s
THE ALLIANCE-INDEPENDENT.
JANUARY 25, im
THE
CensoliflaUon of tbe
ftrctn ilUascesSetiaslLi Independent
Publishes Etxbt Thuksdat bt
The Alliance Publishing Co.
i tso M Strict, Lincoln, Neb.
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J.S. HVATT.
Editor
.Bnslness ManaRer.
.Advertising M agi.
"If any man most fall for me to rise,
Then seek I not to climb. Another'! pain
X choose not for my good. A golden chain,
A robe of honor, la too good a prize
To tempt my hasty hand to do a wrong
Cnto a fellow man. This life hath woe
Safflclent. wrought by man's latanlc foe;
And who that hath a heart wonld dare prolong
Or add a sorrow to a trlckn soul
That seeks a healing balm to make It whole f
My bosom owns the brotherhood of man.
N. L P. A.
Publisher Announcement.
The snbscrlptton price of the Aixiahot-Ii;-strnoin
Is I1.U0 per year, Invariably In ad
vance. Aenrrs In soliciting subscriptions should be
very careful that all names are correctly
pelted and proper postoffloe given. Blanks
for return subscriptions, return envelopes,
tc.. can be had on application to this effloe.
Always sign yeur name. No matter how
often you write us do not neglect this import
ant matter. Hvery week we receive letters
with Incomplete addresses or without sign
tnres end It la sometimes difficult to locate
then.
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e change their postofflce address must always
arive tbelr former as well as their present ad-
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Andreas aU )nttra and make all remittances
arable to TH ALLIANCE PUB. CO. ,
Lincoln, Neb.
We oall our readers' attention especi
ally tail week to a very notable, valu
able article contributed by Hon. H. H
Moses of Ohio, an article entitled
"Farmen Rights and the Railroads,"
found on pacre 8. The writer of it la
the aathor of the standard legal work,
"Moeei on Mandamus." He is a former
resident of Wayne Co. Nebraska, and
we learn will return to make his real
dence here. In politics he has been i
Democrat, bat be Is convinced that the
Democracy of Nebraska "is only the left
wing of the G. O. P." He is coming
back here with a will to secure justice
for all from the ralltoads, and throagh
Bro. H. B, Miller of Winsldo, he makes
request that all Popalist papers ia the
state reprint his article. It is an article
of much interest and importance. This
Moses will he a great additional Intel
leotual force and legal light for our
party. O yes. we're growing. The
men who leva justice will all he with
us in the meat fatura if we keep facing
forward.
The plutoct ats are going mad in their
blind effort to fasten bonds upon the
people.
: There are a few Democratic dailies
that are opposed to bonds and bondage,
and the Atlanta Constitution is one of
them. "
The Atlanta Constitution says, "If
the Democratic policy Is to be outraged
and violated by a bond issue, let genuine
Democrats wash their hands of it."
I Carlisle, hacked by the Democratic
administration and the John Sherman
Republicans, fastens bonds on the peo
ple, the people will rise In their wrath
and fling taeaa from power.
These Is a voice or two raited among
our Populist exchanges to nominate
candidates who are not known and
known net to he Populists. This seems
to ns decidedly premature.
The men who issue and fasten bonds
upon the people should be made to wear
striped elothes and work on the public
street with a hall and chala attach
ment to their understanding.
IT Is a mistake to suppose that the
South Carolina lienor law is what la
called for by the new platform of the
Nebraska Farmers Alliance. The South
Carolica law provides for a huodred
peroeat pro It, thereby encouraging
illicit sales tor profit, and making it
the laaacial interest of the state to sell
as much at possible. The Alliance de
mands thai all profit and nunry tcirp
tatlons he allmlaated.
We forgot to men tioa editorially that
our friend, Ilea. J. M, Define, of slate
kui UtMial , hm hove retained in
Wfcthiagteaaa efllo manager of the
National llaeUlllo League lleaduar
tore. It I post tit he It saioeatly
quallfUd to fill. Don't let silver elo
qntaee shut off the preaching of gree
hack legal tender doctrine to the )a4
lag blmeieillsie, Hrvttur Deriae.
