The American. (Omaha, Nebraska) 1891-1899, January 14, 1898, Image 1
EVERY FRIEND YOU HAVE SHOULD READ THE AMERICAN of JANUARY 21st, 1898. Sec 4th Page. THE MEBICAN. IF THE VIEWS SJLrtTSS BMt ynur appror&l w kh.tU apprcitt your subHeripuon. Th price i tugdtber with a guoi book. ij) tuc iiirmniu to jm t. bq. inL Hmr.nlUA.ri nJtix-K.ct'oriMiM (liiniiuv'n Kllly jrr In th (;hui-h of Roni" Mnt to anv mlilr for t bml in. your onlir and CASH. WEKLKY NEWSPAPER . "AMEKICA POH AMERICANS" We ho'd that all men are American who Swear Allegiance to the United States without a mental rcwrvatloi. THICK FiVK CF.NTS Volume VIII. OMAHA. NKBKASKA, FRIDAY, JANUARY 14, 1S08. Numuku 2 A ivivn MUM Italian Government Will Re duce Papal Revenues at an Early Date. The More Is Ohc Mhhu Kuowing-Ones Kay Will Bet-nlt In the IMk- Fleeing i From the Eternal Cit. Dispatches from Rome assert that a is fight la la the air, between the Vatican and Quirlnal; In other words, between the Pope and the Italian gov ernment A dispatch eays: ROME, Dec. 24 Italy is on the ere of probablty the most bitter conflict that has taken place between church and state ein.ee 1S70. At the time of the treaty between the Vatican and tke Quirinai, which is known by the name of the "Law of Guarantees," and which provides for the relations be "tween church and state, guaranteeing the extra territorial privileges of the papacy, it was expressly stipulated that the "ordering and organization of the church property throughout the kingdom of Italy, and that especially in the former Papal States, should be arranged at some future date, the sub ject being too vast a one to be dealt with in the treaty of guarantees." Some ten or fifteen years ago the government seized all the ecclesiasti cal property, that is to say, the landed possessions and industrial enterprises of the various archbishoprics and parishes, as well as the possessions of tie propaganda, at least such as were situated in Italy. But as the equiva lent was assured to the church in Italian government bonds, bearing a fair rate of interest, the clergy had lit tle cause for grumbling, seeing that it thereby obtained an assured and ueti aite income, instead of being exposed to suffer from the effects of maladmin istration, bad harvests and declining Markets. t , Of course the seizure was made the subject of a violent protest on the part of the Vatican, and was de nounced as an unlawful usurpation But that was meant more for show and play to the gallery than anything else, and the church was on tne wnoie quite contented with the change, al though it would not have been quite bo bad had it looked ahead. For it was only natural that this modifica tion would lead to anotner, and that succeeding governments would lose sight of the conditions under which the seizure was made, just in the same ay as the English people of the pres ent day have lost sight of the fact that the large civil list paid to the Queen and the royal family is not a stipend or salary, as so many persons believe, but a perpetual annuity given in ex change for an oneroua amount of property belonging to the reining house, and which, had it remained in the possession of the latter, would to day have yielded an infinitely bigger income, on income at least six times the size of the civil list, if not more. The fact of the matter is that the Italian government, Parliament and people, forgetting that they have re ceived in exchange all the vast posses sions of the church, are so disgusted with the large allowances which they are called upon to pay to the ecclesi astics of high and low degree, and to the members of the religious commun ities throughout the kingdom, that they have made up their mind to cut down these expenses by proceeding to the "ordering and arranging" of the church revenues mentioned in the treaty of guarantees. They call attention to the fact that Italy at the present moment has . more archbishoprics and more episco pal sees than all the remainder of Eu rope put together, and that suitable allowances and stipends have to be paid to every one of them, not on any fixed scale, but according to the rates of the revenues yielded by the former possessions of the see or archbishop ric. Thus, there are some bishops, such as, for instance, the one of Ca falu in Sicily, who, although he has a tiny diocese of about ten small par ishes, receives from the government an annual allowance of $50,000, where as archbishoprics with a hundred thickly populated parishes beneath their jurisdiction, have to content themselves with oftentimes a couple : f thousand dollars per annum. It is ihe same with the parish priests. There are plain village rectors who have incomes from the government of 120,000 and $30,000, while there are rectors of great city parishes who have dsmhf&s!! to fern-' T to get along with less than $200 a year. The present government, and partic ulary the newly