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Volume V
OMAHA, NEBRASKA, FRIDAY. JULY 3, 1S9C.
NOMBBK 27
The Proposition to Unite the
Church of England and
Rome so Declared
By the Archbishop of Canter
bury When Addressed by
Prominent Clergy.
The Archbishop of Canterbury was
recently addressed by several clergy
men and laymen of prominence, whose
minds were much stirred by the fear
that, in our eager desire to promote
spiritual unity, the distinctive and
doctrinal differences between the
Church of England and the Church of
Rome might be lost sight of, or at least
minimized. His reply was very clear
and satisfactory, as follows: "I have
no hesitation in saying that, in my
opinion, to quote your own words 'any
corporate union with Rome, so long as
she retains her distinctive and errone
ous doctrines, and advances her presont
unprlmitlve and unacriptural claims,
Is absolutely visionary and impossi
ble.' " That all of God's flock should
in His own time and way be one, In ful
fillment of our Savior's prayer (St.
John xvli, 21), must be the earnest de
sire of every Christian heart. Divis
ion can do no good, and must do much
harm. The ideal of the Christian
Church is the primitive description,
when all were of one mind and one
heart. But there is a greater danger,
and it is a danger to which in these
days of striving after union we are ex
posedthe danger of union upon any
other basis than that of truth.
The case is essentially one in which
we are to be 'first pure, then peacea
ble." We are not to sacrifice one jot
or tittle of the faith of God to any out
ward or formal union, however gratl-
fylng such union might be if upon or
thodox and legitimate lines. We can'
not for any purpose, or to accomplish
any result, add or take away from the
truth which has once and forever been
committed to us. It Is well for us to
notice with a special care the grounds
upon which the archbishop declares
"any corporate uulon with Rome" to
be, as (things now stand, "visionary
and impossible." Those grounds are,
he states, "the distinctive and errone
ous doctrines" of the Church of Rome
The gap betwaen the two churches is
a wide one, and it J lies here. It does
not consist, as men sometimes hastily
think, in a question of a little more
form and ceremony, of a little more or
a little less ornate service, in any
decorations or absence of decorations
of churchjor clergy. p As a rule it will
be found that those among us who are
most intelligently and strongly op
posed to the distinctive claims and
teaching of the Church of Rome are
the strongest advocates of making our
services as bright and ornate and fitly
attractive as possible. They know
perfectly well that of those who leave
our own church for the Church of
Rome, a considerable number at least
do so because they do not know how
beautiful and fitly attractive our own
services can bemade. They know that
numbers go out from us because they
feel deprived.and starved in their just
And natural yearning for a worship
whose outward form Bhall be, so far
measurably as it can, worthy of Him
whom they tadore. (They do not find
such services in such a worship, but
this in tno way affects the question.)
What then are; the distinctive differ
ences between our own church and the
Church of Rome? a What are the "un-
primitive Cand erroneous doctrines"
which make any corporate union with
that church "visionary and impossi
ble.'"' In answering these questions,
which are one, for the sake of both
courtesy i and clearness we merely affix
the dates of many peculiar teachings of
the Church of Rome. It will be seen
that all of these dates are far later than
the time of-;the primitive, undivided
church, land some of them quite of mod
ern days.
Auricular confession was first en
joyediby Innocent III., in the year 1215.
Compulsory celibacy of the clergy
was first publicly enjoyed in the year
1123.
Communion in one kind only was
fl-st authoratively sanctioned in the
year 1114.
The use of Images and relics in re
ligious .worship was first publicly af
firmed and sanctioned In the year 787.
The invocation of saints was first
taught with authority in the year 754.
Papal infallibility was utterly un
known to the third Council of Constan
tinople, and was never formally as
serted until the year 1870.
Papal supremacy was first publicly
asserted in the year 1215.
Purgatory and Indulgence were first
set forth In the year 143d.
The number of the sacrament (seven
was first taught in the year 1545.
Transubstantlatioa was first publicly
insisted upon in the year 1-15.