Teach the Wauherf la order that their
fpu!ar iattruotloa may he tha tight,
estt rtrfKt Mr! of lastmsUon,
AS EXPLANATION AND BEPABA
TION.
The editor of thlspaperfeltcompelled
ia last week', issue to relate what he
had rt aeon to believe was a matter of
fact, and npon the basis of that suppos
ed fact to severely criticise the writer
of the report of the action of our State
Conference published in the previous
week's issue of the Nonconformist.
Through a peculiaily unfortunate mis
understanding a mistake was made,
mistake which no one can be blamed
for, but we wish to repair the injury
done. We wish to make the complete
reparation which truth and justice call
for, and have therefore written the fol
lowing ..letter, which fully explains the
whole matter. The original was last
week forwarded to the Nonconformist.
Lincoln, Neb., Jan. 17, 1894.
Editors Nonconformist.
Gentlemen: I wrote you this morn
ine calling your attention to editorials
In our tola week's issue criticising me
report of our State Conference sent you
by Mr. Edgerton. Me nas since ten
here to see mo and has convinced me
that I was not correctly informed about
one important matter, which my writing
was baaed on. uur ouuness manager
understood him to say that his report
was written oerore tne uonierence
acted. It happened this way: Another
man on the street, having read his re
port in our office, the report published
In your paper, chaffed Dim about It and
said he must have written the matter
before it occurred. Mr. Edgerton a lit
tle later was in our business oflice read
ing the "Noncon." and repeated the re
mark made him; and it so happened
that Mr. Griffin, our business manager,
came in while he was speaking and
heard what appeared to be a dtclaration
that he wrote it beforehand, but wLich
was intended to be understood as the
words of another. A few momenta
later in my room I called Mr. Griffin's
attention to the untrue report in your
paper, and he recalled and repeated Mr.
Edgerton's words to me, supposing it to
bejttls statement. Having hit own words,
as I supposed. Mr. O being a man whose
word cannot be doubted. I was compell
ed to act, to write as I did upon the
testimony before me. I wrote with
much reluctance, never having had any
but kind feelings for Mr. Edgerton. I
felt under compulsion to do it in tbe
Interest of truth and for the cause' sake.
The mputation, baaed on his own
acknowledgement, as I supposed, was
severe on Mr. Edgerton. The words
not having been correctly understood I
am very glad to make the amende honor
able, to say that be was unfortunately
mUjudged in the matter of the time
when his report was written. He is not
the politician we felt compelled to be
lleve. His report was written with a full
knowledge of what the Conference did,
after It acted, there is no doubt.
Now as to his report of platform ac
tion which 1 denied having been taken.
which I said was untrue, the affirmation
regarding our Conference action ex
prersed as follows:
Decided to pusn next campaign on
free coinage of silver, railroad control
and retrenchment and reform in state
government."
Mr. Edgerton has brought me today
wnat ne considers lustines ana suostan
tiates the above statement regarding
onr Conference action. It is found on a
smaller sheet of paper enclosed, in his
own handwriting, as he brought it to
me. it is language wnicn nas never
seen the light, no paper in this state
having printed it, no copy I suppose
having been furnished to our own
papers even. But you will please com
pare the original with the report of it
sent yeu. It is part of the report of the
committee on organization and plan of
campaign, which report, Mr. Edgerton
tells me, was unanimously adopted.
The part in question reads as follows:
We recommend that in the next campaign
we confine ourselves to government conirol of
railroads and telegraph lints to tbe end that
the people may derive the best service at the
least cent consistent with the Interest of all
concerned: and to the financial question.
which we regaid of all dues lions tbe most im
portant to the people, and particularly to the
free coinage ot silver at the ratio of sixteen
to one.
