3 D'94
-V THE AMERICAN.
HtEK.Y NtWSPAhkF, " AH t RICA FOR AMKICAHS."W hold that all men art American who Swtar Allegiance to the United State without a mental reeervation m favor of the fop: fHIL'l HVf ctHI
V.
OLUMK IV,
OMAHA, NEBRASKA, Fill DAY, NOVKMHIUl 30, 1894.
NlJMBKK 4$
NOTES AND COMMENTS.
One of Omaha's bankers is
the authority for the statement that W.
A. L. Gibbons, S. J., will not bother
the A. P. A., much hereafter.
We can conceive of nothing
which be of more Interest in this de
partment than a letter from W. J. II.
Traynor. It reads aa follows:
The following is a proof of an open
letter addressed to me by J. C. Burch
field, Esq., of Washington, D. C:
. Hon. W. J. II. Traynor Sir: The
recent victory won by our friends in
the field of politics was such as to in
spire confidence in the efficiency of the
American Protective Association as a
political agency for the control of elec
tions, and hence there has been a very
strong temptation in the minds of many
public men to convert It into a party for
the administration of government a
temptation which seems to have
reached even yourself.
My great respect for your sagacity,
as well as for your sincere devotion to
the principles of our order has made
me hesitate to enter into any contro
versy with you on this subject; but from
mature reflection I am constrained at
last to dissent from your opinion; for
while I realize that our principles are
just and imperishable, I also realize
that, taken in their broadest sense,
they are not sufficient to form the basis
of a practical administrative agency,
for the manifest reason that they do
not cover the field of finance and taxa
tion, and that whenever the tariff ques
tion or the silver question is taken up
for the purpose of settlement, by our
order, as it must be. if we enter upon
public administration, or seek to do so,
strife -and disruption will follow as
surelyand rapidly as thunder follows
lightning.
Some'of us are free traders and others
protectionists, while others still favor
the single tax theory of Mr. George.
Some are advocate) of bimetallism, and
others fof monometalism. Some favor
the policyof internal improvements by
the general government, and other i op
pose thatpolicy. How, then, can we
hope to formulate a scheme of political
economy 'upon which all can agree?
The followers of Mr. Wilson and those
of Mr. McKinley are sure to come into
conflict, not only with each other, but
with those of Mr. George. Those who
adhere to Mr. Sherman's views as to
banking and currency, will fail to see
any merit In the system advocated by
Senator Jones. What msgic, what
alchemy, have we whereby to amalga
mate thesejheterogeneous elements into
a homogeneous-body? Is it possible to
reconcile them? What sort of economic
platform, then, shall we adopt? Shall
we ignore all the' questions of practical
government? 'Tis absurd to think of
that. A political party is a positive
force. It'must forecast rome definite
plan for administering public business,
some plan of dealing with money and
trade, with production and consump
tion;oand all of theEe lie entirely out
side the limits of the policy prescribed
by our order. Shall we extend those
limits? I am opposed to any such prop
osition. By acting upon it we should
not only'rlose -one-half or two thirds of
our membership, but would also alien
ate the Masons aDd the Protestant
clergy, who are our ablest allies. The
papists know this, and hence the
shrewdest of their leaders, like Patrick
Ford and Archbishop Ireland, have ad
vised their 'friends to pursue a course
calculated .to bring about the very thing
which you 'propose a distinct Ameri
can, anti-papist party. In the Irish
World of the 10th inst., Mr. Ford, writ
ing under the head, "Don't Play Into
the Enemy's Hands," advises Catholics
to pursue a'policy which will tend to
the segregation of our friends from the
great political parties, and he reten
tion of the papist hold upon both the
Democratic and Republican organiza
tions. He says:
"The proper way to have treated
these A. P. A. 'pests would have been
to have let them severely alone and so
have compelledithem to flock together.
But, instead of adopting this course,
politicians in both the great parties
secretly sought A. P. A. alliance and
support. This fact is well known Re
ligious bigotry and religious bigots are
not confined to the Republican or Dem
ocratic ranks. The A. P. A. is per
fectly aware of this fact, and, therefore,
in politics is neither Republican or
Democratic. It is either one or the
other, as'circumstances vary.