The Immaculate Conception of the
Blessed Virgin Mary was first declared
in the year 1868.
We have siven the above dates and
facts in no spirit of controversy, but 1
the desire that our people should
clearly see wherein lie the distinctive
differences between the Church of
Rome and ourselves, and that the ad
ditions and superstructure to the sim
pllcity of the primitive faith the diffi
cultles in the way of union have been
built up by Rome and not by us. Im
possible and visionary union must be
while modern additions and assertions
are held to be of the very substance of
the faith. Yet must we never lose
from thought and never drop from
practice the high priestly prayer of
Christ that they all may be one. The
Spirit of God, the Spirit of Truth, can
make men to be of one mind in one
house; and that which is impossible
with men is possible with God. The
Pariah Kaclndar, Paris, France.
Our Country's Flag Its Meaning.
Unfurl the glorious banner, the banner of
the free,
The emblem of our country's pride, on every
land and sea;
The emblem of our liberty, borne proudly In
the wars,
The hope of every freeman, the glorlou
Stripes and Stars.
Yes, unfurl it; lift it up on high
honor it; respect it; love it; but do not
forget the principles that it represents
To shout the praises of Old Glory, and
at the same time forget and ignore the
very principles which brought it Into
existence, would be but folly. To un-
furl that flag before the world, upon
the capltol dome and the "little red
school house," while we forget, ignore
and repudiate the principles for which
our lathers lougnl, as tney louowea
that flag on to victory, would be but
hypocrisy. It would be far more. It
would be treason to the flag itself,
There Is very great danger ef exalting
the symbol of these principles, while
in fact we trample upon the very prin
ciples reprepresented by the symbol
What, then, are the principles which
gave birth to the nation's flag, those
principles represented in the flag, the
glorious Stars and Stripes? The an
swer is, that they are the very princt
pies that gave birth to the nation it
self. It was civil and religious liberty
for which our fathers fought; civil and
religious liberty, for which they bled
and died. It is civil and religious lib
erty, that was emblazoned upon the
nation's emblem. That flag is the em
blem of liberty; an emblem of liberty
as guaranteed in the nation's bill of
rights. And that bill of rights is
solemn pledge before all the world that
a man shall not be deprived of his lib
erty without due process of law; and
that no man's conscience shall be sub
ject to the dictation of another. Grand
Noble! Glorious principles! Most fit
tingly represented by the "Red, White
and Blue." The red representing the
life-blood glvea in defense, and the
white representing the purity of those
principles; while the blue represents
the loyalty to those principles that
should and ever will be found in the
veins of every truly loyal American
The New York World of August 12,
1895, says: "The law of equality is the
foundation of the law of liberty. It is
solely because men are 'created equal
that they have an 'inalienable right' to
liberty. If men were not created equal,
then one man or some men would have
the right to rule others, to dominate
their wills, to control their conduct, to
direct their consciences. Every in
stinct in the American people denies
the existence of such a right anywhere
on earth.' " Indeed, such a right does
not exist anywhere in the universe of
God; for it was the eternal purpose of
the Creator that man should be God's
own freeman, subject to the dictation
of none. And the Creator Himself does
not seek to compel, but says: "Whoso
ever will, let him come." Then no man
nor set of men should try to compel or
rule over others in the doing of that
which is right. Such a course is wholly
un-American, and, I may say, un
Christian as well. The only restrain
ing influence that is proper in a free
government is the restraint from in
fringing the equal rights of another.
For, "the law is not made for a right
eous man, but for the lawless and dis
obedient, for the ungodly and for sin
ners, for murderers of fathers and
mothers, for manslayers, for whore
mongers, for them that defile them
selves with mankind, men stealers, for
liars, for perjured persons."
The foundation Btone of a republic is
that every man should govern himself.
