THE FA KM El W ALLIANCE LlXCOl. NKH.. THUKSDAY. FEB. H. 12.
Gljc lorwcra' 2Ulimue,
FuUtoM IwT Balurday by
TlIK AlXIAJfCI PcBLlSIiEfO Co.
Cor. lit aad Bf Luwun, Keo.
la the beauty of the lilKes
Christ wu born acroea the sea,
Wlta a glory In ais bosom
That transfigures you and me.
As h strove to make men holy
Let ua strive to make them free.
Since God is marching on."
Julis Ford Fowl.
"Laurel crowns cleave to deserts
And power to him who power exerts."
"A ruddy drop of manly blood
The surging sea outweighs."
Emerson
"Ho who cannot reason Is a fool.
Be who will not reason Is a coward.
He who dare not reason Is a slave
N. K P. A.
TO
CORRESPONDENTS.
IHMi all
business oommunioations to
"rmaV pubiloatJo-to Editor
"c&trt both .Mas of ttelger
anot be ueed. Very long oomanuiioeiioua,
aaeruW eannotbouaed.
IHE FARMERS ALLIANCE
rUBUSHKD WEEKLT AT
CORNER UTH AND M STREETS,
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA.
J. BURROWS, Editor.
J. U. THOMPSON. Business Ma'gr.
Tat 6ml Alliancs Weakly an ike Leasing
laasttatsnl Pis of Hw SUIa.
SEVEN COLUMN QUARTO.
It will always be fauns on the side of the
aoolo and wholly devoted to tkeadTooaa of
tafem prlaelplM la state and nation. ,
IT 18 YOUR PAPER.
CmiETE HI EVERY DEPARTMENT.
ebsorlpUon, 11.00 per anaam. Invariably
ta advance. FIts annual subsoripUoas $4.00.
OUR I0OK LIST.
The best re font literature obtainable can
he had by orderlat any of these books.
The Railway Prolm (new) 8tkikney....$ M
aveektof Backward, Bellamy U
Br Hag-vet, (new) Donnelly M
Oaiiart OolumB, W
A Kentucky Colonel, Boed - M
Driven from Bee to Boa, Toat, M
A Tramp la Society, Cowdrey H
tohard's Orowa, Weaver W
Great Bed Drafoo, Woolfolk U
Brlca'l Fin ancrtal 0 ateohlsm. Brioo. ..... U
Honey Monopoly, Baker B5
. Labor and Capital, Kellorr 8S
rum and John Sherman. Mrs, Todd... M
wren Ftnaaelal Oonsplraolea....l0eta,1
The Hassard Clroular, Heath... .10" r
Bahtos and Bread, Houser W" J
Oar Republican Monarohy, Yolde
The Coning- Climax la the Destinies of
Ajnerloa by Letter a Hubbard
AlUaooa and Labor Boogstor 10 per dos
w Muatoedl'a, paper eowerSOo. N
m m m board Ho.
to
110
100
160
Tsos 1 arm as' Aluaxcb year aad any
let. hook on our list for II .
Sana aad any Mot book a our list for 11.10.
Address all order aad make all remltt
nees payable to
rUM AIXIAMOBl PUBLISHING CO.
Maeoln, Mebraaka.
fiorn The Arena.
The Vengeance of Despair.
Beware the bands that bef in supplloatlon
now:
Their time will oojoe, and then God help ual
Cod help all
Who through their yean of plenty paid not
all they owed
To Want. Want's hands are pale and thin;
but there's a tore
That's strerger far than flesh and blood it
la a pow'r
That's alow to concent rats I but crushed, it
strengthens aa
It (Twa, and hardens through lonr years of
pressure years '
Of cold, aad sweat, and hunger years of
ohllJren'atoartl
And when its time Is some, Pity will not be
near,
Mor Faar, but set hard lips whenoe trtm
bltacs have all fled.
And eyes in whose iry depths the light of
hope is dead.
Ay, eruel as the tiger's claw from out the lair
la hopeless hate! Beware the vengeance of
despair 1
SPECULATORS AND RAILROAD
COMPANIES.
The above named are two institutions
which personify selfishness. Neither of
them are altogether unmixed evil, they
both develope certain phases which are
injurious to the community. When
railroad corporation monopolizes ter
minal advantages, or having gained
possession of an indispensable location,
refuses except for an exorbltent con
sideranoa to permit another road to
share its advantages, even though it bo
to the great injury of the community;
or when a town lot speculator aids in
establishing railroad depots in different
quarters of a growing city, it is time
that some authority higher than either
of tnem should intervene and preserve
the rights oi the citizens ana the inter
ests of the city.
