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About The American. (Omaha, Nebraska) 1891-1899 | View Entire Issue (Jan. 14, 1898)
T M E AMERI O A N . without an aristocracy." Later h eaid that "If the western people get the power Into their hands they will ruin the Atlantic interests." That reads like an editorial from a modern Re publican speech or an editorial from ' the New York Sun. j Mr. Wilson again threw his weight against the assembled aristocrats, but in vain. He said: "The majority of the people, wherever found, ought in all questions to govern the minority. It the interior country should acquire this majority, it will not only have the right, but it will avail itself of it, whether we will or no." j Peace to your ashes, James Wilson, Democrat from Pennsylvania. You were a true prophet, and your proph ecy, though not yet come true, will soon be verified, unless all the signs in the heavens are misleading. Your associates in 17S7 bound the west and the new south as wage and bond slaves to the east, and her money lords yet wax fat at the expense of the yoiman- ry of the Mississippi valley an-l t'ic land beyond the Rockies. Hut -.he day la at hand when the witherel parch ment, drawn by hands long de-id. ahull no longer deny to the producer the fruits of his toil or bind a majority to the brutish will of a wealtu forti fied minority. James Wilson "could not agree that porperty was the sole or primary ob- j ject of government and society. The cultivation and Improvement of the human mind was the most noble ob ject" This man Wilson must have been an awful socialist. Mr. Ellsworth said that he observed "that a new set of ideas seemed to have crept in since the articles of con federation were established. Conven tions of the people, or with power de rived from the people, were not then thought of." Thiis remark clearly shows how little headway democracy had made up to this time, and how much the constitutional convention was swayed by regard for popular rights. Madison made a good prediction when he said "in future time a great majority of the people will not only be without landed, but any other sort or property." He should be here today and see how dismally his forecast has come true. He feared that these pen niless people would combine political ly, In which case the rights of proper ty would be threatened. Mr. Gary ut tered an aphorism which Mr. McKin ley should have frani jl. He said, "Confidence Is the road to tyranny." The McKinley brand of confidence seems to be "the road to bankruptcy," as well. Mr. Randolph refused to sign the constitution. He said it was a bold stroke for a monarchy or an aristoc racy. He would not support a plan which would surely end in tyranny. Mr. Mason said, "It would end in a monarchy or a tyrannical aristocracy, which, he was in doubt, but one or the other he was sure." Most of the dele gates signed the constitution, a mo tion to destroy the journals of the session was defeated and the conven tion adjourned. I have paid no at tention to the triumph of the slave owning delegates over those from the northern states, but it was signal and complete. I have quoted but a few of the thousand and more denunciations of democracy made by the delegates during the convention. One reason for their bitterness toward the people may be found in the fact that the masses weer In favor of paper money, while the delegates, with one or two excep tions, were as bitterly opposed to it. There is not the sligutest doubt that the constitution would have failed of adoption had the debates of the con vention been made public, and the friends of the constitution used good judgment in suppressing the journal for two generations. These quotations are not used for the purpose of casting any reflection on tne men who framed the constitu tion, but for the purpose of throwing a clear light on the ideals and motives which actuated them. They lived be fore the spirit of modern democracy was born. They had no sympathy with CPOftU Makes life misery to thousands of people. It manifests itself in many different ways, like goitre, swellings, running sores, boils, salt rlicum ami pimples and other eruptions. Scarce ly a man is wholly free from it, in eome form. It clings tenaciously until the last vct-tige of scrofulous poison is eradicated by Hood's Sarsaparilla, the Ono True Blood Purifier.y Thousands of voluntary testimonials tell of suffering from scrofula, often inherited and most tenacious, positive ly, perfectly and permanently cured by Sarsaparilla Treparf d only by C. I. Hood Si Co.. Lowell. Mft. Be sur to pt Hood's and only Hood's . . r-w are th( best nltfr rtmnw IlOOd S FllIS plll, aid diceitlOQ. 