Said Abraham Lincoln: "This is a
government cf the people, for the peo
ple, and by the people" not in the.
government of others, but in self-gov
ernment, recognizing the inalienable
right of all men to "life, liberty and
the pursuit of happiness, " which means
the free exercise of one's own faculties,
As appropriately stated by W. A
Blakely. Esq.. in American State
Papers: "Pagan and Mahomedan,
Gnostic and Agnostic, Jew and Gen
tile, Cathollo and Protestant, are all
entitled to the unrestricted exercise of
their equal rights, and to an impartial
protection by the government In such
exercise. These are the principle
characteristic of American institutions
these were the principles of the found
ers of the government. Theso are the
principles of Anglican liberty, and the
Ideals of Anglican philosophy." And
these are the principles represented by
the nation's flag.
Mr. Bancroft, the historian, also ren
ders a tribute to these principles in the
following language: "Vindicating the
right of individuality even in religion
and in religion above all, the new na
tion dared to set the example of accept
ing in its relation to God the principle
first divinely ordained in Judea. It
left the management of temporal things
to the temporal power; but the Ameri
can constitution, in harmony with the
people of the several states, withheld
from the federal government the power
to Invade the home of reason, the cita
del of conscience, the sanctuary of the
soul, and not from Indifference, but
that the infinite spirit of eternal truth
might move in its freedom and purity
and power."
These are the principles for which
our fathers gave their all, the very
principles upon which the government
Itself is founded. These are the prin
ciples represented by that flag; and
wherever and whenever that Dag is un
furled, it is a pledge before all the
world, and to all the world, that we.
their children, still remember these
principles, and that they shall ever be
maintained and perputuated.
And more: It Is the boast of our edu
cational system that the principles of
individuality of thought and action
shall be Inculcated and maintained, in
dlviduality in all matters of conscience
each deciding for himself upon the
questions of the day. It will never
answer, therefore, to deny the right of
every man to display his. loyalty to the
nation's flag in his c m way, or seek to
compel him to manifest it in a certain
manner, whether it shall be wafted to
the breeze from his own housetop, or
whether he may be content to see it
unfurled from the national buildings,
lest in compulsion by law we deny the
very principles represented by the flag.
It will never answer, as is now being
done in some of the states, to prohibit
certain ones from equal educational ad
vantages and privileges, because of
their color. Nor will it answer to allow
that antiquated spirit of bigotry and
intolerance to so far get the better of
the finer feelings of the human heart,
as is now being done in some of the
states, so far as to send men good citi
zens, consciencious men wno were
charged with no other crime (?) than
that of resting on the seventh day of
the week and exercising their God-
given, Individual right of working six
days, to the jail and the chain-gang
thus repudiating these principles, while
we vainly boast of our liberties, lest we
make the flag to be despised. Nay, but
rather, let the sons of those noble sires
stand by and maintain these eternal
principles principles that are as en
during as the throne of God itself
then shall Old Glory ever be respected,
honored and loved.
"We'll stand by the flag of our country,
Columbia's banner of glory ;
Her stripes as they shine,
Her stripes as they line,
Tell liberty's grand old story.
We'll stand by the flag, our beautiful flag,
In union none can sever;
We'll honor the flag, our liberty's flag,
We'll stand by the flag forevr."
H. P. Phelps,
St. Paul, Minn., June 25, 1896.
W ill Hare an A. P. A. Ticket.
Louisville, Ky., June 26. The A
P. A. people are not pleased with the
treatment they received at the hands
of the Republican convention. Feel
ing that they will likewise receive no
concessions from the National Demo
cratic convention, they have started to
put an independent national A. P. A.
ticket in the field.
A letter signed by the leaders of the
national A. P. A. has been received by
active members of the organization in
Louisville in which the foregoing facts
are embodied. In this communication
it is said that in all probability Wil
liam S. Linton of Michigan will be put
at the head of the ticket and that a
Kentuckian who has stood hleh in his
party councils for years may be given
the second place.
A conference of A. P. A. leaders will
be held in a few days to perfect this
plan and it is almost certain to be car
ried out as Indicated.
