then only on such terms as Spain Itself might see fit to grant. The war con tinued unabated. The resistance of the Insurgents was in bo wise dimin ished. (The effort nf Knaln wr Iiki.h bath by the dispatch of fresh levies to Cuba and by the addition to the horrors of the strife of a new and In human phase happily unprecedented in the modern history of civilized, Christian peoples. The policy of de vastation and concentration, Inaugu rated by General Weyler on October 10, 1896, In the province of Pinar del rlo, was thence extended to embrace all of the Island to which the power of the1 Spanish arms was able to reach by occupation or by military opera tions. The peasantry, including all dwelling in the open agricultural in terior, were driven into the garrison towns or isolated places held by the troops. The raising and movement of provisions of all kinds were inter dicted. The fields were laid wasK dwellings unroofed and fired, mills de stroyed and, in short, everything that could desolate the land and render it unfit for human habitation or support was commanded to be destroyed, by one or the other of the contending parties, and executed by all the powers at their disposal. By the time the present administra tion took office, a year ago. reconcen trstton so-called bad been made ef fective" over the bitter tart of the four I ii III central and western provinces, Santa Clara, Matanzas. Havana and Pinar del Rlo. The agricultural population, to the estimated number of 300,000 or more, was herded within the towns and their immediate vicinage, deprived of the means of support, rendered des titute of shelter, left poorly clad anil exposed to the most unsanitary condi tions. As the scarcity of food Increased with the devastation of the depopu lated areas of production, destitution and want became misery and starva tion. Month by month the death rat Increased in an alarming ratio. By March. 1897, according to conservative estimates from official Spanish sources, the mortality among the reconrentra do from starvation and the diseases thereto Incident exceeded 50 per centum of their total number. No practical relief was accorded to the destitute. The overburdened towns, already suffering from the general dearth, could rive no aid. So-ealleJ zones of cultivation established within the immediate area of effective mili tary control about the cities and fortl fiecf camps proved Illusory as a remedy for the suffering. The unfortunates, being for the most part women and children, with aged and helpless men, enfeebled by disease and hunger, co"ld not have tilled the soil without toolt, seed or shelter for their own support, or for the supply of the cities. It-, concentration, adopted avowedly as a war measure, in order to cut oft the resources of the Insurgents, works Its predestined results. As I said 'la my message of last December, It 'was not civilized warfare; It was extermi nation. The only peace It could beget was. that of the wilderness and th& grave. Meanwhile the miuiary situation In the Island had undergone a noticeable change. The extraordinary actlvltv that characterized the second year of the war when the Insurgents invaded even the hitherto unharmed fields of Plnar del Rlo and carried havoc anl destitution up to the walls of the city of Havana Itself, had relapsed Into a dogged struggle in the central and eastern provinces. The Spanish arms regained a measure of control in Plnai del Rlo and parts of Havana, but, under the existing conditions of tli'j rural country, without immediate im provement of their productive situ atlon. Even thus partially re stricted, the revolutionists had their own territory and their submission put forward by Spain as the essential and sole basis of peace, seemed as far distant as at the outset At this state of affairs my adminis tration found itself confronted with the grave problem of its duty. My message of last December reviewed the situation and detailed the steps taken with a view of relieving its acuteness and opening the way to some form of honorable settlement. The assassination of the prime min ister, Canovas. led to a change of gov ernment In" Spain. The former ad ministration, pledged to subjugation without concession, gave place to that of a more liberal party, committed long In advance to a policy of reform, Involving the wider principle of home rule for Cuba and Porto Rico. The overtures of this government, made through Its new envoy. General Wood ford, and looking to an immediate and effective amelioration of the con dition of the island, although not ac cepted to the extent of admitted me diation in any shape, were met by assurances that home rule In an ad vanced phase would be forthwith of fered to Cuba without awaiting for the war to end, and that more hu mane methods should henceforth pre vail In the conduct of hostilities. In cidentally with these declarations the new government of Spain continued and completed the policy already be gan by its predecessor of testifying friendly regard for this nation by re leasing American citizens held under one charge or another connected with the Insurrection, so that, by the end of November, not a single person en titled in any way