appointed minister, Zanardelli, propose to change all this, and to pay from henceforth archbish ops, bishops, and parish clergy, as well as the members of religious com munities, at a fixed and definite ar rangement, all archbishops receiving so much, and all bishops so much, en tirely irrespective of what they may have had previous to the confiscation of the church property, or of what they have been drawing from the gov ernment coffers until now. The government takes the ground that, with the national treasury in its preesnt depleted condition, and with the necessity that is constantly aris ing from imposing fresh burdens on the tax-payers, it is utterly ridiculous to go on paying salaries and stipends of $50,000 per annum, and even more, to bishops of important sees, such as, for instance, Cafula, who are openly declared foes of the state, and who place their churches and cathedrals at the disposal of the enemies of the government for political and campaign meetings. This argument of the government would be very well and plausible were it not for the fact that tnese stipends paid to the clergy are not salaries for ecclesiastical work done, but the quid pro quo for the enormous possessions of the church which were taken over by the state when It gave the clergy their present allowances in return. It is needless to say that the entire force of the church, both at home and abroad, will be brought to fight against this proposed change, the mere an nouncement of which caused conster nation and violent anger at the Vati can, and among the well to do and therefore influential clergy through out the kingdom. " America Ought to Be Catholic" The following news item appeared in the N. Y. Sun of Monday, Dec. 13, 1897: "The New York Archdiocesan Union of Catholic Young Men's Societies held a thanksgiving service at the Ca thedral last evening, in commemora tion of the national communion day which is observed throughout the country. The young men were wel comed by the Rev. Wm. J. B. Daly, as sistant rector, in the absence of the rector, the Rev. Dr. M. J. Lavelle. The sermon was preached by the Rev. Daniel C. Cunnion, president of the union. He said In part: "He only can win in the struggle of life who learns his responsibility as well as his capability. We must rec ognize the triple relation of family, stato, and church. Only by building themselves on the church's foundation can nations save themselves from dis- cord, if not from final ruin. Young men have peculiar temptations as well as peculiar ambitions. If we see men sitting on high in Catholic countries who are not of our church, to what must we ascribe it, if not to the lack of organization among the young men of those countries? "It is strange that millions of Cath olics can be governed by men who have not the name of Catholic. It almost seems as if the struggles of past cen turies had been in vain. In this , country where democracy is on trial, we must not lose sight of the fact ; that history may repeat Itself. Or ! ganizatlon is the order of the day. j We aim in our national union to keep I young men In a novtiate, whence they can be graduated into those move ments which are fast becoming the strong right arm of mother church. , There should be a society in every ; parish. It 1s thus that mother church ' hopes to make these United States entirely Catholic." 1 The above is, in effect, a plea for i Roman Catholic young men to unite, organize, and get possession of the po litical power, "which is the strong right arm of mother church," so as to "make these United States entirely Catholic." On Monday of this week the N. Y. Sun printed a report of the lecture of Priest Doyle in that city on Sunday, in which he said: "Perhaps there are some among my listeners who do not know that a missionary association, under the guidance of the Archbishop of New York, the Archbishop of Philadelphia, and several other priests, is now at work in certain districts of the South, where even the elementary doctrines ..f . V ., i : ! . .. , vii aiuuuciiy me uuKnown. .remaps some of you are unaware of the fact mat tne idea of non-Catholic missions has taken a firm root in numerous dio ceses throughout the country, and that secular priests in great numbers have given up their usual duties to carry on this great work. It is estimated that converts are coming into the Catholic church at the rate of 30,000 a year. As I have said, the missionary spirit is abroad in the land; and what field, my beloved brethern, is more fitted to receive the seed thus sown, and to foster the spirit of awakening relig ious seal, than America?" Father Doyle paused, and leaning forward, said impressively: "My friends, America ought to be Catholic: it ought to be Catholic by the right of discovery. It was discovered under Catholic auspices, and the first Chris tian prayer said in our beloved land was a Catholic prayer. It ought