THE 8T. LOUS IX)5VET101.
The
Ceatmeray Over a Charrh
aad
Mate Hank.
St. LOC13, June 24. It was stated
last night that It was through the in
fluence of Archbishop Ireland that the
plank proposed by the American Pro
tective Association was not adopted as
part of the platform of the recent Re
publican National Convention la this
oltv. Word was given out that Colonel
E. II. Sellers, president of the Na
tional Council of Patriotic Associations
of the United States, was at work to
get a plank into the platform endorsing
the A. P. A. On the very day Colonel
Sellers sent a copy of what he wanted
embodied in the platform to Foraker,
chairman of the committee on resolu
tions, the following telegram was re
ceived by Mr. Carter, chairman of the
Republican National committee, from
Archbishop Ireland:
St. Paul, June 17, 1896. To Hon.
Thos. E. Carter, National Committee
man, St. Louis: The clause in the pro
potted platform opposing the use of
public money for sectarian purposes
and a union of church and state Is un
necessary and uncalled for. It Is urged
by the A. P. A. its adoption will be
taken by them as a concession to them,
will awaken religious animosity In the
country and do much harm. The Re
publican party should not lower Itself
to recognize directly or Indirectly the
A. P. A. I hope the clause, or any
thing like it, will not be adopted.
John Ireland.
Colonel Sellers, in an Interview, said
he would give a copy of the platforms
of the patriotic societies to Foraker,
and also to Senator Gear of Iowa. He
was told by the latter that a paragraph
declaring against the appropriation of
money from the United States treasury
for sectarian purposes would be incor
porated, and that the committee had
taken formal action on it. Later in
the day (Wednesday) he was surprised
to learn from members of the committee
that its action bad been reconsidered
and that there would be nothing lu the
platform In that regard. All this Is
now explained by the telegram from
the archbishop at St. Paul. The dis
patch was referred by Carter to Mr.
Lsiuterbacb. of New York, one of the
big four from that stato, and he, with
the national committeeman, Kerens, of
this city, went before the committee
and succeeded in knocking out all ref
erence to the church. ICorkjord, ill.
liegisler-Gazitte, June f4-
Rejected Principles.
On the receipt of a telegram from
Archbishop Ireland of St. Paul, Minn.,
to the National Republican Conven
tlon the following artioles were stricken
from the Republican national platform
by request of this Irish Catholio real
estate gambler, Archbishop John Ire
land.
The paragraphs Btricken out:
1. Integrity in the use of funds and
the fair and impartial character of the
American free public school system
must be preserved free and untram
meled from all ecclesiastical or sec
tarian influence, and all private educa
tional and other institutions must be
subject to civil inspection.
2. Absolute separation of church
and state must be secured, and the In
timldating power of eccleslastlcism
over both citizens and lawmakers, and
all appropriations of money for the
support of sectarian or private lnstitu
tlons, must be destroyed by constltu
tional prohibition or legal enactment,
both by the nation and the states.
4. The supreme law of the land ex
pressive of the will of the people is,
and should be, that the government of
the United States is, and of right ought
to be, free and Independent of all ec
clesiastical or religious connection, in
terference or control; that the state
dominating religion and using religion
for state purposes Is the pagan idea of
government, and that religion dominat
ing the state and using civil power for
religious purposes, and which has
been the purpose of ecclesiasticism for
for centuries, is not only the pagan
idea of government, but in effect,
despotism, which is subversive of a Re
publican form of government and con
trary to the letter and spirit of the
constitution of these states.
4. Stringent immigration laws must
be enacted to preserve the character of
our citizenship, giving dignity to hon
est toil and averting perils of an unre
stricted immigration which permits
the transfer to our shores of the dregs
of foreign populations, representing
the lowest forms of illiteracy, beggary,
superstition and crime, thus imposing
new burdens on our laboring classes
and serving unscrupulous politicians
for the most unworthy purposes.
5. A national constitution require
ment that no state grant the right of
suffrage to any person not a citizen of
the United States.