to our national pro tection remained in a Spanish prison. Wfllle these negotiations were In progress the increasing destitution of the unfortunate reeoncentradoes and the alarming mortality among them claimed earnest attention. The suc cess which had attended the limited measure of relief extended to the suf fering American citizens among them by the judicious expenditure of the money appropriated expressly for their succor by the joint resolution ap proved May 24, 1897, prompted the humane extension of a similar scheme of aid to the great body of sufferers. A suggestion to this end was acqui esced in by the Spanish authorities. On the 24th of December last I caused to be issued an appeal to the American people inviting contributions In money or in kind for the succor of the starving sufferers In Cuba, following this on the 8th of January by a similar pub lic announcement of the formation of a central Cuban relief committee, with headquarters in New York city, com posed of three members representing the American National Red Cross and the religious and business elements of the community. The efforts of that committee have been untiring and ac complished much. Arrangements for free transportation to Cuba have greatly aided the charitable work. The president of the American Red Cross and the representatives of other con trlbntery organisatioas have generous ly visited Cutis and co-operated with the consul gem-rat and the local au thorities to make effective distiibuMon of the relief collected through efforts of the central commute. Nearly $M0, 000 In money and supplies has already reached the sufferers and more Is forthcoming. The supplies are ad mitted duty free and transportation to the Interior has been arranged, o that the relief, at first necessarily confined to iavana and the larger cit ies. Is now extended through moat. If not all. of the towns where suffering exists. Thousands of lives have al ready been saved. The necenslty ftir a change in the condition of th recon tradoes is recognized by the Spanish government. Within a few days past orders of General Weyler have been revoked, the recoucentradoes sre, it is said, to be permitted to return to their homes and aided to resume the self-supporting pursuits of pesce; pub lic works have been ordered to give them employment and a sunvof $600, 000 has been aproprlated for their relief. The war In Cuba Is of cuch a nature that short of subjugation or exterml ntlon victory for either side seems Impracticable. .The alternative lies in the physical exhaustion of the one or the other party, or perhaps of both a condition which in effect ended the ten years' war by the truce of Zanjon. The prospect of such a pro traction and conclusion of the pres ent strife Is a contingency hardly to be contemplated with equanimity by the civilized world, and least of all by the United States, affected and in jured as we are, deeply and intimately by Its very existence. Realizing this, it appears to be my duty, In a spirit of true friendliness, not less to Spain than to the Cubans who have so much to lose by the prolongation of the struggle, to seek to bring about an Immediate termina tion of the war. To this end I sub mitted on the 27th ultimo, as a re sult of much representation and cor respondence, through the United States minister at Madrid, propositions to the Spanish government looking to an armistice until October 1, for the negotiations of peace with the good offices of the president. In addi tion I asked the immediate revocation of the order of reconcentratlon, so as to permit the people to return to their farms and the needy; to be relieved with provisions and supplies from the United States, co-operating with the Spanish authorities so as to afford full relief. The reply of the Spanish cabinet was received on the night of the 31st ultimo. It offers, as the means to bring about peace in Cuba, to confide the preparation thereof to the Insular department, Inasmuch as the concur rence of that body would be necessary to reach a final result. It being, how ever, understood that the powers re served by the constitution of the cen tral government are not lessened or diminished. As the Cuban parliament does not meet until the 4th of May next, the Spanish government would not object, for Its part, to accept at once a suspension of hostilities, It asked for by the Insurgents from the general-in-chief, to whom it would pertain, In such case, to determine the duration and conditions of the ar mistice. The proposition submitted by Gen eral Woodford and the reply of the Spanish government were both in the form of brief memoranda, the texts of which are before me, and are sub stantially in the language above giv en. The function of the Cuban par liament in the matter of "preparing" peace and the manner of its doing so are not expressed in the Spanish mem orandum; but from General Wood ford's explanatory reports of prelim inary discussions preceding the final conference it is understood that the Spanish government stands ready to give the Insular congress full pow- ers to settle terms of peace with the insurgents whether by direct negotla- ' tion or indirectly by means of legls- I latlon