1 was present at the January 3d ses
slon of the Conference. During that
session a motion to appoint a committee
on platform and resolutions was prompt
ly voted down, after a speaker had
pointed out that the Conference (not be
ing a regularly elected, delegated body.
choeen lor that purpose) had no right
or powenio take sucn action. A com
mittee on plan and organization, and a
press committee to report on the feasi
bility of establishing a dally paper,
were the only committees appointed,
and the Conference next morning twk
no actios except to hear and accept
tneir reports, work: on our paper
made it neoessary for me to leave on an
early train, so that I missed the morn
ing sesilon ot tbe Conference, when
these reports were brought in. The
next dsy's dallies reported action of
the Thursday morning meeting, but con
tained not so much as a bint ot the fore
going recommendation of what ques
tions we should confine ourselves to,
what platform w should stand on and
discuss.
It is apparent on the face of it
that the committee exceeded its au
thority in bringing in sucb a recom
mendation, and the Conference In
adopting Ik Its own action in refusing
to act on the matter proves this.
prom alto that to Conference did not
undertUnd or intend that the Vmnha plat
form ihould e dropped. I appeal to tbe
members ol the Conference who voted
for the report on plan and organisation
la which thlt recommendation wa Im
bedded, If they ) nadertUMHl It and
would have the pre and people act ac
cordingly. No as to the recommendation lUclf.
It is to be remembered that It was part
ot a report whtxio chluf features were
"plan and organisation." Tts other
features drew particular attention.
Notice also that the language ot th
recommendation U very ambiguous It
may be construed to nets much if
No cm teil rrrttinir whit
the man who wrota It meant br "gr
ernmeot control ot railroad and trl
graph lino la the tad that tho popl
uity derive the best service at the KaM
ciwl wiwUWiit with the Internet of all
concerned." It may be construct to
mett everythltg w aa or aoiMsg.
Again, "the otaolal question which
we rtgard of aU questions tho most im
port tut," Is underbid to sneaa U r
mor trt lg only ( jovr r
lrt or tbe aaUoanlliaUoa of the
hoi bftaVlsf bualsN, Uaa, d posit
and exchange. That the committee as
well as the Conference did not under
stand it to mean simply free coinage of
silver teems certain from the separate
expression regarding silver.
From these considerations we con
clude that, this recommendation going
through without discussion (a tact.
am told), each man who vo ed for ltdid
it without more tban momentary con
sideration, and It meant to each more
or less, according to his individual
views, bv an ambiguous power of adapta
tion. Very truly yours,
George Howabd Gibson
Since writing the above letter we have
been informed by part of tbe committee
which brought in the plan and organt
zation report at tbe conferenco (the re
port containing the recommendation
which is printed and commented on in
the foregoing letter), that they did not
as a committee intend to recommend
or wish it understood that they recom
mended, that'tbe Omaha pla'Jorm be
dropped. A a Inorlty Of the committee
consisting of Porter, Poynter, Gaffin
Green and Stewart, fought and pleaded
for two hours in the committee room
to recommend that no questions be
dUcussed except local, state questions
and the free colnasro of silver; but the
majority sat down on the proposition,
and stood firmly by our national plat
form. The Idea that we should drop
the Omaha platform is absurd, prepos
terous, impossible. But a few men are
foolish enough to think, perhaps, that it
euzht to be done and can be done, and
when delegates are to be chosen to at
tend our next state convention they will
be alive and at work. We shall not
need even to quarrel with them if we
beforehand understand what they want
and are working lor. We have room
on our platform for all the free silver
men, freo silver and nothing else, but
they would not leave room for anybody
else if they could have their way.