6. We declare in favor of restrict
ing the ownership of lands to actual
settlers and citizens of the United
States, or those who intend to become
citizens, and that congress shall hence
forth prohibit by law further alien
grants from any portion of the public
domala, or from further encouraging
aad legalizing any system of alien ten
ures within the confines of the United
States.
7. We declare in favor of a law
being passed by the several legislatures
of all the states against any contract
for the use of convict labor, thus pro
tecting honest toll and encouraging
honest and legitimate Industry.
ft. We doclare In favor of a national
system of education, at the head of
which shall be a national university,
located at our nation's capital, and
which shall be 0ened by a system of
competitive examinations to every citi
zen graduating from our publlo schools
and the state universities of the United
States.
9. We believe that the public school
system of the United States la the bul
wark of the American republic, and
with a view to Its security and per
manence, we recommend an amend
ment to the constitution of the United
States forbidding the application of
any public funds or property for the
benefit of any schools or Institutions
under sectarian control.
10. A just, fair and equitable read
justment and distribution of appointive
federal officers and emoluments among
various states, territories and the Dis
trict of Columbia, In proportion to the
various populations thereof.
11. We also declaro In favor of a
law by the several state legislatures
providing for the taxation of all prop
erty not owned and controlled by either
national, state, county or municipal
governments.
Now, will you support a party that
has eliminated all the above from its
national platform just because an Irlwh
Catholic priest asks them to do so?
The A. P. A. Will Not Weaken.
We believe that now is the most
critical period in the history of the
American Protective Association, and
that its future destiny very much de
pends upon the course it takes in the
present emergency. No doubt if the
order stands firmly upon its patriotic
principles, and carries them out in vig
orous and harmonious action," it will
live, grow and conquer. But if it
should for any reason weaken or falter
in its efforts in its patriotic work, it
will soon disintegrate and die as a po
litical power. The order, through its
numerous periodicals, has published to
the world not only Its political princi
ples, but its vast membership, Its or
ganization In every slate in the union,
its political influence against papal In
trigue in politics, at municipal elec
tions, in legislatures, in congress and
throughout the country. The A. P.
A.'s have made it a point to stand out
boldly for their principles and make
their Influence felt, if possible, in all
the conventions and political gather
ings in which they have had any po
litical responsibility. But we will not
disguise the fact, however, that the
doings at the late convention of Re
publicans at St. Louis, so far as the A,
P. A. was concerned, were very disap
pointing. It is said that there was
quite a sprinkling of A. P. A. delegates
at that convention, though probably
not so many as were expected, and
therefore they were unable to exert
any marked influence in the conven
tion. Hence the question arises, did
these delegates make any demands for
recognition of their patriotic princi
ples at the convention, or urge It to
adopt them as a part of the platform?
If so, what did they get? They got
nothing whatever, and even the plank
in reference to immigration shows no
marks of A. P. A. influence. In fact,
from all the light we can gather from
any source, one would not even mis
trust that there ever was such an order
as the American Protective Associa
tion.
It Is true that the order In its secret
chamber work may have well matured
plans of operation which will in due
time be developed to the joy of thou
sands of Its fast friends, which will
prove a terror to its Jesuitical enemies.
But we must confess that at this writ
ing the visible results of the late Re
publican convention at St. Louis was
anything but encouraging, so far as it
relates to Americanism.
The nomination of Major McKinley
may be acceptable to patriotic Ameri
cans as the best that could have been
done under the circumstances, but as
he is thoroughly committed to the
single gold standard, and stands on a
platform of principles which in no way
recognizes any of the fundamental
principles of the A. P. A., we cannot
see how it is possible for the order to
consistently support him, and especially
n view of the additional fact that G.
A. Hobart, the nominee for vice-presi
dent, is not vory likely to be over
stocked with true Americanism. Bui
after all, we still have strong faith and
unshaken confidence In the order, and
cannot believe that it will under any
circumstances weaken in lis American
latrlolUm or slacken in any measure
its burning teal and untiring efforts In
pushing forward the work for which it
was organized to do.
