The American. (Omaha, Nebraska) 1891-1899, January 14, 1898, Image 1

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    EVERY FRIEND YOU HAVE SHOULD READ THE AMERICAN of JANUARY 21st, 1898. Sec 4th Page.
THE
MEBICAN.
IF THE VIEWS SJLrtTSS
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your subHeripuon. Th price i
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(liiniiuv'n Kllly jrr In th (;hui-h of
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bml in. your onlir and CASH.
WEKLKY NEWSPAPER .
"AMEKICA POH AMERICANS" We ho'd that all men are American who Swear Allegiance to the United States without a mental rcwrvatloi.
THICK FiVK CF.NTS
Volume VIII.
OMAHA. NKBKASKA, FRIDAY, JANUARY 14, 1S08.
Numuku 2
A
ivivn
MUM
Italian Government Will Re
duce Papal Revenues at
an Early Date.
The More Is Ohc Mhhu Kuowing-Ones
Kay Will Bet-nlt In the IMk- Fleeing
i From the Eternal Cit.
Dispatches from Rome assert that a
is fight la la the air, between the
Vatican and Quirlnal; In other words,
between the Pope and the Italian gov
ernment A dispatch eays:
ROME, Dec. 24 Italy is on the ere
of probablty the most bitter conflict
that has taken place between church
and state ein.ee 1S70. At the time of
the treaty between the Vatican and
tke Quirinai, which is known by the
name of the "Law of Guarantees," and
which provides for the relations be
"tween church and state, guaranteeing
the extra territorial privileges of the
papacy, it was expressly stipulated
that the "ordering and organization of
the church property throughout the
kingdom of Italy, and that especially
in the former Papal States, should be
arranged at some future date, the sub
ject being too vast a one to be dealt
with in the treaty of guarantees."
Some ten or fifteen years ago the
government seized all the ecclesiasti
cal property, that is to say, the landed
possessions and industrial enterprises
of the various archbishoprics and
parishes, as well as the possessions of
tie propaganda, at least such as were
situated in Italy. But as the equiva
lent was assured to the church in
Italian government bonds, bearing a
fair rate of interest, the clergy had lit
tle cause for grumbling, seeing that it
thereby obtained an assured and ueti
aite income, instead of being exposed
to suffer from the effects of maladmin
istration, bad harvests and declining
Markets. t ,
Of course the seizure was made the
subject of a violent protest on the
part of the Vatican, and was de
nounced as an unlawful usurpation
But that was meant more for show
and play to the gallery than anything
else, and the church was on tne wnoie
quite contented with the change, al
though it would not have been quite
bo bad had it looked ahead. For it
was only natural that this modifica
tion would lead to anotner, and that
succeeding governments would lose
sight of the conditions under which
the seizure was made, just in the same
ay as the English people of the pres
ent day have lost sight of the fact that
the large civil list paid to the Queen
and the royal family is not a stipend
or salary, as so many persons believe,
but a perpetual annuity given in ex
change for an oneroua amount of
property belonging to the reining
house, and which, had it remained in
the possession of the latter, would to
day have yielded an infinitely bigger
income, on income at least six times
the size of the civil list, if not more.
The fact of the matter is that the
Italian government, Parliament and
people, forgetting that they have re
ceived in exchange all the vast posses
sions of the church, are so disgusted
with the large allowances which they
are called upon to pay to the ecclesi
astics of high and low degree, and to
the members of the religious commun
ities throughout the kingdom, that
they have made up their mind to cut
down these expenses by proceeding to
the "ordering and arranging" of the
church revenues mentioned in the
treaty of guarantees.
They call attention to the fact that
Italy at the present moment has
. more archbishoprics and more episco
pal sees than all the remainder of Eu
rope put together, and that suitable
allowances and stipends have to be
paid to every one of them, not on any
fixed scale, but according to the rates
of the revenues yielded by the former
possessions of the see or archbishop
ric. Thus, there are some bishops,
such as, for instance, the one of Ca
falu in Sicily, who, although he has a
tiny diocese of about ten small par
ishes, receives from the government
an annual allowance of $50,000, where
as archbishoprics with a hundred
thickly populated parishes beneath
their jurisdiction, have to content
themselves with oftentimes a couple
: f thousand dollars per annum. It is
ihe same with the parish priests.
