The Alliance-independent. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1892-1894, August 18, 1892, Page 7, Image 7

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    THE ALLIANCE -INDEPENDENT.
the slaves of plutocrats.
Religions Cant Among Political Pharisees.
History Repeating Itself. Harrison
p!accs on the Supremo Rcnch an
attorney for millionaire monopolists.
Harrison and Cleveland vieing with
each other in groveling before pluto
cracy. Governor Pattison's shameful
course. Th People's Tarty the hope
of the laboring man. A suggestion to
President Harrison; taxpayers of Penn-
I sylvanla have to pay hundreds of thou-
sands of dollars because the steel barons
. re. use to arbritrate.
BY B. O. FLOWEIt, EDITOIi TOE "ARENA."
Religious cant probably never reached
Such a high water mark in bur Republic
&s when Senator Quay introduced the"
Sunday closing resolution in the United
States Senate, and when Whitelaw
Ucid, Chauncey M. Depcw and Post
rnastcr General War.smakcr of Keystone
Bank and Wall street fame addressed
with assumed pb'ty the convention of
Christian Endeavor in New York. These
spectacles call to mind most vividly the
following words of Froude in describing
ancient Home immediately prior to the
establishment of imperialism:
"Religion, once the foundation of tlid
taws and rule of personal co; wot, had
Subsided into opinion. The educated in
their hearts, 'disbelieved it. Temples
were built with increasing splendor ;
the established forms were scrupulously
observed. Public men spoke con
ventionally of Providence, that they
bright throw on their opponents the
odium of impiety but of genuine belief
that life had any serious meaning, there
was none beyond the circle of the silent,
patient, ignorant multitude. The whole
spiritual atmosphere was saturated with
cant cant moral, cant political, cant
religious; an aifectation of high principle
which hud ceased to touch the conduct,
and flowed on in an increasing volume of
Insincere and unreal speech."
Much has boon said about the ingrat
itude of Benjamin Harrison ; but no one
can justly accuse him of being untrue to
the interest of plutocracy. His loyalty
in this respect is shown in his every act,
the latest exhibition being his appoint
ment of Geo. ShiraSj Jr. to the Supreme
bench. The press dispatches say: He
represents many large corporations.
His income is at least $50,000 a year.
His father, a wealthy retired brewer,
Is still living.
As if not to be outdone by Harrison in
hobnobbing to plutocracy, President
Cleveland the papers state has promised
to visit Frank Jones at his sea side cot
tage. Frank Jones is the autocrat of
the power in New England. He is one
of the most dangerous plutocrats, who
has long had the reputation of being
preeminent among that class of poli
ticians who are in politics for revenue
only. Vet he is the kind of man the
standard bearer of Democracy delights
to hobnob with. With Harrison ap
pointing to the Supreme bench tbe pet
of the iron, steel and railroad barons,
and Cleveland chumming with railroad
king, Frank Jones, what have the
great industrial millions to expect from
these two bantlings of plutocracy.
Still we must not be too severe on
Cleveland and Harrison for being the
nbject slaves of the gold power. The
Managers of both old parties are now
(lie most active of the plutocrats.
What can be expected from the party
of Calvin Brice, Standard Oil Whitney
and Payne, and scores of other leading
lights and controlling spirits who have
no more love for the industrial millions
or regard for the rights of labor except
at election iime), than a Republican has
use for a negro after election; while on
the other hand, what can be expected
from the party of Quay and Wanamakcr,
Dudley, of Elliot F. Shcpard, Chauncey
Depew, Carnegie, Raum and Elkins?
Both the old parties are pledged body
and soul to the gold interests; they care
nothing about the poor; they have a
supreme contempt for the breadwinner ex
cept during a political campaign when they
want cots, and tk.y have decdved the labor
iiujincn so long that they bcli:vc they always
can deceive than. By tacit understanding
they each have bogymen with which to
frighten tho ignorant. As long as it
made votes the North waved tho bloody
shirt; bow the Republicans have trans
Democrats, who have labelled it fores
bill, which already failed to pass a
House and Senate overwhelmingly uc
publican owing to public sentiment;
nnd in the second nlace they know that
the People's party would fight any
dangerous centralizing measure as
vigorously as the Democrats. The force
bill cm is onhi the device af the destroyer of
the rights. of industry, THE GOLD POWEK,
which hopes oy tins suDtenuge 10 com
pl'te the enslavement of labor.
The spectacle of Gov. Pattison be
coming the guest of Supt. Potter of the
Carnegie works, is one of the most dis-
. 1 f. ( . P TA ... . . 1 .
graceiui exniDiiions oi .uemocruuc miu
serviency to plutocracy in its most of
fensive torm eti witnessed, ana in its
influence, if not in deed, is highly law
less. Think for a moment of the facts.
Here is a firm bloated with millions of
dollars earned through special protec
tive legislation on the one hand and a
failure to give their employes fair com
pensation for their labor on the other.