But we will not bo Impatient at de
lays to accomplish impossibilities, for
It is altogether probable that the wise
leaders of the A. P. A. will come for
ward at the right time with well ma
tured plans, and will suggest political
measures that will put new life into
the noble order and bind It together as
with bands of steel, and load it on to
national victory, perhaps, as a well
organized and successful political
party, and thus save this glorious coun
try from the tyranny and blighting in
fluence of papal rule. J. G. P.
The First Keplr.
From your article, "Are Some A. P.
A.'s Intolerant?" I clip this clause:
We believe God has been with us
and for us. Apropos of this we will
lay we had a great deal of fun poked at
us by certain papers when we started
The American because we said we
would trust In God for aid and courage
to scatter the truth. They had never
known a newspaper man to trust In
God for anything, and they thought It
wa a huge joke, but we're still trust
ing and still scattering the truth, and
will continue to do so In our own way
until we feel patriotism doos not need
us as a champion.
My only hope In this fight Is in God.
"Put not your trust In princes, nor In
the son of man, in which there is no
help." Iam not an A. P. A., nor a
church member, wear no man's collar,
button or badge. "Are some A. P. A.'s
Intolerant?" Yes, one-half of them.
This Intolerance was manifested in the
St. Louis convention. Tbey trusted in
McKinley, Kerens, Warnor, Ireland
&Co.
"Cursed be the man that trusteth
In man."-Jer. XVII: 5. This Repub
llcan, A. P. A. Intolerance has driven
at least 20,000 true Americans In Mis
souri to vote for any ono to beat the
"gold-bug," Romanized, McKinley
ticket In Missouri. Poor and obscure
as I am, I propose you publish my offer
with the above. Elijah found 7,000 in
Israel "who had not bowed to Baal."
Now, are there not 350, who are good
Americans, who will not bow to Repub
lican, A. P. A. intolerance. You say:
Like every other business man we
have found collections hard to make
and have now an indebtedness of
3,30O, but 350 of our readers will raise
that for us one of these days by each
buying a share of stock In our company,
so we do not worry very much about
the future of The American.
Shame, confusion and disgrace rest
on those delinquent subscribers,
"drones in the hive." Lat us have an
American party, free of Republican A.
P. A. intolerance.
I am poor, and an invalid, but I pro
pose to be one of 350 Americans to pay
off this 13,300. Put me down for tlO for
a starter. Americans, now or never.
"Huge."
Do We Want More Criminals!
The foreign-born population of the
United States is less than 15 per cent
of the whole. In so far as this 15 per
cent has been educated at all It has
been educated in parochial schools.
This 15 per cent furnishes 26 per cent
of the white jail and Bridewell popu
lation of the country. The census of
1891 gives the penitentiary population
at 28,440. Of these 13,715 have been
educated in the common schools of
America, in so far as they have been
educated; 14,725 have been educated,
in so far as they have been educated,
In the European parochial schools,
mostly under the management of
priests, friars or nuns. Of the 53,696
inmates of poorhouees, over 51 per cent
were of foreign birth, and educated, in
so far as they were educated, at pa
rochial schools. Inter Ocean.-
A. P. A. Headquarters Removed.
Washington, June 26. The head
quarter of the A. P. A. have been re
moved from Chicago to Washington.
J. W. Echols, the supremo president of
the order, arrived here to-day and es
tablished ai office. Congressman Lin
ton also arrived this afternoon. He
and President Echols will make a tour
of the western states, commencing at
an early day.
Confessional Secrecy Upheld.
Montreal, June 25. The superior
court has rendered a decision uphold
ing the secrecy of the confessional.
Cure Gill had refused to answer certain
questions put to him in court, taking
the ground that his knowledge of the
facts was imparted under the seal of
the confessional. The court holds that
such communications are privileged.
m m
Mark our great offer, then 9cnd the
paper to a friend.