There are plain village rectors who
have incomes from the government of
120,000 and $30,000, while there are
rectors of great city parishes who have
dsmhf&s!! to fern-'
T
to get along with less than $200 a
year.
The present government, and partic
ulary the newly appointed minister,
Zanardelli, propose to change all this,
and to pay from henceforth archbish
ops, bishops, and parish clergy, as
well as the members of religious com
munities, at a fixed and definite ar
rangement, all archbishops receiving
so much, and all bishops so much, en
tirely irrespective of what they may
have had previous to the confiscation
of the church property, or of what
they have been drawing from the gov
ernment coffers until now.
The government takes the ground
that, with the national treasury in its
preesnt depleted condition, and with
the necessity that is constantly aris
ing from imposing fresh burdens on
the tax-payers, it is utterly ridiculous
to go on paying salaries and stipends
of $50,000 per annum, and even more,
to bishops of important sees, such as,
for instance, Cafula, who are openly
declared foes of the state, and who
place their churches and cathedrals at
the disposal of the enemies of the
government for political and campaign
meetings.
This argument of the government
would be very well and plausible were
it not for the fact that tnese stipends
paid to the clergy are not salaries for
ecclesiastical work done, but the quid
pro quo for the enormous possessions
of the church which were taken over
by the state when It gave the clergy
their present allowances in return. It
is needless to say that the entire
force of the church, both at home and
abroad, will be brought to fight against
this proposed change, the mere an
nouncement of which caused conster
nation and violent anger at the Vati
can, and among the well to do and
therefore influential clergy through
out the kingdom.
" America Ought to Be Catholic"
The following news item appeared
in the N. Y. Sun of Monday, Dec. 13,
1897:
"The New York Archdiocesan Union
of Catholic Young Men's Societies
held a thanksgiving service at the Ca
thedral last evening, in commemora
tion of the national communion day
which is observed throughout the
country. The young men were wel
comed by the Rev. Wm. J. B. Daly, as
sistant rector, in the absence of the
rector, the Rev. Dr. M. J. Lavelle. The
sermon was preached by the Rev.
Daniel C. Cunnion, president of the
union. He said In part:
"He only can win in the struggle of
life who learns his responsibility as
well as his capability. We must rec
ognize the triple relation of family,
stato, and church. Only by building
themselves on the church's foundation
can nations save themselves from dis-
cord, if not from final ruin. Young
men have peculiar temptations as well
as peculiar ambitions. If we see men
sitting on high in Catholic countries
who are not of our church, to what
must we ascribe it, if not to the lack
of organization among the young men
of those countries?
"It is strange that millions of Cath
olics can be governed by men who have
not the name of Catholic. It almost
seems as if the struggles of past cen
turies had been in vain. In this
, country where democracy is on trial,
we must not lose sight of the fact
; that history may repeat Itself. Or
! ganizatlon is the order of the day.
j We aim in our national union to keep
I young men In a novtiate, whence they
can be graduated into those move
ments which are fast becoming the
strong right arm of mother church.
, There should be a society in every
; parish. It 1s thus that mother church
' hopes to make these United States
entirely Catholic."
1 The above is, in effect, a plea for
i Roman Catholic young men to unite,
organize, and get possession of the po
litical power, "which is the strong
right arm of mother church," so as to
"make these United States entirely
Catholic."
On Monday of this week the N. Y.
Sun printed a report of the lecture of
Priest Doyle in that city on Sunday,
in which he said:
"Perhaps there are some among
my listeners who do not know that a
missionary association, under the
guidance of the Archbishop of New
York, the Archbishop of Philadelphia,
and several other priests, is now at
work in certain districts of the South,
where even the elementary doctrines
..f . V ., i : ! . .. ,
vii aiuuuciiy me uuKnown. .remaps
some of you are unaware of the fact
mat tne idea of non-Catholic missions
has taken a firm root in numerous dio
ceses throughout the country, and that
secular priests in great numbers have
given up their usual duties to carry on
this great work. It is estimated that
converts are coming into the Catholic
church at the rate of 30,000 a year.
As I have said, the missionary spirit
is abroad in the land; and what field,
my beloved brethern, is more fitted
to receive the seed thus sown, and to
foster the spirit of awakening relig
ious seal, than America?"