does not appear. i With this last overture In the direc tion of immediate peace and its dis- appointing reception by Spain, the executive was brought to the end of his effort. In my annual message of December last I said: "Of the untried meas ures there remain: Recognition of the Insurgents as belligerents; recog nition of the independence of Cuba; neutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the contestants and Inter vention in favor of one or the other party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that cannot be thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be criminal aggression. Thereupon, I reviewed these alternatives, in the light of President Grant'r measured words, uttered in 1875, when, after seven years of sanguinary, destructive and cruel barbarities In Cuba he reached the conclusion that recogni tion of the independence of Cuba was impracticable and indefensible, and that the recognition of belligerence was not warranted by the facts, ac cording to the tests of public law. I commened especially upon the latter aspect of the question, olnting out the inconveniences and positive dan gers -of a recognition, which, while adding to the already onerous burdens of neutrality within our own jurisdic tion, could not in any way extend our influence or effective offices in the ter ritory of hostilities. Nothing has since occurred to "change my view in this regard, and I recognize as fully now as then that the issuance of a procla mation of neutrality, by which pro cess the so-called recognition of bel ligerence is published, could not of its elf, and unattended by other action accomplish nothing toward the one end for which "we labor, the instant pacification of Cuba and the cessation of hostilities. Turning to the question of Interven tion at this time, the Independence of the present insurgent government In Cuba, we find safe precedents in our history from an early day. They are well summed up in President Jackson's message to congress, Decem ber 21, 1826, on the subject of the recognition of the Independence of Texas. He said: "In all the contentions that have arisen out of the revolutions of France out of the disputes relating to the crews of Portugal and Spain, out of the sepsratlon of the American pos sessions of both from the European foveraaunt, and oat of the numerous and constantly occurring struggles for domination In Spanish America, so wisely consistent with our principle Has been the action or our government that we have under the most critical circumstances avoided all censure and encountered no other evil thar. that produced by a transient re estrange ment of go,d will In thos against whom we hsve been bv force of evi dence compelled to decide." It has thus been made known to the world that the uniform pull, y anl practice of the United Sinus is to avoid all Interference In dinputej of other nations, and eventually to recog nize the authority of the prevailing party wfihout reference to the merits of the original controversy. Hut on this, as on every other occasion, safety 's to he found In a rigid adherence to principle. "In the contest between .fpaln and the revolted colonies we stood aloof and waited not only until the ability of the new states to protect themselves was fullv established, but until the danger of their being sgaln suhjugaUd had entirely passed away. Then, and not until then, were they recognized. Such was our course In regard to Mexico Itself. "It Is tiue that with regard to Texas the civil authority of Mexico has been expelled. Its invading army defeated, the chief of the republic himself csp ttired, snd all present power to control the newly organized government of today annihilated within its confines, but on the other hand there is in sp pearance, ' at least, an Immense dis parity of physical force on the aide cf Texas. The Mexican republic, under another executive. Is rallying its forces under a new leader and menacing a fresh Invasion to recover its lost do main. "Upon the issue of this threatened invasion the Independence of Texss may be considered as suspended, snd were there nothing peculiar In the sit uation of the United States and Texas, our acknowledgement of Its lndepen dence at such a crisis should scarcely be regarded as consistent with that prudent reserve with which we have hitherto held ourselves bound to treat all similar questions." Thereupon Andrew Jackson pro ceeded to consider the risk that there might be Imputed to the United States' motives of selfish Interests In view of the former claim on our part to the territory of Texas and of tne avowed purpose of the Texans In' seeking re cognition of Independence as an Inci dent to tbo incorporation of Texss n the union, concluding thus: "Prudence, therefore, seems to indi cate that we should still stand aloof and maintain our present attitude, If not until Mexico Itself, or one of the great foreign powers shall recognize the Independence of the new govern ment, at least unm the lapse of time or the course of events shall have proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability of the people of mat country to maintain their separate sovereignty and to uphold the