250. real aelf government, and aimed to create a eonaittutlon which would ap- pease the growing love of th people for power and at the aame time with- hold it from them. j You can best estimate the rharactei of the constitutional convention of K87 by examining the roster of the great men who were absent. Thorn w Jcfferson was not a degate. He later became the leader of those who op- posed the undemocratic features of the constitution. Samuel Adams, the falh- er of American democracy, and who Inspired and led the movement whii'h resulted in revolution and indenend- ence, was not a delegate. He blt'etly opposed the adoption of the con-U'tti-' tlon and predicted the evils which we today experience. Patrick Henry was not a delegate. He warned the pj ple against adopting the constitution an I refused to serve as a member of Vas:i- ington's cabinet. Thomas Paine -a as not a delegate. The man whor.e pen did more for American freedom that did Washington's sword, and who in spired the Declaration of Independence was not deemed fit to sit among the drafters of our first charter. Jefferson, Adams, Henry, Paine! The lice and present them with a copy of four great men of that day, whose the constitution of the United States hearts beat responsive to the hopes j and instruct them to govern thein and ambitions of the people, took no : selves accordingly or go to jail, part in founding the constitution of I All the liberties of America have their country. Their places were filled by bankers and slave-holders. Democracy is a growth. It is strong er today than ever before In the his tory of the world. In spite of the re strictions of the constitution the peo ple has at times asserted themselves. They have tasted power and they like it. They have established the fact that power can be safely entrusted in their hands. The shortcomings of the gov ernment cannot be charged up to ..ae people, and the grandest triumphs in history have been made when the masses have arisen superior to the constitution; as witness the suppres sion of slavery which was legalized and recognized by that document. It is time that the majority restrict ing and anti-democratic clauses of the constitution were repealed by due pro cess of law, as provided In that in strument. We are no longer an ignor ant people. A time has come when we are not a confederation of bicker ing colonies, but a great homogeneous nation. The busy feet of six genera tions have dimmed and well nigh ef faced tue sacred state lines. The United States senate, modeled as it was on the English House of Lords, has survived the day when its aris tocratic prototype has been stripped of power by the democrats of a mon archy. It is grim irony that a day has come when England Is a monarchy only in name, while the United States is a republic only in name. It is with dismay that the careful student of modern government notes the fact that of all the civilized countries tne United States least conserves the de mands of the majority of its people. Until some one coins a word to ex press "government by the minority," there will be no way to designate our form of national government. Nowhere does the majority rule. The so-called popular branch is elected by the peo ple, but not necessarily by a majority of the voters of a given district. A few men belonging to a party select a candidate, hold primaries with in structed judges and place their man in nominations Other partiesdo the same. The voters take their choice on elec tion day. The candidate who receives the most votes not necessarily a majority is declared elected. In Eng land, France, Germany, Austria and other countries, if no candidate ob tains an actual majority, second elec tions are held. In a republic we should at least concede as many rights to the majority as they do in monarchies. The senate is selected by the state legislatures. The people are not con sulted. The people are not permitted to vote for president. They vote for electors and the ballots are cast by states. Few presidents have received a majority of the votes of the people. John Adams was elected president aft er nearly 70 per cent of the people had voted against him. Samuel Tilden re ceived an actual majority of the votes of the people and was defeated by a crime which darkens out national his tory. The supreme court is appointed by the president. WThere or how are the rights of the majority considered? Their representatives cannot pass a popular measure if the senate objects. Both houses cannot jointly pass a measure if the president interposes a veto without resource to a two-thirds vote. The Senate makes rules by which an insignificant minority of its mem bers can block all legislation In both houses. The speaker of the house has assumed autocratic powers. Above and beyond ell stands the supreme court, with its usurped power to declare null and void any measure which has suc cesfully run the gauntlet of party cau- cus, convention, lower and upper hnnue nf I'.nncrefta thu nrpstHpnt nnrt his veto, and finally reaches their au gust hands. They have no such riguw Every time the supreme