The Democrat and Republican parties
neverimerge, because they are kept
apartbyj policies radically different.
The A. P. A. can merge with either of
these parties, because it believes that
its programme of making war on Cath
olics is.the paramount issue, and that
all others are of secondary importance.
Hence its willingness to throw its
strength in favor of free trade, or a
galnst freetrade, according aa it. be
lieves that its so doing will help on the
the proscription policy it advocates.
While in Michigan it supported the
Democratic candidate for governor, in
other places it voted for Republican
candidates. In Massachusetts the Dem
ocrats during the whole campaign tried
to make it appear that the Republican
party in that slate had a monopoly of
A. P. A. support. In an A. P. A. rally
held at Lowell on the eve of the elec
tion, the principal speaker, Rev. C.
Raboteau, took occasion to deny this
Democratic statement about the A. P.
A. bigots being grouped exclusively
under the Republican standard. Here
is the way in which he refuted the
charge the un-American bigots had
flocked into one political organization:
"Some of the Democratic papers say
that the A. P. A is an apendage of the
Republican party. I do not know, then,
where I come in, for I am a Democrat.
They do not know how many good,
staunch Democrats in Lowell belong to
the order. They are cutting off their
own heads whilo they are meeting in
caucus and denouncing some of their
own leaders."
We submit that this is pretty good
evidence that, notwithstanding the
Democratic assertions, the A. P. A. has
made a lodgement In the Massachusetts
Democracy. And so it is in other
states. Take for instance Tennessee.
In eastern Tennessee, where there is a
Republican majority, the A. P. A. at
tached Itself to the Republican party;
in western Tennessee, where there is a
Democraiic majority, it alied itoelf with
the Democratic party.
Let us, then, view the A. P. A. as It
really is. Denouncing it as an annex
of this or that political party may serve
the purpose of politicians whose main
aim is to get votes, but such denuncia
tions will serve no other purpose.
Honest men want to have the truth
about the A. P. A. Now, the naked
truth about this organization is that it
is non-partiean, so far as the Republican
and Democrat parties are concerned.
It is well to keep this fact in mind when
the A. P. A. is in question.
We Catholics would be playing into
the hands of the A. P. A., if, as a body;
we antagonized either one or the other
of the great political parties on the
ground that it is co-operating with the
bigots who are seeking to raise an issue
which should never have any place in
our politics. A Republican or Demo
crat who seeks to advance the aims and
objects of A. P. Aism by that fact pro
claims himself recreant to the avowed
principles of his own party, and should
be regarded and treated as such, if he
ever presents himself as a candidate for
public office.
This will be an effective way of purg
ing both parties of A. P. Aism. If
treated in this manner, the anti-Catholic
and un-American bigots will be
forced to organize as a separate politi
cal party, and that will be the begin
ning of the end so far as A. P. Aism is
concerned. In the meantime, do not
let us play into the hands of the enemy
by proclaiming that he is the honored
ally of any political organization."
This so-called church has won in
numerable victories which it niver
could have won except by putting its
men on guard in both the contending
armies. Every Democratic victory in
a national election since 1870, ard al
most every Republican victory has been
as much victory for the papists, as the
result of the last election was a victory
for the A. P. A. We have so far simply
adopted their system of conclaves and
their system of distributing our forces;
and we have beaten them with their
own tactics and strategy. At the last
election they lost their heads under the
influence of Satolli and so they "flocked
together" in one party and were over
whelmed. Archbishop Ireland had
warned them against that course. Just
before the election he said:
"I would have the church rppped
up in no one political party, whichever
it be. She cannot afford to be put in
political antagonism to another party.
I would not have her exclusively Re
publican. I would not have it exclus
ively Democratic." And in the same
vein Patrick Ford pleaded as follows:
"If we solidify ourselves in any one
party, will not that very fact arouse
suspicion in the minds of non-Catholics?
If we were wise in this respect no such
movement as that of the A. P. A. could
ever gain ground."
Now, sir, whenever the papists estab
lish or adopt a separate party at which
we can strike a definite blow, it will be
time enough for us to establish or a lopt
a separate party. After the 4th of next
March we shall have the balance of
power in both branches of congress and
that is all we need. We can secure
what legislation we may demand, and
we can also secure our due proportion
of federal patronage.