It is too late, and men, it would seem,
are too intelligent to permit the estab
lishmentof several different railroad
depots in a city like Lincoln. There is
certainly legal power enough in the
corporation to control this matter, if
there is not there ought to be. It would
be as sensible to go back to tbe stage
coach or ox team as to establish any
but union depo's. No franchise should
be granted by the council for any other
kind. If the arrogant and domineering
It. & M. company stands in the way, it
would be a very easy matter for the
mayor to pull it up short on Home of the
illegal privileges it is usurping. Not a
1ay passes but it violates the law with
impunity. Crossings are obstructed
and trains are run at an illegal speod
Almost every hour oat of the twenty
lour. Every man of sense know that
placing the depots of important lines ol
road, like the R I. and B. & M. a mile
or more apart would be a calamity to
the city, irreparable for many years. No
selfishness of any road, nor no interest
of any speculator, should be allowed to
accomplish it.
Tbe old scheme of holding up a city
bv a threat of going around it, should
have no terrors fur Lincoln. Its sub
urbs will soon be its glory. Let them
noma and let them prow, and let Lin
.oln brinir whoias&la houses within her
borders, and a wealth of commerce will
belong to her. But lot us bare a union
depot, and no ether.
" Editor
1 gtSSvr.:..:..- bu.. new
THE DEMOCRATIC E0RIZ05.
The events of the pant few months
which bear upon the action of thi next
democratic national convention possess
unos"l interest, and show in a striking
manner the extent to which political
schemes and personal ambition which
are absolutely unprincipled may effect
the destinies of this nation These events
revolve around one man a maa whoso
steady political success has never been
excelled in the history of this country
This man, in the last year, has seemed
to be the center of democratic politics,
and the source and inspiration of every
democratic movement. His name is
David B. Hill. We have long regarded
Mr. H Jl as a successfal ward politician
temporarily transplanted into the broad
er theatre of state politics. But we are
eompolled to revise our estimate of the
man. While he was that at the start,
be is now something more. He is
now forty-eight years of age. For fif
teen years he was a successful lawyer.
In this time be gained a reputation for
great industry and great temperance,
and was an acknowledged leader in a
local bar of much ability. Entering
politics, be seems to have never met a
reverse. He was successfully alderman
of Elinlra, mayor, member of the assem
bly, Lieut. Governor and Governor.
He was president of the decocratio
state convention in 1871 and in 1877, and
was for two successive terms President
of tbe New York State Bar Association.
Jan. 1, 1889 be became Governor on tbe
resignation of Mr, CJeveland, who had
been elected President. He was elected
Governor in the (all of 1885 and re-elected
in 1888, and served out the full term
to which he was last elected, which
expired Deo. 81, 1801. In the spring of
1801 he was elected a U. 8. Senator from
the State 6f New York, aad took his
seat Jan. 7, 1803, His sovon years of
continuous service as governor of Now
York Is the longest period servod by
my one man in tbe last 70 years.
Mr. Hill is in one sense a political
anomaly, and it is safe to say that
no other cuntry in the world could
produce exactly such a man. In his
personal characteristics he sooms to be
absolutely clean, lie is a total abstainer
uses tooacco in no form is scrupu
lously honest in his business relations
cures little for the accumulation of
wealth and yet in political methods is
absolutely unscrupulous and unprin
cipled. lie is a bachelor, and seoms to be
alone in tbe world. He has the reputa
tion of being almost a woman-hater. He
has one mud passion, and that is the
political advancement of Dvld li. Hill.
Politics is his religion, his life, his wife,
father, mother, family and littlo ones,
and self is his center and bis circumfer
ence. He is possessed, soul and body,
mind and heart, by the devil of his own
ambition.
We have been thus particular in do-
scribing his personal character, because
be Is either to be the loremost man oi
the national democracy, or meet his
first political defeat in the next national
democratic oonveutlcn.
He is to-day the chief of Now York
politics. Tammany Is his sorvant. He
aided by the most unscrupulous means
to steal tbe Suiiate oi mew x oru ior tne
democracy. The mistakes of his po
litical associates havo been his blessings.
Gov. Flower seems to be at bis service.