government consti tuted by them. Neither of the con tending parties can justly complain of this course. By pursuing it we are but carrying out the long established pol icy of our government, a policy which has secured to us respect and influence abroad and inspired confidence at home." These are the words of the resolute and patriotic Jackson. They are evidence that the United. States, in addition to the test Imposed by public law as to the condition of the recog nition of Independence by a neutral state (to-wlt, that the revolted state shall-'Constitute in fact a body politic having a government In substance as well as name, possessed of the ele ments of stability and forming de facto. If left to itself, a state smong the nations reasonable capable of dis charging the duties of state): has im posed for its own goverance In dealing with cases like these the further con dition that recognition of independent statehood Is not due to a revolted de pendency until the danger of its belnt; again subjugated by the parent state has entirely passed away. This ex treme test was In fact applied In the case of Texas. The congress to whom President Jackson referred the ques tion as "one probably leading to war" and therefore a proper subject for a "previous understanding with that body, by whom war alone can be de clared, and by whom all the provisions for sustaining Its perils must be fur nished," left the matter of the recog nition of Texas to the executive pro viding merely for sending a diplomatic agent, when the president should bs satisfied that the republic of Texas had become "an independent slate." It was so recognized by President Van Buren, who commissioned a charge d' affaires March 17, 1837, after Mexico had abandoned an attempt to reconquer the Texan territory and then there was at the time no bona fide contest going on between the in surgent province and its former sov ereign. I said In my message of December last: "It Is to be seriously considered whether the Cuban insurrection pos sesses beyond dispute the attributes of statehood, which alone can demand the recognition of belligerency In its favor." The same requirement must cer tnlnly be no less seriously considered when the graver Issue of recognizing Independence Is In question, for no less positive test can be applied to the greater act than to the lesser, while on the other band the Influences and consequences of the struggle upon the Internal policy of a recognizing state, whieh form important factors when the recognition of belligerency is con cerned, are secondary If not rightly illiminable factors when the real ques tion Is whether the community claim ing recognition Is or is not Independ ent beyond peradventure. Nor from the standpoint of expedi ence do I think it would be wise or prudent for this government to recog nize at the present time the indepen dence of the so-called Cuban republic. Such recognition is not necessary In order to enable the United States to intervene and pacify the Island. To commit this country to the recognition of any particular government in Cuba might subject us to embarrassing con ditions of International obligation to ward the organization so recognized. In case of intervention- our conduct would be subjected to the approval or disapproval of such government and we would be required to submit to Its direction snd assume to it the mere relation of a friendly ally. When it shall appear hereafter that there is within the Island a government cap able of performing the duties snd dis charging the functions of a separate nation, snd having as a matter of fset the proper forms and attributes of nationality, sue government can be promptly and readily recognized, and the relations and Interests of the United Slates with siicti nation ad justed. There remain the alternative forms of Intervention to end the war, either as an Impartial neutral, by I in posing a rational compromise between the contestants or ss an active ally of the one party or the other. As to the first. It Is not to be forgot ten that during the last few month the relation of the United States has virtually been one of friendly Inter vention .n many ways, not so cone I u aive, but all tending to tne exertion nf a potential Influence toward an ultl mate panne result. Just and honorable to all interests concerned. The spirit of aii our acts hitherto has been an earnrst, unseifisn desire for peace and prosperity In Culm, untarnished by differences between us an . ...taln, and unstained by the blood of American citizens. The forcible Intervent!. n of the United states as a nei:tral to stop the war. according to the dictates of hu manity and following many historical precedents where neighboring states have Interfered to check the hopeless sacrifice of life by Internecine conflicts beyond their border. Is Justifiable on national groups. It involves, however, hostile constraint upon both the parties to the contest, as well to enforce a truce as to guide the event- tusl settlement. The grounds for such Intervention may be briefly summarized as follows: 1. In the cause of humanity and to nut an end to the barbarities, blood shed, starvation and horrible miseries now existing there, snd which the nsrtles to the conflict are either un able or unwilling to stop or mitigate, It Is no answer to say this Is all in another country, belonging to another nation and Is therefore none of our business. It Is specially our duty for It Is right at our door. 2. We owe It to our citizens In Cuba to afford them that protection and In demnity for life and property which no government there can or will afford and to that end to terminate tne eon dltlons which deprive them of legal nrotectlon. 