But by flocking together in a new
party, we should lose prestige entirely.
We should forfeit that reputation for
sagacity which was so well earned in
the late campaign. The fate of the
Knownothing party would overtake us.
Let us go on in the path of virtue.
Mucte Virtute, ic itur ad astra! Lot
us crystalize into law the propositions
on which we won the elections of No
vember (ith. Let us expel Satolli and
the jesuits from our soil, and by such
means, operating in the councils of the
different parties, with one common
purpose, diffuse and perpetuate through
them all the jealous love of home and
flag and native land. Respectfully,
J. G. BUKCHFIELD.
President Advisory Board.
Washington, D. C, Nov. 19, 1894.
J G. Burchfield, Washington, D. C:
Dear Sir, Esteemed Frlond aud Pat
riot: It would Indeed be strange if a
mong the large membership of the
American Protective Association there
should not be gome disagreement as to
methods, even though there hi porfect
unanimity as to the ends to bo attained:
it is therefore with more than ordinary
respect for your sagacity and prudence,
and respectful attention to the argu
ments which you advance in support of
the position you have taken with ref r
ence to my publ Ic letter of the 13th Inst,
that I take up my pen to reply to you.
It would seem, my dear friend, that
what was discussed by me in a purely
subjunctive maod, has been miscon
strued lndicatlvely. I have neither the
right nor the power to convert the
American Protective Association Into
"a party for the administration of gov
ernment." My position can only bo of
an advisory nature in the matter, and
executive only within the lines laid
down by the Supreme council at D-.-8
Moines. A reoerusal of my communi
cation of the 13th should convince you
that the paragraphs to which you take
particular exception are purely admon
itory and read thu-:
Republicanism, Democracy, Popu
lism and Prohibition played less a part
in the issue than self-seeking profes
sional politicians would have the world
believe. While the papacy and party
machines were looking for tools, Amer
icans were lojking for honest men.
When they found them, they elected
them, independent of party or personal
friendship. And let the organization
serve notice upon the Republican party,
and, indeed, upon all political bodies,
that unless, as parties, they abandon
their present system of truckling to the
papacy and corpora .ion cliques, as they
have truckled In the past; unless they
have the courage to openly meet the
members of our order as such, they will
be buried beneath an avalanche of
American votes, wteldcd by a genuinely
American party, composed of the hon
est, fearless men from all existing po
litical bodies, who love their country
first, and party last of all.
There is a clamor in this direction
which will not be stilled or quieted,
and only needs a spark, such as the in
justice done by the Republican leaders
of this state towards Mr. Crump, to fire
the train which shall blow party rings
and party leaders into everlasting ob
scurity. That the admonition was warranted
by facts, not even the most warm parti
san will deny, and knowiDg the growing
feeling of indignation that is taking
possession of the patriotic organizations
of this country over the treatment ac
corded them by party leaders and parti
san politicians who have been elected
chiefly by the patriotic vote. I should
have been neglectful of that duty to
which I have pledged myself had I
halted for a moment In what was to me
mv plain path of duty, or expressed my
self less forcibly upon the contemptuous,
insulting and dishonest attitude as
sumed by partisan leaders, organs and
machine politicians towards the organ
ization to which you and I, sir, have
the honor to be members. There was
a time wh,en I, like yourself, believed
that the parties might be reformed and
purged of the rottenness and corruption
which pervaded them, but the exper
ience of years in the ranks and as an
officer of the A. P. A., and many more
in other patriotic fields have largely
modified that belief, and I am now well
assured that such reforms as patriotism
advocates must be wrung not begged
from the party leaders.
Yet, even were it within my province
to organize the American Protective
Association into a distinctly political
party, and were I inclined to do so, I
must confess that the reasons which
you oppose to such an end do not ap
pear to me as conclusive as arguments
must be to convince me that a purely
American party is not a successful pos
sibility. I would impress upon you, first, that
the principles of our grand organiza
tion cover the broadest of political ter
ritory and do not exclude from their
scope one or more new political organ
izations, if the welfare of the nation de
mand them. A reference to the ritual
of the order will, 1 believe, convince you
of the fact that we are not hedged nor
fenced in by an irremovable barrier to
progress. Another reference to the
ritual will, I am convinced, show you
that the noble founders of our order
based their work Uon the possibility
of the existing parlies becoming so cor
rupt as to lie ultimately unendurable to
honorable Americans.