NOT MANY GBEAT ABE 0 AILED
The lawyers, bankers, railroad mana
gers and editors who furnish the brains
and boodle and run the old party ma
chines, look loftily down on the Farm
ers Alliance, the grangers, the politi
cal "hayseeds" and the organized city
aborers. They fancy In their egotism
that they know vastly more than men
ho work. At the same time the
whole body of Republican aud Demo
cratio leaders haven't had a single new
political idea in twenty-five years. The
men they are despising and beginning
to fear hare pasted on beyond them,
in the study of social problems, andtho
old party politicians are so far beneath
them in their grasp of economlo ques
tions that they can only mouth at them,
calling them the names that are always
fastened reproachfully on those who
move the world. J. Sterling Morton is
a sample of the puffed up, learned
ignoramuses, or worse, who rail at and
talk superciliously to a class whose
philosophy is either beyond their men
tal grasp or their grade of character. '
Colleges and universities have a
natural tendency toward scientific and
eoonomlo dogmatism,- the limitation of
know-it-alllsm, which supports always
the social crust and stratification of
society. Changes co-re never from the
class above, the well-to-do, the teachers,
the professorlally gowned and ecclesias
tically endorsed and sent. The move
ment is from below, where pressure
creates warmth and fire. But there are
always some few of the learned whose
minds remain emancipated and whose
broad advancing philosophy supports
the providentially-forced movements of
humanity. Prof. Jones of Hastings is
one of the "hayseeds" whom Sterling
Morton despises. The vice-president
of the Nebraska Farmers Alliance und
a farmer, he is also ranked with and
among the foremost educators of this
country. For ten years he was at the
head of the Normal University of Indi
ana, and previously held other high
positions. Ue could forget more his
tory, science, economlo truth and phil
osophy than J. Sterling Morton ever
knew, and hardly mlts It. He is In
erudition, mental penetration and phil
osophic grasp inoomparably the superior
of Morton.
In this issue of our paper we are
pleased and proud to say Prof. Jones
gives us the first of a series of articles
entitled, "An Outgrown System and
Social Needs.' Und it en page five.
These articles will need careful,
thoughtful reading, but, mentally
grasped they will bo ot great practical
value. We auk all our readers to glr
to these article the attention they
mtrlt.
A-
The government Is In need ot money;
but the government, w are told, can no
longer cola Its metal or Issue non-Interest
bearing legal under paper. Tbe
government mut b rrow ot the bankers
what it ha given the baakera. It must
exchange It iaWrest-bearlng bonds for
gold which th banks can purchase with
their son Interest Waring paper cur
rency, cvrtnff tUk toitt them
n tent n the dollar, 11 v swapping their
government endorsed paper f-r gold,
and then eel Hag th gold t the govern
ment, they cau wake 2u) pr ootit profit
04 th duUo transaction; and 04 th
boaj they thus bur they can mak th
goffnnntlHid gv them tV
0 O.oufl if aw evirracy watch they ran
loan at rt to th people; ami o
th fc'f 1 boadag can go gather
m 0,f vrvr, Units tli U I s'opped
west ( oo b a aatloa of "flaaacUr
0UBFBIENI)8 TBE PE0BIBITI0BI8T8
The New Be public, organ of the Ne
braska Prohibition party, in its last
issue, 6ays, "It there is an honest and
conscientious man in the People's party
(and there are many of them) Mr. Gib
son Is one of them. Buthonestand well
meaning men are often deceived."
Mr. Frederick thinks the writer de
ceived in two statements made in his
paper recently read before tbe Indepen
dent Press Association, namely, these
that " The platform we stand on is
a grander platform tban was ever be
fore by any political party conceived
and formulated ;" and that "The things
we contend for as Populists are at the
base, they constitute the very founda
tion of all moral Itj."
"The very foundation of all morality"
assertion is wuat rubs ana arouses our
Prohibition brother. There has always
been a good deal of self-satisfaction ris
ing up in the breasts of Prohibitionists
from the belief that they were really
the only "God-and-morality party." It
was very easy to believe this before the
People's par;y sprang into the politi
cal arena; and since faen thev have
tried hard to show and believe that
sordid motives lie at the base of our de
mands, that we care much less tban
they whether men are "Intelligent, vir
tuous and temperate.'1 That is to say,
"filthy lucre" Is all we are after. Mr,
r . 01 nis own accord courteously ex
cepts the writer, but declares that
while "Mr. Gibson's object is to better
the condition of humanity morally,
physically and financially, the supreme
object of the Populist platform is
more equal distribution of wealth, or
the improvement of the common people
financially." As if the just distribu
tion of wealth were not a moral matter
and had nothing to do with our moral
and physical well-being!
The trouble with our high moral
critics Is, they do not comprehend any
evil except tbe evil which they have
given almost tneir whole attention to
for many years.' Until the People's
party appeared 'prohibition was all the
Prohibitionists agreed on, and woman
suffrage all they quarreled over. They
from the first added some economic
features to their platforms, more or less
crude ideas, fragments of truth; but in
no real sense were they a part of their
party teaching or principles, for they
kept silent about them in the press and
rostrum from year's end to year's end.