court of the United States declares unconstitution al a law passed by congress and signed by the president it has com mitted an act which In itself is un constitutional. There is not a word cor a line the ronatitution giving lhm auy uch power. Read It and In the constitutional convention Hamll- ton proponed uh a thing, but It was voted down, the delegate fearing that the people would not ratify a docu- meut which contained this Inaur- immutable check against popular rule, The modern supreme court Is a trl- bunal which has usurped an authority higher than that ever wielded by a king. The ancient despot did not knowingly go counter to the will of the people. He did not dare to. He at- tempted to follow the wish of the peo- pie as he understood iu If he made a mistake a revolution followed, and the king was deposed and sometimes be- headed by the victorious majority. Hut the supreme court, specifically denied any power over legislation by the founders of the constitution, has dared usurp soverigu Jurisdiction over all laws, and had the effrontery to hurl back iuto the faces of the people a law which they have passed after years of labor, iigUulinu and educa tion. Some of these days the people . will elect a president who will call I the supreme court into his private of- been won on fields of battle; all the liberties lost have been stolen In halls of legislation or before judicial tri bunals. The fruits of Hunker Hill were more than lost In the constitutional convention. While the tnuuder of Grant's cannon sounded the death of slavery and secession, legislative thieves in Washington were forging new fetters and designing new forms or serfdom. Representative government is a fail ure. It is wrong in theory and vicious in practice. The day has come when no intelligent and honest man can make a valid defense of representa tive government. The statement that thiseountry has succeeded bet ause of it is childish. We have succeeded iu spue ol a government, which has been currupi almost beyond Hie power of language to express, a public oiuclai is an object ut public suspicion. .e nave reason to iook upon our repre sentatives, be they aldermen, congress men or senators, as uucouvicieii cnui liiuis, aim the more we know about them ttie less we respect tuem. Of course, mere are exceptions, but it is a sad and awlui fact that the trail of corruption extends lroin the booth of the primary precinct to tne fouutaln sources of our government. Why.' because politics is a business. It is as much a business as buying and selling any commodity you can name. The representative buys and sells his constituents. He buys them of the party bosses or bosses in bis district. He may pay a tittle to some of the people in the way of campaign ex penses. He buys his way into the of uce he seeks. He then becomes a sel ler. He has purchased something and he now puts it on the market. What does he offer for sale? Franchises, privileges, positions, contracts, black mail and other assets which come to him as the representative of the peo ple. Is not this so? Is the picture over drawn? Is this why we are a great country. Is this the reason for the suc cess of our peculiar republican form of government? It has become almost impossible to interest the people in public affairs They Know that something is wrong and they have clear ideas of what should be done, but they know that their vote counts for nothing. They realize that they cannot elect repre sentatives to do their bidding. Many of our best citizens remain away from the polls, realizing that reforms are hopeless under a representative sys tem. The absolute failure of represen tative government to record the wishes of the people has been shown in a startling manner in the last two presidential campaigns. In 1892 Gro ver Cleveland was elected president on a platform pledged to a lower tar it and in a campaign in which the tariff was practically the one subject of debate and discussion. The money question was not mentioned. He had no sooner taken his chair than he called a special session of congress. What for? To pass a tariff bill which the people supposed tuey had voted for? Not by any means. Congress was called for the purpose of repealing the Sherman silver law. It was called in response to resolutions passed by the banks and various sIock exchanges. The people looked on in amazement In 189G William McKinley was elect ed in a campaign devoted entirely to the money question. Free traders elected him in order that the gold standard might be maintained. The tariff was not an issue. And the first thing that McKinley did was to call an extra session of Congress and pass a tariff law. That Is how the people rule under a representative form of government It Is now time to study the science of government and conduct public affairs on a common-sense basis. Have we not out-grown a constitution written by