That the Republican like the Dcnio
cratio party has, as a party, formed
most unpatriotic and un-American al
liances with the heads of the papacy,
and that they have been little less cul
pable than the leaders of Democracy
and with far less reason, the records of
the party prove beyond the shadow of
a doubt. It is less than two years since
the chairman of the Republican party
was a papist in close communion with
the leaders of the papacy, while the
federal apiointmcntg of the last Re
publican party whow a list of as unpa
trlotio and politically Immoral ap
pointees as ever disgraced the records
of a nation, and It is not necessary to go
farther than Pat Egan for an example
of the Republican appointee.
When you assort that the principles
of our organization are not sufficient to
torm the basis of a practical admini
strative agency, I am again forced to
disagree with you. If your premises
were logical there would today bo no
American republic, for when the Amer
ican revolution was conceived in the
minds of the immortal fathers of the
republic, thero was not at that time the
vestige of a platform upon which to baso
the form of "a practical administrative
agency, for the reason that they (did)
not cover the field of finance and tax
ation," The root, and the leaves do not ap
pear in the seed; they are not the de
velopment thereof.
Your remarks under this head would
imply that the elements of statesman
ship are lucking in the organization, a
proposition with which I so far disagree
a9 to maintain that within the order
are more competent statesmen taking
integrity, patriotism and ability as a
desideratum than there are without.
I could name prominent workers in the
order In almost every Btate, who are
fitted by birth, education, pbllhy and
integrity to fill the highest positions in
the gift of the American people; men of
entirely opposite political affilations,
who, if gathered into conference, would
speedily reach a rational and wise con
clusion upon all questions of national
importance which at present agitate
the public mind and oppress the busi
ness of the republic.
This assertion, 'though it may appear
Utopian upon its surface, is, in reality,
based upon practical grounds. It is less
lack of ability than dishonesty that ha)
prostituted the politics of the country
for the past eighty years. Where pa
triotism is the sole stimulant, grave
problems are speedily solved, even as
they were in the first immortal con
gress. Questions equally as vital to
the public weal as the Wilson bill, Mr.
Sherman's money issue and the Mc
Kinley bill, were discussed and speedily
disposed of then, because the motive
power was loyalty devotion self-sacrifice.
A revolution no less real because it
is moral rather than physical, is going
on today, in which all loyal men are
taking part.
That there is a McKinley bill and a
Wilson bill; a Sherman issue and a
Senator Jones issue; a Henry George
propaganda and a Coxey movement, is
due to the fact not that they are neces
sary and must always be bowed to In
their perpetuation, but rather that
these issues represent the result of class
legislation. All of them are founded
more or less upon that dishonesty which
is based upon selfishness the desire of
one class to enrich itself at the expense
of other classes. This sentiment has
been fostered by the partisan leaders
until truth and honesty have been lost
sight of in the deal.
To WIN, not to LEGISLATE, ha?
been the spirit that has animated and
still animates the machine politician
until the Interests of classes of trusts
and monopolies, have become 60 en
tangled in the political affairs of the
parties that disen'anglement would
mean the death of the party attempt
ing it.
'o the victor belongs the spoils'1 is
the slogan of all parties to the exclus
ion of almost every other sentiment.
The parties are responsible for the
present condition of the country, and I
have yet to satisfy myself wherein they
merit either forbearance or respect at
the hands of our order. While they
break faith with us upon every hand
and would crush us where they cannot
rule it. I make this assertion in the
full conviction of knowledge which my
position in the American Protective
Association affords me, and I am not
prepared to chide or to endeavor to
suppress the cry which greets me upon
all hands from men who all their lives
have been bound in the chains of parti
sanship to monstrous Juggernauts, and
now WH'k emancipation, with no better
reason than roucv to movo me, and if
I am correctly Informed, thoso in our
order who would cai-rifleo principle to
IKilley are greatly in the minority.