They were incidental, ornamental feat
ures, used merely as a setting in which
to hold and show up the one great idea,
the incomparable, paramount question.
More tban this, we remember. Three
ard four years ago a prohibition speaker
could not talk and a prohibition editor
could not write freely on economic
questions, so called, without being c it
tclsed and losing caste in the prohibi
tion camp. This is not mere assertion,
but experience. It ia a more respect
able, prudent thing to do now, because,
thanks to the Populist party, anti
monopoly ideas are in the air and
pressing upon the attention of all men.
Mr. Frederick declared that "When
the People's party was organized there
was already a party in existence which
demanded reforms almost identical with
those now being advocated by the new
party."
This is a very great mistake, which we
could clearly show if we bad space to
print and compare our platform de- j
mands. The national Prohibition party
has a goldbug head and a silver and
greenback tail. Prohibition is of
course still the dominant, uniting issue
with them. They widely disagree about
everything else, and their political in
fluence upon other questions is nil.
They never drew a voter to their ranks
by any idea in their platform besides
prohibition.
Now as to their anti-monopoly ideas
and their effect on them. Take the
railroad monopoly, for example. The
Prohibition party in Nebraska Is a long
way in advance of the national party,
and stimulated by our teaching has
adopted exactly our railroad doctrine
and pla'fona demand. But this seems
to be a garment put on, not a principle
taken in. We are personally acquaint
ed with the Prohibition party leaders
in this state and have been for tlx year
and more. We know nearly all ot them
to be good men, honest men, moral men,
judged by th light they have. But we
also know that their aatl monopoly
principle sit as lightly on them as th
aureole enclroling the heads of ancient
saints. They never Interfere with their
movements in the least. The leaders
of the party ia all the years wo were
Intimately acquainted with them, th
chairman and secretary of their state
xecutivo committee, and platform
speaker whom wekaow, applied for,
accepted and rode on railroad passes
jut as did the Republican and Imo
ciatio leaders and men of Influence. If
we have dene Me lira. Soott, Ilawlcy,
iWatiey, Odell and Smith lojua'.ico In
this statement wa ahall bo extremely
glad to correct the raliUke, and a
publicly rs wo make the statement.
Traveling on frv transportation has
not been a thing prohltiliooltU hav
f It ashamed of, unlet ll may b la th
last year or two, through lb anllght
Din lafltMne of th superior moral
tcachlag of th Populists.
Hut think for a moment of th eonsl
Wacy a4 lafiueao of vhoso & stand
on th platform they dcrUiog abouif a
rllro4 pa-. Can It h'bcllvd
j thai th railroa4 maaafar. will erry
men over the state without charge whose
political influence in the lesst degree
injures thea? Is it not absolutely cer
tain that passes are never given to or
accepted by the actual, effective rail
road anti-monopolists?
Do not for a moment suppose we con
s der prohibitionists who ride on passes
guilty as Republicans, Democrats or
Populist leaders are or would bo with
the same monopoly lavors. They have
been given to the prohibitionists be
cause the railroad managers consider
them harmless people, engaged in
political diversion profitable to the
powers that bo. They are really
preachers of tlje gospel of prohibition
that is all.
We bave not space this week to dis
cuss tbe question of what constitutes
the "base of moralitr," but refer our
prohibition friends to some few thoughts
on usury given In another column,
Much more might have been added on
that subject.
THELIQUOB PLANK OF THE ALLI
ANOE PLATFOBM.
One ol the recently adopted planks of
tbe Netraska Farmers Alliance plat
form reads as follows:
We believe the solution of the linunr
prooiem lies in me elimination of the
element of profit, and therefore demand
tbat tne sale of liquor shall be exclu
sively carried on by the state at co6t
tbrougu salaried officials in such muni
cipnlities as shall apply for 6uch asen-
cies, and that the national government
snail regulate tbe Importation, manu
facture and transportation of all intoxi
cants so as to protect the states in their
exclusive management.