This Arm has grown so strong it feels it
can completely enslave its employes by
breaking up organized labor so far as
it relates to the steel and iron industry.
1st. It transforms its plant into a fort
in time of peace ; an overt act well cal
culated to incite riot. 2nd; It fits up
(even-to the lining with stcel),barges for
the transportation of hired assassins,
which it brings from other States clearly
in violation of the laws of the land.
Yet this high-handed lawlessness calls
for no reprimand from the demagogue
Governor who poses as a reformer for
votes, courts plutocracy for political in
fluence. A battle ensues in which hon
est, hard-working and peaceable men
are shot down like dogs for repelling an
armed invasion of alien Hessians of plu
tocracy. In this battle plutocracy is
worstcd. Then the Governor sends the
militia at an expense of $22,000 a day to
preserve order. The officers in every
possible way display their sympathy
for the steel barons, and instead of po
litely and with the instincts of a trtn
gentleman declining the reception ten
dered him by tho citizens of Homes' cad
Gen. Snowd'en the Superior ofliccr won
rout of his way to exasperate the laborer;
with remarks which under the straine
conditions would naturally be construtei
as insolent.
The next outrage was committed by
the Carnegie Co. in having warrants
sworn out lor the arrest and committal
of leading citizens of Homestead on
charge of murder; then on the heels of
this lawlessness on the part of the
Carnegie Company the Governor of
Pennsylvania becomes the guest of
Superintendent Potter of the Carnegie
Company and assumes the tone of
a braggart as he notifies the citi
zens of Homestead that he will bankrupt
the treasury of Pennsylvania but what
he keeps the troops there until the
trouble is settled. Of course the tax
payers and not Pattison pay the bills.
Had the wanton squandering of the
hard earned dollars of the tax-payers of
Pennsylvania come out of Pnttison's
pocket he would have acted differently.
Instead of becoming the "guest of one of
the officers of the millionaire firm,
which, by refusing to arbitrate is
directly responsible for this frightful
expense to the State, Governor Pattison
would have pointed out to the steel ba
rons that they had acted unlawfully, and
unless they saw lit to arbitrate they would
beheld strictly accountable for criminal
deeds. This done and the State would
have been hundreds of thousands of
dollars in pocket while the matter
would have been practically settled,
but the plutocrats would not have con
tributed as largely to the Democratic
campaign and Pattison would not
have had their aid in his further politi
cal schemes. Hence we find the public
money of the.Statc being needlessly
squandered to uphold the steel barons
against the just demands of labor, and
the governor of Pennsylvania becomes
the guest of Sup't. Potter. If ever Patti
son runs again for governor and a single
workingman of the Keystone state votes
for him, that man will richly deserve
be a slave.
If the People's Party had been a factor
in the politics of Pennsylvania , Pattison's
course would have been different. His
contempt for tho feelings of the strugg
ling poor cs evinced in his becoming tho
guest of Potter, is evidently thej'esult of
hia believing that the people will vote
who arc also busy groveling at the feet
of plutocracy, and hence he doubtless
imagines he has more to gain from
plutocracy than the people.
The hope of the laboring men in Penn
sylvania no less than in the North and
South, lies in the People's party, which
is the bworn enemy of tho economic
policy which is making an aristocracy of
plutocrats on the one hand and millions
of industrial slaves on the other. The
People's party is the only party which
plutocracy is unitedly fighting. As long
as monopoly in money, land and trans
portation exists, plutocracy will fatten
on the life blood of the farmer, the
miner, and the mechanic, and millions
of toiling people will year by year find
themselves sinking deeper and deeper in
the meshes of hopeless, serfdom.. .
The ligations Discontent of the People
liow docs the People's party differ
Jrom other parties and how can it purify
politics? There arc no Wall street
thieves or millionaires or railroad kings
or attorneys in the People's party. This
great party sprang direct from the
people, the working people, tho wealth
producers of ihc land, and to-day seven
millions of them stand ready to east
their votes with the grandest party ever
organized on American soil. It is three
months yet until election and the cry is,
"still they come.".
Tho voice of a standing prophecy
proclaimed with trumpet tongues that
the time was ripe for action; that tho
hour had struck when a people suffering
under the cruel persecutions of the
organized plutocracy and money power
of Europe must act. The people sepm
to have received inarching orders from
some source to rally in one mighty army
for defense.
We fully realize the strength of tho
enemy. The money power, determined
to control the circulating medium of the
world, is a formidable opponent. It ic
more ambitious than Alexander the
Great; more haughty and domineering
than imperial Caasar ; more unrelenting
than the Pharaohs. It "lays its hand
on legislators and they do its bidding.
Courts become corrupt at the touch of
its golden wand. Political parties
hasten to "fawn before it that thrift may
follow."
But, the Poonle's nartv believincr "that
thrice armed is he who hath his quarrel
just," have fearlessly attacked this
monster and cordially invite all the
loyal sons of America to join its ranks
and do battle for the eternal right.