to be Catholic for more than one. hundred years the only religious ceremony performed here was that of the Catho lic church. it ought to be Catholic because the misslonari church, who went forth into the track less rorests, armed only with the cross of Christ, and opened a way for us IK us pray, then, that it will h Path. olic. The church needs that fine civic manhood peculiar to America." HE CLAIMS Never Adopted or Ratified the Constitution Which II.ih Mima Fr More Than One Hundred Yearn hh the Supreme Law of This Ureal Lniid. The following is from an address to the Direct Legislation Conference by Frederick Upham Adams, and is given space because it contains some histor ical data we have never seen in prii.t. It is taken from the January number of The New Time: Direct legislation Is democracy re duced to practice. Direct legislation is government by the people, with laws initialed by the people, passed by the people and executed by officers whose tenure of olrice can at any time be ter minated by the people. Direct legisla tion means the unrestricted rule of the majority of a duly qualified electorate. It is the voiced expression of a true democracy; it is majority rule. Direct legislation will come trough the gradual curtailment and final elim limtion of the functions now exer cised by the various representative bodies. At present there are three di visions of our government: legislative, executive and judicial. All three pass upon and influence the adoption or re jection of laws. These three branches are supposed to rest upon the people, and in theory the co-ordinate departments of the government are assumed to give us a government of. for and by the people. This they do not do. There has resulted a system of gov ernment alleged to be representative, but which is as far removed from de mocracy as 8':8rry is from liberty. Under direct legislation there would be but one law-manlng body the people. They would make and unmake laws, elect and depose executives, confirm and remove judges. The peo ple would rule. They would govern tuemselves, and would be sovereign citizens of an actual republic. The theory of direct legislation af firms absolute faith in the wisdom, honesty and fairness of a people. It does not fear to submit any question to the sober, careful judgment of the people of a nation, and binds itself to abide loyally by the result as pro claimed by a majority of the voters. We who advocate direct legislation do not assert that the wisdom of the majority is infallible. We admit that the majority can easily be mistaken, but we Insist that under any reason able system of direct legislation the majority will not long abide by a de cision which works harm to the state but will proceed to correct the error which unwittingly has been made. We affirm tne absolute and sacred right of majority rule in a republic. We deny the right of any man to call himself a Democrat or a Republican and raise his voice In protest or criticism against the fundamental principles of direct legislation. The crimes, usurpations and tyran nies which have been committed in the name of democracy in a country which proclaims Itself a republic form damning pages in our national history. The dispassionate student of history is dazed when ho attempts to recon cile the undisputed facts with the pop ular delusions as to the dura. 'tor of our form of government. In the t.rief space of time allot'.-? 1 me 1 ii-'sire 'o discuss this most imp.utaui feutiiie cf the subject. The mistakes which this country have made are laid at the door ol democracy. Lejrneii men havj studied the condition of the masses, have watched the chasm wido-i betw-n wealth and poverty; have seen mil lions despoiled of a fair competence and forced Into the swelling ranks (,f the dependent, and hav asked the question: Is democracy a failure? I ! reply, no. Democracy, real democracy, has never been tried in this country. It is my proud honor at this moment i to be permitted to address the first democratic state convention ever hr-Id in the United States. The people are v.'usuipping an idol, a lain'ed nag, acivs-: v hose ami l.iig face is writteu the lie "Democracy." They call themselves by the sacred names of Republican and Democrat and follow leaders who have no ade quate conception of the meaning of the words. There is no mistaking the meaning of the word democracy. It is derived from two Greek words, "demos," meaning "the people," and "cratia." "the rule of," and means just what it did thousands of years ago, "the ruel of the people." We who be lieve in direct legislation hold that the people should rule and not be ruled, and we class as despotisms all forms of government, be they mon archical or representative, which in fringe in any degree on the preroga the origin of the document, which Is tives expressed in that treasured word "democracy." There never was an effect without a cause. There