You ask tin', sir, "what magic, what
alchemy," I propose to use to amalga
mate the heterogeneous elements of the
A, P. A. I reply, the maglcof patriot
ism, of honor, of self sacrifice qualities
almost entirely absent In the jioliey of
existing parties; the patriotism which
moved the fathers of the republic to
place principle before policy in the face
of almost sure destruction; that honor
which made them choose death as a
welcome alternative to dicgraee; the
self sacrifice which prompted the
mother and wife to send husband and
son as a farclflce to the Moloch of war.
That we have snch heroes today may Iw
well exemplified by glancing over the
list of those thousands of our member
ship who have ruined themselves and
braved the papal boycott that the order
might live and true Americanism pre
vail. The magic which places the
Democrat shoulder to shoulder with
tho Republican, Populist and Prohibi
tionist in the council chamlwr in a
common cause, will never bo lacking
when they meet in legislative halls.
The alchemy of patriotism 1b tho touch
stone of their worth.
You quote a number of extracts from
the public press, which prove nothing
beyond the fact that newspapers fre
quently lie as to tho paragraph relat
ing to the governor of Michigan and
make the Inference that as papists hayo
taken the Initiative in intriguing with
corrupt politicians of both parties, that
it is an initiative which the American
Protective Association is bound to fol
low if it would Bucceed, an inference
with which I am far from being in ac
cord, my friend. With me, It would
rather have the effect of lmiolling me
to an opposite course. Holding a can
dle to the devil is a timeworn axiom
which does not enter into my philoso
phy, and I think the deplomacy unsafe
which would bring our order Into treaty
relations with those political bodieB
which your quoted arguments prove
are inextricably involved to a greater
or less degree with the papacy and its
servants.
You infer again the A. P. A. is an
organization of purely negative effect.
Herein I again differ with you, and
send you to your ritual for proof. Find
if you can, any declaration more posi
tive than that which obligates you to
use every factor within your power to
the end that honest, clean principles
and government shall prevt il.
That thos-e intelligent and patriotic
members of the American public who
are not members of patriotic orders and
who now support the principles of the
A. P. A. and cast their votes in accord
ance therewith, would assume an op
posite position if the organization were
a political party, is a deduction drawn,
it seems to me, from anything but a
consistent source. Those citizens,
whose votes are worth having and who
support us at present upon principle,
are not liable to desert us because our
principles are transplanted from the
closed council chamber to the open
arena of politics. I for one, am not
ashamed of our platform, ror do I feel
alarm tha .it will fail to meet the shock
of political trial in the light of day
equally as well as it has met it within
its sacred birth-place, the council
chamber. If our principles are just and
patriotic, they will stand, no matter
whether their abiding place be in the
halls of congress or the darkest cavern
in earth's center. If they are less than
we claim for them, they will not sur-I
vlve though they be cushioned in cloth
of gold and sot with precious gems I
believe that I voice the sentiments of
the vast majority of ur noble order
when I assert that I have no fear as to
the result of the test; were it otherwise
I should not now ba a member of the
American Protective AsfWciution.
In conclusion let me reeat what I
asserted In the opening of this letter;
my argument is hypothetical merely,
I have not publicly urged the forma
tion of a new party, whatever my priv
ate sentiments upon the subject may
be, nor have I permitted my private
sentiments to enter into the discharge
of my functions as supreme president
of the order. From my present posi
tion I able to feel the public pulse, and
more especially the pulse of the patri
otic organizations. It is within the
scope of my duty to relate to my con
stituents the results of my observations,
and I repeat to the leaders of the
parties that their duplicity and dis
honesty are arousing a spirit in the
American people at large which, If per
sisted in, will sweep from jwlities the
old parties, even as George Washington
and his brother patriots drove back to
Europe King George and his armies.
To the supreme council at Milwaukee
will belong the right to determine what
relationship, if any, tho A. P. A. shall
bear to existing parties and whether or
not a new party Is desirable. It is
mine only to steer by the chart and
record tho result of my observations,
and at the sumo time secure a consensus
of opinion from all part of the United
States as to the spirit which animate
tho order throughout the country. By
thote means only can wo arrive at the
conclusions of tho majority, and to theso
conclusions I presume that you, my
dear friend, like myself, will bow.