The evils growing out of the present
legalized system of liquor selling are
universally conceded to be great. What
reason have we to believe that those
evils could bo to the largt st possible
degree removed under the exclusive
public conduct of the business, which
the Farmers Alliance calls for?
We quote from a very practical and
very high authority when we say that,
"The love of money is a root of all evils."
The business of selling liquor, with all
its evil feature?, is now carried on for
money. The desire to obtain money
easily, without labor, is what prompts
men to engage in it and to provide with
it social and gambling and sensual at
tractions. Money can be easily obtain-
eu Beiung liquor, ana ine more men
3lHf .
push the business by cultivating public
drinking customs and by bringing into
the saloon sensual, gambling, bill
iard and card playing allurements, the
more money there is in it for them. It
for their private interest, their
money interest, to tempt men to drink,
to work up customers, to encourage and
cultivate bad, dangerous drinking
habits and social customs. Something
like 200,000 men in America are thus
finding it for their personal interest to
tempt, endanger and debauch our citi
zens, and debauched citizens are a poll-
tioal danger as well as a great public
burden. The liquor sellers who now
find it to their interest and make it
their business to play the tempter, to
financially prey upon, physically de
bauch and morally ruin men by alluring
them into the coils of the fearful drink
habit, must be Interfered with. The
American saloon must go. But it is
growing faster than it is going, in spite
of the utmost efforts of political prohL
bitionista and high license restriction
Ists. The license fee, statistics show,.
has not had a tendency to limit the
business, but rather the contrary effect
t has stimulated it, organized it, and
made the saloons more attractive. Non
partisan stato prohibition and local
option seem to be making no headway,
and the Prohibition party ia in the same
fix. It is over twenty vears old. and
when a party is twenty years old it has
got its growth. The state victories
wnich the prohibition idea gained wet e
mostly secured before the liquor busi
ness had perfected its organization.
And where prohibition for beverage
purposes is the law, the profit in illegal
selling is so great greater than under
license that it tempts many to violate
the law. And this brings us again to
the root of the matter, the money which
may now bo made In it.
As long as ther is a great profit to
be obtained selling liquor, the sale of it
111 be pushed, and no state will be
able to rest in peace after outlawing
the liquor business. The root ot the
evil we bollevo to be the love of money,
th opportunity under present liquor
aws to make money. Cut off the possi
bility ot making money out of it by
providing stato agents to sell it at cost,
aad It will oloao all saloon, atop all lilt.
clt telling, reduce sale to actual or
supposed needs, and leave education
regarding the tnUuteof alcoholic liq
uor to complete Its work unhindered,
unopid.
IUN. J. W, taxiiRTuM has lately re
moved trout Omaha to Grand Island
and opened a taw fflo la company
Ith Samnel P- llrlghtm. Ills political
principle have el him dear In Omhe
and ho I forced W begin life ovor again,
a It ware, Omaha Is a hard pla fur
rt former of not to tlrlv ia. 's ila
relj hop Mr. Jgrta will tad hit
new surrounding ! aoaUi. U ha
crllcd much fur th ptopl la th
pat, and It thr hav ttoed of hi Inral
talent at any tlm Uy should romuav
borhltn- Y k editorial not ot alt
chaog ot Nido Ual ail may know
wkr to wr o 4 him.
' SHYEE AND POPULISTS
The following article from the Popu
list Tribune of Montana, one of the sil- J
ver mining states, suits us exactly, and '
it is especially worth careful reading by
those among us who fancy it wise to
drop out of sight or keep in the back
ground our national platform. The
national platform is what binds tut all '
together. It unites us beyond the
power of local issues or interests to pull
us apart. It furnishes our party in
every state and section of the country
the reason and ground for local exis
tence, and the rational inducement,
needful to draw anti-money-monopolists.
every variety, anti-land-monopolists, , .
anti-monopolists of any and every fcort, V
unto ns. This has never been brousrht
out more clearly than this silver state
Populist paper shows it. Editor Alliance-Independent.
Our esteemed contemporary, the Inter
Mountain, of the 6th Inst., republishes
portion of Senator Peffer's article
which appeared in a recent number of
the North American Review, concern
ing money and its uses, and opens its
comments upon the same in these words;
The above shows what, fha Tnt.