Cleveland has, en several important oc
casions, blundered into Hill's bands. In
permitting his nomination for Governor
in 1888, iii(duclaring against froe coinage,
in cooling his friends in Ohio by refusing
to speak lor uampbeii, in failing to se
cure Mills for speaker, Mr. Cleveland
surrendered the democracy of New York
Into tne bands of mil and bis ambitious
friends. As tbe Bayards long carried
Delaware, Mr. Hill now carries New
York in his vest pocket
The date for holding the N. Y. State
demecratio convention to solect dole-
?;ates to the national oonvor tion, is iixed
or the 122nd of this month. This is done
to give Hill the solid delegation, before
the situation ean be canvassed and tbe
present danger understood and averted.
The usual time to select those dele
gates has been in May or June, just be
fore the national convention.
All this means tbe nomination of Hill
for President. That it also means the
defeat of democraoy is not certain. Hill
has always been a successful man, and
nothing succeeds like success.
lhe people of this country should
wake up to the present situation. The
man wbo today boldstho most powerful
position in this nation the man who
has back of him the prestige of the
Empire state holds it by virtue of the
Dorsonal Dolltics of the ward oalitician.
No man has yet had the hardihood to
pronounce David u. Mill a statesman.
The day of statesmen is gono-r-the day
of the more politician is come. Is the
high omcs oi f resident of this repuUc
the oiUoe honored by Washington
the office which is equal to that of any
crowned potentate on earth to be do-
gvadea to be tbe mere spoil of tbe fixer
oi conventions and tbe thief of senator
ial district? Are peanut politics to be
the ruler is tbe pot-hunter and spoils
man to be the king?
If the people are not to rule If either of
the oid parties both steered by Shylock
and monopolies are to elect the next
President, we bave no choice between
them. The present administration has
not originated a single measure for the
benefit of the people, and the next one
will not. The sooner the people come
to see the present situation in its nak
ea deformity the better; and pen por
traits of such men as David B. Hill may
neip tnem see it.
THE GREAT CONFERENCE.
Tbe meeting to assemble at St. Louis
on the 22d will probably be the largest
industrial conference ever hold in the
United States. What its results will be
in the direction of consolidating and
solidifying the reform sentiment of the
country cannot be foretold. But the
action of tbe Cincinnati convention
forestalled failure to favor the forma
tion of a new party at St. Louis. That
convention appointed a national com
mittee and instructed it to call ana
tional nominating convention, in case
the St. Louis conference failed to take
such action. This fact will probably
bave seme influence in determining the
action of this conference.
There is undoubtedly much diversity
of opinion as to the advisability of
formlog a new national party. This
variance has cropped out at all the anti
monopoly conferences that have been
held. At all of them there were men
who thought all desired reforms would
be secured through tho old parties
sooner thsn through a new one. But
the sentiment in favor of a new party,
tne oenei mat tne oia parties are irre
vocably corrupt, has grown with the
growth of the antl-monopely sentiment
of tne country, until u is quite certain
that no national reform conference will
take any other view.
While there Is not much diveraity of
sentiment as to tbe reforms which are
needed, there is much as to the details
of method by which they are to be
reached. We will all agree that money,
bind and transportation are tbe central
points In which reforms are essential,
but tbe details of those reforms are
subjnets of great difference. This dif
ference is more marked in the money
question than in any other; aad it is
upon these details that differences will
arise at St. Louis, if they arise at all.
We are firmly convinced that the wisest
thing to do' is to abandon details in a
national platform, and state enly broad
general principles Tbe aim should he
to make a platform that as many people
as possible can agree upon, instead of
as few. Three leading general prin
ciples can be stated on the questions
named uion which all reformers can
agree Attempt more than that number
and divergencies will begin, and will
increase In a geometric ratio with every
added subject. Our object is union in-
s.ead of disunion; harmony instead of
discord.
Tbe great comber of organizations
has been a source of weskuess in this
attempt to harmonize them all in one
grand national movement, Iadnr
have been jealous of their supremacv
and fearful lest their pet society should
lose its integrity in a general movement
Tbe word "oon partisan." lu tho con
stitutions of certain societies, has been
a misnomer and a misfortune.
The meeting at St. Louis is to be a
great one, numerically. We hope and
expect that It will also bo a great one
In its results.
We do not believe any success will
result from an attempt to harmonixe
societies. We would ignore i bum, and
go direct to tho people. We believe
now, as late as it is, that the plan
adopted in this state In 1800, of circu
lating a declaration for signatures,
would secure millions of signers before
time to make nominations
UNCLE JERRY AND DR. BILLINGS.