This controversy, begun In to gentlo
and amicable a manner by yourself,
will not, I trust, end here, but will bo
taken up In a manner equally aa well
timed rnd judiciously by the patriotic
press throughout tho country, to tho
end that public sentiment 1ms proled to
the bottom. Yours faithfully,
W.J. 11. TllAYNOR.
DKTKOIT, November 24th.
The Missionary INwt I'reuelicr'tt Kxper
icme With 1 he M. I". It. It. fllclul.
Rev. G. W. Jiemls sends uf) un item
clipped from the Oakdale, Neb., tknti
nd. He accompanies It with the state
ment that the Northern Pacific makes
a practice of boycotting Protestant
ministers. This Is not to be wondered
at as the greatest Koinun of them all,
Jim Hill, is at tho bead of tho system,
unless we are wrongly Informed. The
item reads as follows:
I appeared in person at tho general
office, St. Paul, for a half fare permit.
Was Informed after showing my per
mits over eight or ten different R. It. 'a
that I would have to show some other
credentials. I wont to tho depot and
got my appointment as helper In tho
mission work by Hickerson, D. I)., LLD.
Seattle, Wash. Tho substitute for an
agent took it and went into another
room and pretended to show It to Fee.
Came out and said he would give mo a
half fare ticket to Verndale where I
have a brother-in-law who is a banker
and where I had got tho ermlt for 1803
that the agent at St. Paul saw and took
up. I went to Verndale; the agent there
sent for a permit as usual, and in four
days said that Fee wanted to know
what church I belonged to, after ho was
supposed to have read my appointment
and the M. Protestant church printed
in full. Agent at Verndale wrote back;
I started west and the permit overtook
me at Mapleton, Minn. I got a ticket
to Dady, Minn., and the agent there
said he had order to take up ray ticket
and send it back to Fee. He took up
the tteket and wrote, or pretended to
write back to Fee, and said ho would
see if the ticket could not be sent to me
at Jamestown, N. Dakota. The agent
at Jamestown said Fee telegraphed to
him to have me give him recommends
in St. Paul. I told agent to tell Fee to
keep his permits as there are other
railroads in the United States. It seems
that the officials and most of the agents
of the Northern Pacific railroad are
Roman Catholics and are opposed to
giving Protestant preachers half fare
permits.
N. B. The thirty pieces of silver
perished with Judas. Silver and gold
will cause many railroad men to lose
heir souls. My Statement: I was
appointed four years ago as helper in
the mission work. Have my will made
at Dayton, Washington, in favor of the
missionary work of Japan to the minis
terial department. I pay my own ex
penses teaching painting on silk, and
all I do for the missionary work is
gratis. I fill appointments where there
Is a vacancy and preach for different
denominations as I believe in the Union
of all christians and take up a col lcc
tion for the church I preach for, to be
put in the missionary fund.
Rev. G W. Bemis.
No Use for Rome.
Lake Lenden, Mich. Nov. 19, 1891
You will find an order for one dollar
for your paper for six months. Send
one or two of your old papers with elec
tion news in if you can. We have not
got any A. P. A. councils around here,
but we need them all right. I think
the A. P. A. a grand order. I almost
got myself into trouble in this Catholic
town standing up for the order. The
sample copies you sent me some time
ago were given awav. I have no
earthiy use for the Catholic church.
What we want to do as Protestants is,
stand like the brave with our face to
the foe and we will come out all right.
I believe in free schools and a compul
sory education where only the English
language is taught, and the freedom
which every American citizen should
have, and that is what I am going to
stand up for and fight for, and die for it
if need be. Yours for the good of tha
grand cause you are fighting.
The Patriotic Daughters of America
will give a Progressive High Five
Party, at the G. A. R. hall, 118 North
15th street, Wednesday evening, Dec.
5th, 1894, to which all friends of the
order are cordially invited to attend.
Refreshments will be served, and a
good time is anticipated. Admission
20 cents.