Mountain has always contended, viti
tbat the Populists, outside of the min
im? States, are not an rrnh ndvfvata nt
silver monev as tr-ev arnnf skim mmu
The Pop iliit party is not distinctively
a silver party, except in the Rocky 4 ,
Mountains states, and here they are no
more friendly to silver than the repub
licans are.
Tbe Inter Mountain evidently mis
construes tho meaning of Senator Pe It
er's article. Tho Kansas populist
statesman endeavored to show that
is not the lntrinsio valno of the article
out of which money is made that con
miiuies us worm as a monetary ex
.in... I..
change, but that it is the stamp of the
government alone upon the materia
whether it be gold, silver or paper-
that clothes it with purchasing power.
The value of the coin or paper resides
In the fiat of the government, for mon
ey is simply a written legal decree.
It is true, as the Inter Mountain sava.
the Populist party is not a distinctively
silver money party, but It is the only
national political party which favorw-
the free coinage of gold and silver at a
ratio of 16 to 1. Neither of the two old
parties thus favor it. A Republican or
democrat In Montana cannot consistent
iy train with the Republican or Demo
cratic party of the eastern states, while
an eastern Populist stands side by side
with the Montana Populist upon the
silver question. Different sections of
the union breed different kinds of Dem
ocrats and Republicans, each kind or
class antagonizing the other. But the
Populist party is a unit upon everv
principle enunciated In its national
platform, including silver coinage.
The Populists regard the fight be
tween goldbugs and silverites merelr
as an incident in the errand strurpla
now going on between those who have
and those who have not a contest the
monejr power is waging against th
iaboring masses. They hold that con
vertible money is not necessary to the
existence of our government, and, there
fore, contend that an issue of proper
money by the government a legal
tender for all debts, public and private
would meat everv demand of thai
business world if never a dollar of cold
or silver were coined. Still the Popu
list party favors silver, net only because
the free coinage of the metal would add
to the volume of money in circulation,
but because the policy of coining crold
alone is unwise and unjust to the labor
ing world, as it lowers wages and alt
the products of toil by enhancing the
purchasing power of the yellow metal.
The suggestion of the Inter Mountain
that the Populist party of Montana act
with the Republicans at the polls In the
interest of silver is somewhat amusing.
The record of the Republican party in
congress upon the silver question is not
assuring to the Populist mind; neither
ia that of the present Democratic party., f
The old parties are too shakv
given policy silver or otherwise. The
lamb does not go to th wolf for protec
tion, nar tho linnet to the hawk for
safety. The safety and integrity ot the
Populist party He in its non-allianbe
with either of the old political organi
sational ita keeping in the mlddlei of
the road. Other mar coma to th.
party, but the party, like the mountain
go to no Mohammed. Th Pomiliat
Tribune, Butte, Montana.
How long will it take the matortt !
learn that usury, In th broad biblical
senae, is tho great parent vll, the pro-
llOa source ot poverty and riobe. of
suffering aad surfeiting, of ennui and
anxiety, of proud arrogance and de
grading dtpendeoce? Usury enable
one data to tojoy without labor, and
force another cits to labor without
enjoying. It debate work by nlavlog
th workers, It tiUcourajre strict hoa-
sly, and rewards the spirit ot covet-
ouaaea. It Is tbe child and multiplier
of monopoly privilege! and tower. It
make tp oulatloa poealblo, k4 v .
iffM-tefof EM tprc4.11j waoeruiatf
throufhout th who! sisWnt of pro
uetloa and Mchange, It nuke It uasaf
for men to bu cither jusl or g omnia.
I tor nruUItly upon u all. It bom.
pls u la butloea to be supremely !
titt ia order to live; t,nJ out ot tbs
struggle and M'raiubl all lb evil frwiu
selnshne ar broviaht forth, ll
prd distrust. vr. vanlt. svoo.
phaaey, tyranay, hypoorlsj, : d
aatagoaUma. It dtlrojv ail
met
A It i
icl
con-
: 1
t