3. The right to Intervene may be Justified by the very serious Injury to the commerce, trade and business of our people and by the wanton destruc tion of properly and devastation oi the Island. 4. And which Is of the utmost 1m portance. The present condition of affairs in Cuba la a constant menace to our neace, and entails upon this gov ernment an enormous expense. With such a conflict waged for years In an island so near us and with wnlch our people have such trade and business relat ons when tne lives sna noerty of our citizens are In constant danger and their property destroyed ana themselves ruined where our trading vessels are liable to relzure and are seized at our very door by war ships of a foreign nai.on. the expeditions of filibustering that w are powerless to prevent altogether and the irritating questions and entanglements thus aris- iner all these and otners tuai i neea not mention with the resulting strained relations are a constant men ace to our peace and ronin-' us to keep an a semi-war footing witn a nation with which we are at peace. . These elements of danger and dis order already pointed out have been strikingly Illustrated by a tragic event which has deeply and Justly moved tho American people. I have already trans mitted to congress the report of the naval court of Inquiry on the destruc tion of the battleship Maine in the harbor of Havana during the night of the lGth of February. 1 he destruc tlon of that noble vessel has filled the national heart with Inexpressible sor row. 'iwo hundred and fifty-eight brave sailors and marines and two officers of our navy, reposing In the fancied set irlty of a friendly harbor, have been hurled to death grief and want brought to their homes and sor row to the nation. The naval court of Inquiry, which It Is needless to say, commands the unqualified confidence of the govern ment, was unanimous in us conclusion that the destruction of the Maine was caused by an exterior explosion, that of a submarine mine. It did not as sume to place the responsibility. That remains to be fixed. In any event, the destruction of the Maine, by whatever exterior force. 15 a patent and Impressive proof of a state of things In Cuba that is intol erable. That condition Is thus shown to be such that the Spanish govern ment cannot assure safety and security to a vessel of the American navy In the harbor of Havana on a mission cf peace and rightfully there. Further referring in this connection to recent diplomatic correspondence, a dispatch from our minister to Spain of the 2fith ult contained the state ment that the Spanish minister for foreign affairs assured him positively that Spain will do all that the highest honor and Justice lequlres In the mat ter of the Maine. The reply above referred to of the 31st ult. also con tained an expression of the readiness of Spain to submit to an arbitration all the differences which can arise In this ma.ier, which is subsequently ex plained by the note of the Spanish minister at Washington of the 10th l ist, ss follows: "As to the question of fact which springs from the diversity of views from the report of the American and Spanish boards Spain proposes that the faci be ascertained by an impartial Investigation by experts, which de cision Spain accepts In advance." To this I have made no reply. The long trial has proved that the object for which Spain has waged the war cannot be attained, lae fire of insurrection may flame or may smoul der with varying seasons, but It has not been, and it Is not plain that it can be, extinguished by present methods. The only hope of relief and repose from a condition which cannot longer be endured Is the enforced pacification of Cuba. In the name cf humanity. In the name of civilization, In behalf of the endangered American Interests, which gives us the right and duty to speak and to act, the war In Cuba mast atop President Grant. In 1875. after dis cussing the phases of the contest as it then apeared snd Its hopelessness and apparent Indefinite prolongation, said: "In snch event I am of the opinion that other nations will be compelled to sssnme the responsibility which de volves npon them snd to seriously consider the only remaining measures possible, mediation and intervention. Owing, perhaps, to the large expanse of water sewtratlng the Island from the yenlest!. the contending parties appear to have within themselves a depository of common confidence ts suggest wisdom when passion and aa cltement hsve their swsy, and to a sume the part of peacemakers. In this rase. In the earlier days of the contest, the good oflires of the United States M a mediator were tendered In good fait, with ui any selfish purpose. In