The American publie has recently had
a now sensation that of seeing a cab
inet minister assail a professor in a state
university. We not long ago gave a
short statement of the relations of Dr.
Frank Billings to the bureau of animal
Industry and the agricultural depart
ment at Washington. Since that time
the relations of tbe parties have not im
proved. Dr Frank Billings seems to
nave proved more than a match far Dr.
Salmon, and the small fry of Uncle
Jerry's department, so U. J himself bad
to throw the great weight of his minis
terial title into the scale against Dr.
Frank. And still the department
kicked the beam, and Dr. F. is several
tons the heaviest.
Wbo is Jerry Rnsk, any way f He has
posed before the country some years as
farmer, me fact is be never farmed
day in bis life. He once owned eighty
acreg of land in Wisconsin, and may
owa it to-day. But Instead of farming
he kept a little eountry hotel. He went
into politics, and became very sue
cessful all-around political pot hunter.
Ia all his caruer not one single impor
tant publio act can be brought home to
blm. W hen tbe Alliance succeeded in
inducing congress to make the agricul
tural department a cabinet position,
Mr. Harrison plckod upon Uncle Jerry,
a pretended farmor, as a useful man to
till it. It was hoped then that the de
partment would be organized on a scale
proportioned to its importance and tho
magnitude of the country. But it has
continued to be a bucket shop for spec
ulators, and its hoad a third class poli
tician and factotem for a fourth-class
administration. The hardest thing be
has undertaken since he obtained the
granger portfolio was to dress down
Dr. Billings. '
ANOTHER SINOH IN THE BELLY-
' BAND.
Producers of Nebraska, hero is an
other lick at you to prevent you from
doing your own business. Business is
done safely on knowledge ef markots
Anything that obstructs early knowl
edge very much increases rbk. Yoa
see by the following rule only the buyer
aud shipper will be entitled to early
market reports, free, wnat do you
think of this latest outrage?
AS TO MARKET MkSSAGES. .
At the regular monthly meetinir of
the South Omaha Live Stock Exchacge,
held February 1st, the following rule
was adopted:
RULE IX. SUCTION 13.
It shall be deemed a violation of this
rule for any member of this exchange
or firm of which he may be a member
or employe to prepay or in any way be
some responsible for the payment of
any telegram or telephone message sent
giving iniormauon concerning the con
ditieu of the stock market, except to
give actual sales of stock mads for the
party te whom such telegram er tele
phone message is sent on day such sale
is made, and q toting therein tho condi
tion of the market.
This soctlon is applicable only to mem
bers who are commission dealers for
sale of live stock.
All penalties and references attach
the RHnifi as if this snction had been an
original part of said rule 9.
1 ins section shall be in lull force on
and alter its adoption.
JIMMY BLAINE'S PROTECTION.
Jimmy Blaine's protection is free
trade, and that's all there is about it.
The republicans wbo have been shout
ing themselves hoarse over the glories
of a high high tariff and tho blessings of
the McKluley bill call it by the euphoni
ous name of reciprocity, but it's free
trade pure and simple And the ' high
tariff B. & M. McKialey bill Journal is
bragging in high gleo about its beauties.
It prints an Assooiated Press dispatch
in leaded italic at the top of its editorial
column, teiang of the wonderful in
crease of the imports of American flour
into Uuba since the reciprocity treaty
went into effect. It is a very satisfac
tory result, and justifies the free trade
principle entirely.
Foreign trade is an exchange of com
modities. The freer that exchange tho
m ire it will promote the welfare of the
countries engaged ia it. For nations to
lay ocean teiographs, and build oaean
greyhounds to promote such commerce
and then legislate customs duties and
custom houses to reland it, is quite as
intelligent as putting a store in one end
oi the moat bag, or tbe irishman s car
rying part of the load on his shoulder
to rest the donkey ho was riding.
Raising the price of goods by law to
promote prosperity is quite like open
lug your own veins to get something
invigorating to drink. If increased ex
changes between nations aro good
unaer tne name oi reciprocity they are
gooa unaer mat oi iree trade.
" Every Dog Shako his own Paw."
O'DydeandO'Thareraauthe Samoaet chair
Didn't soem to ag-reo very aiiely.
Whon attending the wake O'Thayer wished to
rhake.
And O'Byde rtfusod so icily.