men who never saw a locomotive, talked into a telephone, received a tel egraph message, rode on a steamboat, saw an electric light, or who never dreamed of our modern civilization, with Its new problems and its changed environs? Is it not practical to sug gest that in a republic a majority should rule? Shall it be said that a people capable of harnessing Niagara are not wise enough to devise a sys- tem by which the majority can rend r its verdict? The advocates of direct legislation offer a simple, practical solution of these problems. They hold that an ideal government is one which profits by the lessons of the past, govens for for the people of tomorrow. That Is democracy, and when it shall prevail man will start nnew on his resistless march, wreathed .with new laurels, armed for new conquests. THE WANDERING JEW. HI M'UKMK Ml K. C II A ITER X II. Con tin TIIK I'KVAl. COUK. Dagobert had remained silent Suddenly he said to Frances, taking her by the hand: "You know what metal prevent his following me would ble Hut do not be afraid, dear succeed at least, I hope so. If we should not succeed if Agricola and I should he it r res ted well! we are not cowards; we suicide; hut father and son will go prison, with heads high and proud, look, like two bravo men who have done their duty. The day of trial must come, and wo will explain all, hon estly, openly we will say, that, driven to the hut extremity, finding no support, no protection iu the law, we were forced to have lence. So hummer uvvav. my bov!" added Duiro- bert, addressing his son, pounding "forge, forge, wi.hout fear. Honest judges will absolve honest men." "Yes, father, you are right, ho at ease; dear mother! The judges will see the diH'erenco be tween rascals who scale walls in order to rob, and un old soldier and his son, who, their liberty, their life, their honor, have sought to deliver unhappy victims." "And if this language should not he heard, re sumed Dagobert, ''so much the worse for them! It will not be your son, or husband, who will be dishonored in the eyes of honest people. If they send us to the galleys, and wo have courage to survive the young and the old convict will wear their chains proudly and the renegade marquis, the traitor priest, will bear more shame than we. So, forge without fear, my boy! There are things which the galleys themselves cannot disgrace our good conscience and our honor! Hut now," he added, "two words with my good Mother Hunch. It grows late, and time presses. On entering the garden, did you remark if the windows of the convent were far from the ground ? " " No, not very far, M. Dagobert particularly on that side which is opposite to the madhouse, where Mdlle. do Cardoville is confined." "How did you manage to speak to that young lady?" ' "She was on the otherside of an open pailing, which separates the two gardens." " Excellent!" said Agricola, as he continued to hammer the iron: "we can easily pass from one garden to the other. The madhouse may per haps be the readier way out. Unfortunately, you do not know Mdlle. de Cardovillo's chamber." " Yes, I do," returned the work-girl, recollect ing herself. "She is lodged in and there is a shade over.the like canvas with blue and white stripes." " Good! I shall not forget that." "And can you form no guess the rooms of my poor children?" After a moment's reflection, answered; "They are opposite occupied by Mdlle. de Cardoville, signs to them from her window; member she told me, that their two rooms are on different stories, one on the ground-floor, and the other up one pair of stairs." "Are these windows grated?" asked the smith. " I do not know." Never mind my good girl; with these indica tions, we shall do very well," " For the rest, I have my plans." " Some water, my little sister," said Agricola, "that I may cool my iron." Then, addressing his father: "Will this hook do?" " Yes, my boy; as soon as it is cold we will fasten the cord." For some time, Frances Haudoin had remained upon her knees, praying with fervor. She im plored Heaven to have pity on Agricola and Da gobert, who in their ignorance, were about to commit a great crime; and she entreated that the celestial vengeance might fall upon her only, as she alone had been the cause of the fatal resolu tion of her son and husband. Dagobert and Agricola finished their prepara tions in silence. They were both very pale, and solemnly grave. They felt all the danger of so desperate an enterprise. The clock at Saint-Mery's struck ten. The sound of the bell was faint, and almost drowned by the lashing of the wind and rain, which had not ceased for a moment. "Ten o'clock!" said Dagobert, with a start. "There is not a minute to lose. Take the sack, Agricola." "Yes, father." As he went to fetch the sack, Agricola ap proached Mother Bunch, who was hardly able to sustain herself, and said to her in a rapid whisp "If we are not here