Father Doyle paused, and leaning
forward, said impressively: "My
friends, America ought to be Catholic:
it ought to be Catholic by the right of
discovery. It was discovered under
Catholic auspices, and the first Chris
tian prayer said in our beloved land
was a Catholic prayer. It ought to be
Catholic for more than one. hundred
years the only religious ceremony
performed here was that of the Catho
lic church. it ought to be Catholic
because the misslonari
church, who went forth into the track
less rorests, armed only with the cross
of Christ, and opened a way for us
IK us pray, then, that it will h Path.
olic. The church needs that fine civic
manhood peculiar to America."
HE CLAIMS
Never Adopted or Ratified
the Constitution
Which
II.ih Mima Fr More Than One Hundred
Yearn hh the Supreme Law of
This Ureal Lniid.
The following is from an address to
the Direct Legislation Conference by
Frederick Upham Adams, and is given
space because it contains some histor
ical data we have never seen in prii.t.
It is taken from the January number
of The New Time:
Direct legislation Is democracy re
duced to practice. Direct legislation is
government by the people, with laws
initialed by the people, passed by the
people and executed by officers whose
tenure of olrice can at any time be ter
minated by the people. Direct legisla
tion means the unrestricted rule of the
majority of a duly qualified electorate.
It is the voiced expression of a true
democracy; it is majority rule.
Direct legislation will come trough
the gradual curtailment and final elim
limtion of the functions now exer
cised by the various representative
bodies. At present there are three di
visions of our government: legislative,
executive and judicial. All three pass
upon and influence the adoption or re
jection of laws.
These three branches are supposed
to rest upon the people, and in theory
the co-ordinate departments of the
government are assumed to give us a
government of. for and by the
people. This they do not do.
There has resulted a system of gov
ernment alleged to be representative,
but which is as far removed from de
mocracy as 8':8rry is from liberty.
Under direct legislation there would
be but one law-manlng body the
people. They would make and unmake
laws, elect and depose executives,
confirm and remove judges. The peo
ple would rule. They would govern
tuemselves, and would be sovereign
citizens of an actual republic.
The theory of direct legislation af
firms absolute faith in the wisdom,
honesty and fairness of a people. It
does not fear to submit any question
to the sober, careful judgment of the
people of a nation, and binds itself to
abide loyally by the result as pro
claimed by a majority of the voters.
We who advocate direct legislation do
not assert that the wisdom of the
majority is infallible. We admit that
the majority can easily be mistaken,
but we Insist that under any reason
able system of direct legislation the
majority will not long abide by a de
cision which works harm to the state
but will proceed to correct the error
which unwittingly has been made. We
affirm tne absolute and sacred right of
majority rule in a republic. We deny
the right of any man to call himself a
Democrat or a Republican and raise
his voice In protest or criticism
against the fundamental principles of
direct legislation.
The crimes, usurpations and tyran
nies which have been committed in
the name of democracy in a country
which proclaims Itself a republic form
damning pages in our national history.
The dispassionate student of history
is dazed when ho attempts to recon
cile the undisputed facts with the pop
ular delusions as to the dura. 'tor of
our form of government. In the t.rief
space of time allot'.-? 1 me 1 ii-'sire 'o
discuss this most imp.utaui feutiiie cf
the subject.
The mistakes which this country
have made are laid at the door ol
democracy. Lejrneii men havj studied
the condition of the masses, have
watched the chasm wido-i betw-n
wealth and poverty; have seen mil
lions despoiled of a fair competence
and forced Into the swelling ranks (,f
the dependent, and hav asked the
question: Is democracy a failure? I
! reply, no. Democracy, real democracy,
has never been tried in this country.
It is my proud honor at this moment
i to be permitted to address the first
democratic state convention ever hr-Id
in the United States.
The people are v.'usuipping an idol,
a lain'ed nag, acivs-: v hose ami l.iig
face is writteu the lie "Democracy."
They call themselves by the sacred
names of Republican and Democrat
and follow leaders who have no ade
quate conception of the meaning of
the words. There is no mistaking the
meaning of the word democracy. It is
derived from two Greek words,
"demos," meaning "the people," and
"cratia." "the rule of," and means just
what it did thousands of years ago,
"the ruel of the people." We who be
lieve in direct legislation hold that
the people should rule and not be
ruled, and we class as despotisms all
forms of government, be they mon
archical or representative, which in
fringe in any degree on the preroga
the origin of the document, which Is
tives expressed in that treasured word
"democracy."