WILL THI2E BE AN EXTRA EE3-
BIUN? J
Since it was learned that Mr. Boyd
would soon be re'us.tated as g3vernor
there has been much speculation as to
an extra seosion of the legislature to
make a legislative re appotoinment This
is still an open question, and no one but
Mr. Boyd can aoive it.
The constitution is mandatory as to
the duty of making are-apportionment
after every state and national census.
As a matter ol fact the legislature at its
first session could not constitutionally
bave prssed an apportionment
bill for the reason that it bad
no knowledge that an enumera
tion of the' population bad been
made. After the session had been
well advanced unofficial information
was received ef tbe number of inhabi
tants of the si ale and counties. We
cannot ascertain at tbe state depart
ment that official information as to tbe
census has ever yet been receive! A
called sesiion, therefore for tbe pur
pose of an apportiontment, would be
legal and regular In fact, it seems to be
mandatory upOB tbe governor to call it.
If if is cut d ne no apportionment can
he roadn until after the state census of
1805. The governor can include some
other objt-cts to be acted upon if he
chooses to do so. But as we now under
stand 1-, it is imperative that be should
call the legislature together. The plain
intent of the constitution cannat
be
otherwise fuelled.
MR. BOYD GOVERNOR.
Last Monday afternoon Gov. Thayer
turned ovor the executive office to Gov.
Boyd.
The situation was about this: It was
only a question of a short time when
Mr. Boyd would bo seated by a man
date. Gov. Thayer bad important in
terests in Texas which demanded his
personal attention. Tom Majors was
too shrewd a man to be put in a hole by
attempting to bold tbe office against
Boyd And, more than all else, the
railroad influence which has been con
trolling Thayer concluded that tjie con
stitution tarred Gov. Boyd from calling
an extra session to re-distrlot the state;
so Gov. Thayer was allowed to retire
In his manner of taking possession
Gov. Boyd betrayed extremely bad tem
per, and much worse taste. But he has
bad great provocation.
OUR ARENA 0FPER AND THE ARENA
MAGAZINE.
We urgently repeat our Invitation to
Alliance readers to read our Arena
offer. The Arena, The Arena Port
folio and .The Farmers' Alliance
one year for $3.00. This is the subscrip
tion price of the Arena alone.
It will be of interest to our roadsrs to
note some important political and eco
nomic papers which will be features of
early issues of the Arena, and which
will necessarily aid immensely in the
great campaign of education in which
reformors are engagod. Wo are en
abled to give a few of the papers now
in band, or wbiob are now boing pre
pared and will appear in the Arena
during the early part of 1803.
I. Hamlin Garland's great Alliance
story, "A Spoil, of Office." . by far the
raest powerful . novel of the year; a
story which ought to be read and cir
culated by every political reformer of
the age. "A Spoil of Ollioj" com
mences in the January Arena and runs
six months. Published only ia this re
view. II. President L. L. Polk of the F. A.
and I. U., "A United Nation."
III. Hon. John Davis. M. C. from
the Fifth Kansas district, "Tho Money
rrobiom."
IV. Ex-Governor Lionel A. Sheldon,
The Government Control of Rail
ways."
V. C. C. Post, author of "Driven
from Sea to Sea." etc., "The Sub Treas
ury Plan."
VI. Genoral J. li. Weaver, "Privato
Monopoly in Transportation, Money
and Land."
VII. Hon. Walter Clark, associate
judgo of the supreme court of North
Uaroliua. "lhe telegraph ana leio
phone; Proporly Part of tho Post Office
system."
v in. The Aiiianco leaders proruseiy
illustrated by line portraits three
papers, viz: "The National Council,"
The itate Leaders," and "Leading
VV omen in tho Work," by a woll-known
author.
IX. " Personal Impressions of the
Alliance Representatives In the National
lapitol" by tlamlin Uariand.
These are a few of the important
papers which will help make the Arena
indispensable to every thoughtful mem
bor of tho Farmers' AUiince, tho Peo
pies' Party and other bjdies of political
reformers. Kvery Sab-Alliance and
every labor organization in America
should have the Arena for im'l on tbe
table oftheir reading room, as many of
its gr:at panel's will supply tho reform'
ers with the very arguments they most
need.
Blerbower, Ogden, O'Bj cle,
To the capital came to reside;
But O'Bjdo no welcome would tftko,
Grimly decllnlag to shako.