tomorrow, take care of ibis ears, s i' to er: my mother. Go to M. Hardv, who will perhaps have returned from hi journey. Courage, mjr sisterl embrace me. I leave poor mother to you." The smith, deeply atrected, pressed the almost fainting girl in his arms. "Come, old Spoilsport," said Dagibcrt; "joit shall be our scout " Approaching his wife, who just risen from the ground, was clasping her son's head to her bosom, and covering it with tears an 1 kisses, he said to her, with a semblance, of calmness and serenity: "Come, my dear wife be reasonable!. Make us a good lire. In two or throe hours we will bring home the two poor children, and a fine young hid. Kiss me! that will bring tne luck." Francos threw herself on her lnnband'a neck without uttering a word. This mute despair, mingled with convulsive sobs, was heart-rending,. Dagobert was obliged to tear himself from his wifo'a arms, and striving to conceal his emotion, he said to his son, in an ugiuiod voice: "Lot vtu. ami pensive your son is. To now bo impossi wife; we shall shall not commit arm iu arm to u3 jr0 iho unin recourse to vio good Mother Hunch. Agricola come I the hot iron; of his great coat, and rtnlied towards the door, followed by Spoilsport. at the peril of one of the wings, window, painted as to where are said Dagobert Mother Hunch to the chamber for she makes and I now re said Dagobert. at Dagobert's tu mo. l uke caro 01 ner, my The soldier slipped too pistols iuto the pocket " My son, let mo embrace you once more alas! it is perhaps for the last time I" cried the uufor tunate mother, incapable of i ising, but stretch ing out her arms to Agricola. " Forgive mo! it is all my fault." Tho smith turned back, mingled his tears with those of his mother for ho also wept and mur mured, iu a stilled voice: "Adieu, dear mother! He comforted. We shall soon meet again." Then, ecaping from the embrace, he joined his father upon the stairs. Frances Haudoin heaved a long sigh, and fell almost lifeless into the needlewoman's arms. Dagobert and Agricola left the Hue Brise-Miche. in the height of the storm, and hastened with, great strides towards tho Houlevard do l'Hopital, followed by the dog. CIIA1TEH XIII. Itl'KULARY. Half-past eleven had just struck, when Dago bert and his son arrived on the Houlevard de l'Hopital. The wind blow violently, and the rain fell down in torrents, but nowithstanding the thick ness of the watery clouds, it was tolerably light, thanks to the late rising of the moon. The tall, dark trees, and the white walls of the convent garden, were distinguishable in the midst of the pale glimmer. Afar oh", a street lamp, acted on by the wind, with its red light hardly visible through the mist and rain, swung backwards and for wards over the dirty causeway of the solitary boulevard. At rare intervals, they heard, at a great dis tance, the rattle and rumble of a coach, returning home late; then all was again silent. Since their departure from the Rue Brise-. Miche, Dagobert and his sou had hardly ex changed a word. The design of these two brave men was noble and generous, and yet, resolute but pensive, they glided through the darkness like bandits, at the hour of nocturnal crimes. Agricola carried on his shoulders the sack con. taining the cord, the hook and the iron bar; Dagobert leaned upon the arm of his son, and Spoilsport followed his master. "The bench, where we sat down, must be close by," said Dagobert, stopping. " Yes," said Agricola, looking round; "here it is, father." "It is only half-past eleven we must wait for midnight, resumed Dagobert. "Let us be seated for an instant, to rest ourselves, and decide upon our plan." After a moment's silence, the soldier took his son's hands between his own, and thus continued: "Agricola, my child it is yet time. Let me go alone, I entreat you. I shall know very well how to get through the business; but the nearer the moment comes, the more 1 fear to drag you into this daugerous enterprise." "And the nearer the moment comes, father, the more I feel I may be of some use; but, be it good or bad, I will share the fortune of your adventure. Our object is praiseworthy; it is a debt of honor that you have to pay, and I will take one half of it. Do not fancy that 1 will now draw back. And so, dear father, let us think of our plan of action.' "Then you will come?" said Dagobert, stilling a sigh. "We must do everything," proceeded Agricola, "to secure success. You have already noticed the little garden door, near the angle of the wall that is excellent." "We shall get by that way into the garden, and look immediately lor the open piling." "Yes; for on one side of this piling is the wing inhabited by Mdlle de Cardoville, and on the other that part of the convent in which the gen eral's daughters are couiined." At this moment, Spoilsport, who was crouching feet, rose suddenlv, and pricked up hsteu. To be continued.)