th Interest of humanity and In slncer friendship for both partlfs. but wer st the time declined by Spain with th declaration nevertheless thst st a fu ture time they would be Indispensable No Intimation has been received that In Its opinion that time has bee reached, and yet the strife continue with all Its dread horrors and injuries) to t ie Interests of the United State and of other nations. Kach party seems quite capable of working great Injury and damage to the other a well as to all the relations and Inter ests dependent upon the existence t peace In the Island, but they seem In capable of reaching any adjustment, and both have thus far failed at achieving any success whereby one. rsrty shall possess and control la Island to the exclusion of the other. Under Ihe circumstances the ageney of others, either by mediation or by Intervention, seems to be the only al ternative which must sooner or laUs be Invoked for the termination of th strife." In view of these farts snd these eosv slderatlons. I ask the congress to a thorlse and empower the president to tske measures to secure a full settle ment and termination of hostilities) between the government of 8paln anel the people of Cuba, and to secure t. the Island the establishment of a stand government capable of m''ntalnlnsf order and observing Its International obligations, ensuring peace and tran quility and the security of Its citizens as well as our own, snd to use th military and naval forces of th United States as may be necessary for these purposes, and In the Interest humanity and to aid In preserving th lives of the starving people of th Island, I recommend that the distrib ution of food and supplies be contin ued and that an appropriation be mad out of the public treasury to supple ment the charltv of our citizens. Th Issue Is now with the congress. It la a solemn responsibility. I have ex hausted every effort to relieve the In tolerable condition of affairs which ta at our doors. Prenard to execut every obligation Imposed upon me by the constitution ana tne laws, 1 swam your action. In the last annual message of my immediate predecessor, during th pending struggle, It was said: "When the Inability of Spain t deal successfully with the Insurrec tion has become manifest and it Is de monstrated that Its sovereignty is ex tinct In Cuba for all purposes of It rightful existence, and when a hone less struggle for Its re-establlsbment has degenerated Into a strife wbleh means nothing more than the use less sacrifice of human life and th utter destruction of the very subject matter of the conflict, a situation will be presented in which our obllgatlona to the sovereignty of Spain will b superseded by higher obllgatlona. which we can hardly hesitate to reo agnlze and discharge. In my annual message to congress. December last, speaking of this ques tion, I said: "The near future will demonstrate whether the indispensable conditio of a righteous peace, just alike to the Cubans and to Spain,-as well aa equitable to all our Interests so inti mately Involved In the welfare of Cu ba, Is likely to be attained. If not, the exigency of further snd othr no tion by the United States will re main to be taken. When the time comes that action will be determine in the line of Indisputable right aa duty. It will be faced without mis giving or hesitancy in the light of th obligation this government owes t Itself, to the people who have confide to It the protection of their Interest and honor, and to humanity. "Sure of the right, keeping free frona all offense ourselves, actuated on'y by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by passion nor se'flsh ness, the government will continue Its watchful care over the rights ens) property of American citizens and will abate none of Its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which ' shall be honorable and enduring. It It shall hereafter appear to be a duty Imposed by our obligations to our selves, to civilization and humanity to Intervene with force. It shall be with out fault on our part and orly b'era.ise the necessity for such action will b so clear as to command the support and approval of the civilized world." Yesterday and since the prapnratloa of the foregoing message, offlrial In formation was received by me that the latest decree of the queen regent of Spain directs General Blanco, I order to prepare and facilitate peace, to proclaim a suspension of hostilities. the duration and details of which have not yet been communicated t me. This fact, with every other perti nent consideration, will, I am sure, have your Just and careful attention in the solemn deliberations upon, which you are about to enter. If thla measure attains a successful result. then our aspirations as a Chritlan, peace loving people will be realized. If it falls It will be only another jus tification for our contemplated action. WILLIAM MK1NI.EY. Executive Mansion. April 11. iHn't tuluH-roSpit init nmukt n.ur I il To quit tobacco easily ani forever. I ma. netic. lull of life, nerve and vienr, take No-Tv Bsc, the wonder worker, that makes weuk ne e strong. All druccifits, SOc or i. 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