O' t hayer remembered too lato
He should have offered ihem Bourbon
straiirht.
THE CROWDED CITY.
Thomas Kane, a Chicago business
man wbo has under mm many em
ployes, writing to the Interior in the in
terest of country boys and girls, says,
referring to all places, "Thtre are hun
dreds ef applications for every position.
Any business man in Chicago will -tell
you that if ho were to advertise for
someone at four dollars a week to ad
dress circulars or other similar office
employment, he would receive from
one bundled to two hundred replies."
He writes this to show country boys and
girls what cempetitiou there is in the
city. The "competition grows hotter,"
ho says, aad " business drifts into
stronger hands. It is only in story
hooks that the good Doys from the
country become partners, or marry
their employer's daughters. Ia real
life their so-called success, if thoy attain
it at all, consists in becoming cogs In
wheels of dlierent sizps in eoa o ma
chiie of greater or less magnitude. It
may be, and in raauy cases it is. years
before they havo even a spwakiQff ac
quaintance with tholr employers.
Your great risk will ba that of bo
coming city drift woed, compared with
which the most humble eouatry life is
bliss."
0- P. MASON ON NEBRASKA
RAIL-
B0ADS.
"Nebraska railroad management, for
systematic buneo-slccrlcg and robbery,
would put to shame any bandit or high
way robber In American history, not
excepting tho Jamen gang."
ADDREE8 CF HON. J. H. POWERS
At the Animal Meeting of the National
Farmers' Alliance at Chicago,
January 27, 1892.
Friends and Brothers of the Alliance.
I greet you today.
I look iuto your facts to catch an ex
pression of the hope in the future of tho
Alliance, and the faith in the purity cf
im irincifit- anu ineir uuimiis in
urn ph. which isaa earnest of success.
1 am not disappointed. Your counten
ances betoken an intelligent, firm de
termination to persevere in advocating
the rights of tre farmer, and enforcing
the interests of the .honest laborer
against tbe encroachments of concea
trated capita), by your acts as well as
your arguments.
1 leei that although obstacles have
riaen they bave been surmounted as
often as met. Though changes have
beon made, they have not indicated a
sacrifice of principles, but a change in
tbe mtdium through which they are
sought to be put in practice.
A tendency is manifesting itself in all
our Ailianc-js, to take a broader view of
the questions of reform which are tbe
distinctive feature cf our organization.
I ne question is no longer, "How may
we give the farmers an advaatago over
olirer industries or classes f " but rather
" How may the farmers use their con
stitutional rights, and discharge their
obligations as citizens, so as to secure
the best welfare of all tbe people, and
to enable and maintain the right and
duty of the people to control their own
government to their own advantage."
That the Alliance is primarily and
d stinctively an educational society, I
think b now already understood by all
our members, and even those who are
oulwide and perhaps inclined to wilfully
misrepresent our objects, are forced to
concede that our declared purposes are
legitimate and right, and will result in
great good if they are consistently car
ried out.
Another encouraging feature is that
whereas at the first, our members,
while agiesiog on the primary and gen
eral statemeut of principles on which
our organization is based, differed
widely in their ideas of the proper ap
plication of these principles, a persis
tent discussion of the subjects and a
friendly comparison of the views, often
divertt d, but always sincere, has led to
a practical uniform conclusion as to the
details of the plans for the necessary
reforms.
Pardon me my brothers if I soem to
forget, while addressing you on these
subjects, that vou have perhaps made
them a study for a long time, and don't
need to be taught the a b c's of political
economy. But I hold to the idea that
ones appreciation of truth depends moro
on simplicity of statement and concise
ness and clearness of plans than on tbe
learning and ingenuity with which
some seek to unfold it.
Let me endeavor to thus state a few
of the foundation principles of our
agreement.
1. In a peoples' government every
thing which is Eecessary for all the peo
ple, ana which it is the province of
government to provide, shall be put
directly into the peoples' hands by the
government.
3. Each is dividual should be secured
by law in the use and enjoyment of
those gifts of God which are general to
mankind. Among the most important
of tho first class are: Money, right of
way, and tbe elective franchise.
Of the second class are: Land, air.
water and electricity; the minerals; the
natural spontaneous products of the
land, and tbe right of the worker to
own the products of his own labor.
J ho rights of the people, and the
duties of the government, in relation to
these things, form a large part of the
science of "economic government," the
study of which is one of the principal
objects of all our Alliances.