is a i ison for the pop ular delusion that this nation is a re public and that its government is a democracy. It is vital that this reason should be understood. It is imperative that we should make plain the dis tinction between a representative government and a democracy, and ac quit the people of any responsibility for the failures and shortcomings of a system which for more than a hun dred years baa masqueraded under the name of democracy. I propose lo ex amine briefly Into the history of the constitution which now governs this country and shall endeavor to learn If it casts any light on KiippoM'd to embody all earthly Wl ilom, pant, present and the future, for all time to come. I have a proper rcHpeet for tho fore fathers who drafted tho constitution, but my I'Htlmate of them U not d -rived from a study of scuool histories. I do not underestimate the magnitude of the tank which comronted them, nor belli 1 1.) I lie difficulties which they had to overcome. I do not challenge (he statement that they gave to the leople of 17X7 the best constitution posslblo under the circumstances, and that It was admirably fitted for tho peopln of that day. I do not deny that they were able men and that they were actuated by a proper zeal for the common good. I do deny most em phatically that they were; Inspired with the gift of prophecy; that they were able to legislate for the people of today or that they had any Intention of framing u document which should stand inn hanged for more than a gen eration. It has remained for the Vcn- eralors and tomb-worshlppcra of tO- day to ancribo to them these saintly and immortal attributes. They wore plain, common, every-day business men, bankers and owners of plant i tions and slaves, and thoy had no more Idea of governing the people ot 1897 than we have of writing resolu-. tlous to govern the people of a thous and years heuce. What is more, they said ho, and It forms a part of the record. They had no love for democracy. They hated the very word. They fear ed the people, They ncer dreamed of founding a democracy. They did not think the people wore capable of self-government, and they sepnt five months designing a document which would make tho rule of tho people nothing short of a miracle. I have stated tho plain truth and the undisputed records prove It. The con stitution as it stands and is enforced today Is a living, tangible proof of these assertions. The constitution is the written expression and embodi ment of a convention which was anti democratic almost to the verge of actual monarchlsm. And yet the people have been edu cated to believe the exact opposite., They think that in this country the people rule. They also think that this Is the only country in which the peo ple do rule, and that our wonderful progress is due to our peculiar repub lican form of government. They talk, about one man's vote being equsl to another man's vote and prattle 1'ko babes of the beauties of a pure de mocracy . In the very nature of things It wp impossible that the statesmen of 1787 should have designed a democracy or witnessed the birth of a real repub lice. They had no conception of de mocracy. They had been schooled un der a monarchy. The colonies were part of a kingdom and the war of the revolution was not a revolt in favor of democracy. It was a war of Indepen dence. It ia true that the spirit of de mocracy was abroad, but It had not yet taken deep root in America. It was born in France and its thrilling song was heard In the Declaration nf IndeiM'ndence, but the notes died away in the wrangling of the busi ness men and slave holders who fought for comercial supremacy in the secret sessions of the constitutional convention. Trained politicians, as cunning, resourceful and In many in stances as unscrupulous as lw Platts and Crokers of today, represented thirteen mutually jealous colonies. They used all the arts of the merciless partisan, and we do not have to de part from the carefully edited journal of the convention, kept by James Mad isou, to detect the motives which ani mated them. It is proper to extend to the states men and law-givers of a departed gen eration that meed of praise and re siect which is due them, but it is criminal to charge their blunders 'ip to the people and the failures wnich have resulted to the fair fame of de mocracy. We make a great mistake when we demand that we return to the demo cratic conditions of our forefathers This assumes that the country started as a democracy and has gradually drifed away from the teachings f the fathers. This I deuy and can. prove. Look not to the past for the, inspira tion of democracy. Look rather to tht present; look to the spirit.'' which ani mates this envention fo,r your hope of coming years. The lamp of liberty burns brighter today lhan ever before in our national history. Our Ideals axe ahead of us, and toot behind us. Do CofcUnueiOD 4th page.