The Demo-Republican papers take
delight in saying the People's party "is
composed of the discontented." For
once in the world they arc right. If
there was no cause for discontent there
would be no need of a new party.
The people of Great Britain were dis
contented when they threw off the yoke
of feudal bondage and started humanity
on the long march to freedom.
The Pilgrim fathers were discontented
when they landed the Mayflower. 'J he
heroes of the revolution were discontent
ed when they issued the Declaration of
Independence. Wendell Phillips, William
Lloyd Garrison, Harriet Bcechcr-Stowc,
Horace Greeley and John Brown were
discontented when they thrust the
dagger of freedom into the heart of
si el very
Abraham Lincoln was discontented
when he raised his stalwart arm to strike
the shackles from the slave. Edward
Bellamy was discontented when he
re-wrote the book of Revelation, and
with a master hand painted the picture
of the new earth, soon to be. So to-day
the producers of America are discontent
ed with the political corruption that
smells to heaven ; discontented because
our currency has been stolen, contracted
and depreciated in the interest of Wall
street ; discontented because the idler
and gambler in wheat and other neces
saries of life live in luxury while they
whose labor produced these products
are pinched with poverty ; discontented
at being reduced to serfdom in this
boasted land of freedom. And they
have united under the name cf the
Party of the People to remove the cause
of discontent.
Yes, my old party friends, discontent
is abroad in the land clamoring for an
equitable system of production and dis
tribution, r.nd will continue to make its
voice heard until justice shall sit in our
halls onegislattcn ana labor is crowned
king. Quo, W. CaueY'
The Duty or tho VoojjIc'j Tarty la Regard
t j a Flcxi'jlo C'urreury. -
Secretary of tho Treasury McCut
lough. in his report ot rcccmber.
186o. says: "Busincsi is nearly all
dono on a cash busis. and tho people
aro generally out of debt, thoso who
want work can get it at good wages;
all branches of business are flourish
ing, and tho pooplo aro prosperous
and happy."
This statement very truely repre
sented tho condition of tho country
just at thocloso of tho most expensive
civil war tho world had ever known.
This was a wonderful showing but
none tho less truo. 6ays the Toiler.
When the crisis came' upon our coun
try and our financial standing was
most imperilled, gold and silver
sought the vaults of misoriy hoarders.
The govcrmotit needed money with
which to meet tho war expenses, con
sequently in 1861-2 it issued sixty
million dollars for treasury notos
which weto a full legal lendor for all
debts public and private. The gold
hoarders , wcro chagrined when
they fuw theso notos go on
an equal footing with their gold,
they had hoped that thoy would
depreciate, and believed they would,
beeauso they had no gold or silver
behind thorn. When it became neces
sary for another issuo thoso gold bugs
were on hand ' and bribed congress
into saying this is a full legal lender
for all debts public and private "ex
cept interest on public dobt and im
port duties. " Whero was tho causo
for this exception clauso? Any of tho
sixty million dollars before issued
were settling interests on public debt
and import duties. A dollar of it
was buying anything that a gold or
silver dollar would buy, so whero was
tho grounds of complaint? It was
made only by tho men who wero
hoarding gold and silver. They de
sired a dishonest greenback money so
they could get a premium for their
metals. Tho exception clauso made
a special demand for gold or silver la
two transactions. This made them
go at a premium over those treasury
notes which conlained tho exception
clauso. Remember it cost tho gov
eminent just as much to issuo tho ex
ception clauso notes as it did tho full
legal tenders. It cost tho peoplo a
vast deal more.
By 1866 thoro had been various is
sues of exception clauso" green
backs. Whilo they bore on their faco
the record of a legislative crime, still
they beat no money by a great deal.
They served tho purpose of the com
mon people so well that in 1866 tho
gold mongers secured the passngo of
tho contraction act, by which tho sec
retary of tho treasury was authorized
to issuo a note or bond of tho govern
ment bearingintercot and swap it to
whoever might present theso green
backs. 'Hi o greenbacks thus drawn
from circulation were to bo burned up.
and so thoy were, to tho tune of about
ono billion eight hundred million dol
lars. Ana our democratic statesmen
boo hoo about the proposition to buy
tho railroads of the country at the
cot of about one billion, when they
have failed to condemn this cremation
of the people's money actually burned
up raoro than enough to buy tho rail
roads. oino say that money was nothing
but a debt of tho government, that is
a promise of tho government to re
ceive, and it floated around as money.
Why? Because tho government said
it would receivo it. Suppose it was
debt, it circulated as money and tho
debt wo o change it for does not It
wa3 in small denominations aud could
bo held by ordinary citizens. The
bondi we now have aro in largo
denominations and can be held only
by thoso who havo money to invest. '
A great duly confronts us. it will
bo tho work of the People's party to
call in and pay off tho bouded debt
and give tho peoplo a flexible cur
rency with which to do tho bu&lnosf
qMJiq country,