Money is that article, in any country.
whieh by law will pay all debts. In
our country the abstract term "dollar"
is tho measure of all values, and what
ever is made by law to represent that
abstract term dollar, or parts of a dol
lar, or sums of dollars, will pay debts
and is truly money.
Ia a great country like onrs it is
question of great importance of what
material money should be made.
Some claim that the precious metals,
gold and silver, are the only proper
metals, and certainly there is a popular
prejudice in their lavor. inre are
certain reasens why they should not be
the only material used for the manufac
ture of money, if they should be used
at all for that purpose It causes im
menso waste. It is said that there are
now existing in San Francisco, and per
haps some other of the largo cities of
this country, what are called Chinese
gold mills. The mill consists of a small
room, with a rough table in the center
A small number of Chinamen sit around
this table, each of them patiently shaking
a buckskin sack full of gold coins. This
is continue-; until the coins are worn as
ranch as is deemed safe, probably i of
their weight, when the money is paid
out, or deposited in the banks and the
gold dust carefully extracted from the
Hacks and sold What tho "heathen
Cliiaee" thus ingeniously gains, onr
enlightened people recklessly waste
when gold and silver are circulated as
money. It is computed that the aver
age wear of the metallic currency in
actual circulation is one-half of one per
cent pei year. This amounts io a vast
sum every yoar and is hopelessly lost.
In thirty or forty years the whole'should
be recninod at a cost of at least one-half
of one per cent and the waste continu
ally goes on.
Again, when (61,000.000 of gold coin
(and tho sum will apply to monetized
silver) is Issued, it costs the government
$64,000,000, or if all contributed aiike to
the support of the government, about
95 to each head of a family. And yet
when the money is thus coined and paid
for dollar for dollar, if any man gets th i
use of his $5 he must pay 15 worth of
labor, property, or note for it. Ho is
thus obliged to pay $2 for tl. If he
lo?es 15 in gold, it in the end costs him
$10 to replace It. The most economic
material fur money is that, which being
suitable for its manufacture and circula
tion, ran be obtained at least cost by
the government. Tho practice of the
government itself ef orisg bullion and
issuing silver and gold certificates
thereon, and the evident choice of busi
ness men all over tho country point to
paper as the most suitable material that
has yet been discovered. Tho amount
of money existing ia a country ia a
matter of great importonce te the pros
perity of a people. That there is not
eaongh in our country iu circulation no
one denies, bat when moans to increase
the amouut are considered there is yet
some diversity of opinion. Some think
the free coiiage of silver will afford all
relief necessary. But these people seem
to forget that tho most of the silver
bullion in the country is practically in
circulation i& the shape cf certificates,
and that the yearly product of tne pre
cious metals doe not keep pace with
to growth of the population and busi
ness of the country.
Others claim that promises to pay in
specie, or an issue cf paper money on a
specie basis is the only safe and. eco
nomical plan. But we mast remember
the government gives the people as in
dividuals no mortgage to secure its
promises, aud that any qualifications or
exceptions render tho security less
complete. As, a promise to pay between
individuals in a specified article Is con
sidered so unsafe .hat the common law
Interferes and compels payment io
money if tbe article itself is not pro
duced. Were it not for that, a premise
to pay In wheat or corn would only be
valuable as the debtor possessed wheat
or corn, while sn unlimited pronrse
would cover any kind of property or
money a man possessed. 'I he stamp of
the United States government plsi-ed in
obedience to act of congress on any ma
terial of any amount, as a dollar, or as
a certain number of dollars, pledges
the government or any individual or
corporation of the people, to receive it
at par for the payment of debts to tbe
amount of its face, unless it is repudi
ated by direct law, as it was the case
when silver was demonetized.
The questions involved in the land,
loan and sub treasury plans, do not re
late to security given by the government
to the people, but by the people to tbe
government, and do not affect the basis
of the issue.
Many people seem to think that a
large amount of money existing in the
country is all that is needed to secure
prosperity. They forget the fact that
unlets the channel ol distribution are
changed it will only make the burdens
of tbe working people, the government
supporters greater, aa they must pay
the expease cf the issue. To illustrate,
enough moisture rises from the Pacific
ocean and is carried in the air eastward
to amply water this whole continent.
But the Rocky mountains drink up into
iu reservoirs all the moisture in the
lower strata of the atmosphere and de
prive the plains all along their eastern
slope ot sufficient rainfall. But the
water is not destroyed. It flows "soles-ly
down the channels of the Mis
souri, Piatte and Arkansas and many
lesser streams towards the Atlantic.