There never was an effect without
a cause. There is a i ison for the pop
ular delusion that this nation is a re
public and that its government is a
democracy. It is vital that this reason
should be understood. It is imperative
that we should make plain the dis
tinction between a representative
government and a democracy, and ac
quit the people of any responsibility
for the failures and shortcomings of
a system which for more than a hun
dred years baa masqueraded under the
name of democracy. I propose lo ex
amine briefly Into the history of the
constitution which now governs this
country and shall endeavor to learn
If it casts any light on
KiippoM'd to embody all earthly Wl
ilom, pant, present and the future, for
all time to come.
I have a proper rcHpeet for tho fore
fathers who drafted tho constitution,
but my I'Htlmate of them U not d -rived
from a study of scuool histories.
I do not underestimate the magnitude
of the tank which comronted them,
nor belli 1 1.) I lie difficulties which they
had to overcome. I do not challenge
(he statement that they gave to the
leople of 17X7 the best constitution
posslblo under the circumstances, and
that It was admirably fitted for tho
peopln of that day. I do not deny that
they were able men and that they
were actuated by a proper zeal for the
common good. I do deny most em
phatically that they were; Inspired
with the gift of prophecy; that they
were able to legislate for the people of
today or that they had any Intention
of framing u document which should
stand inn hanged for more than a gen
eration. It has remained for the Vcn-
eralors and tomb-worshlppcra of tO-
day to ancribo to them these saintly
and immortal attributes. They wore
plain, common, every-day business
men, bankers and owners of plant i
tions and slaves, and thoy had no
more Idea of governing the people ot
1897 than we have of writing resolu-.
tlous to govern the people of a thous
and years heuce. What is more, they
said ho, and It forms a part of the
record.
They had no love for democracy.
They hated the very word. They fear
ed the people, They ncer dreamed
of founding a democracy. They did
not think the people wore capable of
self-government, and they sepnt five
months designing a document which
would make tho rule of tho people
nothing short of a miracle.
I have stated tho plain truth and the
undisputed records prove It. The con
stitution as it stands and is enforced
today Is a living, tangible proof of
these assertions. The constitution is
the written expression and embodi
ment of a convention which was anti
democratic almost to the verge of
actual monarchlsm.
And yet the people have been edu
cated to believe the exact opposite.,
They think that in this country the
people rule. They also think that this
Is the only country in which the peo
ple do rule, and that our wonderful
progress is due to our peculiar repub
lican form of government. They talk,
about one man's vote being equsl to
another man's vote and prattle 1'ko
babes of the beauties of a pure de
mocracy .
In the very nature of things It wp
impossible that the statesmen of 1787
should have designed a democracy or
witnessed the birth of a real repub
lice. They had no conception of de
mocracy. They had been schooled un
der a monarchy. The colonies were
part of a kingdom and the war of the
revolution was not a revolt in favor of
democracy. It was a war of Indepen
dence. It ia true that the spirit of de
mocracy was abroad, but It had not
yet taken deep root in America. It
was born in France and its thrilling
song was heard In the Declaration
nf IndeiM'ndence, but the notes died
away in the wrangling of the busi
ness men and slave holders who
fought for comercial supremacy in the
secret sessions of the constitutional
convention. Trained politicians, as
cunning, resourceful and In many in
stances as unscrupulous as lw Platts
and Crokers of today, represented
thirteen mutually jealous colonies.
They used all the arts of the merciless
partisan, and we do not have to de
part from the carefully edited journal
of the convention, kept by James Mad
isou, to detect the motives which ani
mated them.
It is proper to extend to the states
men and law-givers of a departed gen
eration that meed of praise and re
siect which is due them, but it is
criminal to charge their blunders 'ip
to the people and the failures wnich
have resulted to the fair fame of de
mocracy. We make a great mistake when we
demand that we return to the demo
cratic conditions of our forefathers
This assumes that the country started
as a democracy and has gradually
drifed away from the teachings f the
fathers. This I deuy and can. prove.
Look not to the past for the, inspira
tion of democracy. Look rather to tht
present; look to the spirit.'' which ani
mates this envention fo,r your hope
of coming years. The lamp of liberty
burns brighter today lhan ever before
in our national history. Our Ideals axe
ahead of us, and toot behind us. Do
CofcUnueiOD 4th page.