Now it makes no difference to the farm
ers oa those arid plains whether the
channels are dry, as sometimes in Aug
ust or are full banks as in June. Tho
water Imports no fertility to their farms
except through expensive irrigalio
Ling
all
oitcnes, tne cose oi which destroys
tne prom, so under tho present ar
rangement tbe capitalists stand between
the government and the people and
make tho money issued by the govern
ment so expensive to the mass of the
people that it destroys all the profits of
their labor.
Those who seem to be so apprehen
sive that if tho people are permitted to
obtain money direct from the govern
ment they will receive so much as to
ruin the country, forget that money can
only be issued by a direct law of con
gress, and if the amount is based on the
amount per capita which the past ex
perience of this and other countries has
proved to be tho best, no great harm
can result until the correct amount can
bo ascertained by practical use.
The principle of extending the "right
of way" of the poople to ail Improved
highways which now exist or may here
after be invented, is now conceded by
most members of tne Alliance as being
correct and as one of the duties of
government.
The fact that more than half of the
citizens of our country do not own
homes is a menace to the perpetuity of
our government and calls for speedy
remedy, by providing by law a home
tor each industrious family.
The points mentioned are the princi
pal ones connected with the govern
ment on which the people need educa
tion. Do not understand me to affirm that
these are the questions which should
occupy the attontion of the Alliance.
Education in the science of agricul
ture and the art of farming are well
worthy of consideration in our meetings
and apt to produce far more practical
results, combined as they are with the
actual experience of our members, than
the theories and experiments of the so
called agricultural schools of our
country, many of which are fallacious
and unpractical, because removed from
th actual conditions and limitations
which necessarily surround the country
farms.
Co-operation la business enterprises
are also sometimes advantageous, but
should always be entered into with
caution, and never to any greater ex
tent than may bo necessary to correct
existing abuses or to prevent injurious
combinations against the farmers' in
terests.
Tbe fact that one of the principal
objects of all the Alliances is said in
their constitutions to be the study of
the scienee of government, seems to me
to clearly indicate the relation oi aiii
ance to politics.
We send our sons and daughters to
school for a number of years at consid
erable expense of time and money and
blame them severely, and justly too, if
they do not make practical use of the
knowledge they obtain. So what more
natural than when members of the Alii-
auce of mature, years who bave attend
ed its school during from one to ten
years, and studying the same lessons,
should come to the same conclusions
and try to carry iheir knowledge into
practice. The natural tendency is that
they should veto together. In fact no
practical advantage can bo gamed iu
any other way.
The serious question for consideration
now is shall we vote with one of the old
parties, or shall we form a new party ?
And to assist you in tho solution of this
question let mo appeal to your own ex
perience as farmers. Most of you havo
probably one or two old broken down
wagons ' about your farms. Suppose
ou have raised a 1'irgu i rop and wish
to haul it to niarU t dot- your experi
ence teach you it is lc;t to try to patch
up one of the old wagon6 to move your
crop With? When I first began farm
ing I bought an old wngen for $33.
The tires were rounded aud worn thin,
the felloes proved rotten, the spokes
wore cracked and the axles weak. It
had no box. I got each part in turn
made new. You can guess about what
it cost me. inn it was an old wagon
still. I never could rely on it to Bafely
carry a good ioaa.
The Alliances - and other industrial
organizatious have a great work to do.
Carloads of political corruption must be
hauled out of the way. Good laws
must be built up of tbe heaviest and
best material. This hauling must all be
done and should be done this year.
Shall we try to patch up the old demo
cratic or republican, or any other old
party wagon, which may be lying
about the place, and run the risk of its
failing before the work is half done, or
shall we build a new wagon with all the
latest improvements, of the best mater
ial and strong enough to bear safely any
ioaa we may piace upon lir
As I trust before this session ef this
Alliance closes we will elect delegates
to the St. Louts Conference to be hold
the 22d of February to decide this ques
tion let us see to it that our best influ
ence is used to decide it wisely and
well.
IDEALS.
Wo invito attontion to the grand arti
cle ia this number under the above cap
tion, by Bro. J. M. Snyder. It is mln
gled of truth, fervor and patriotism,
each in tho highest degree. It comes
from a true heart, and voices the aspi
rations of every true reformer.
Shall We Have Free and Un
limited Silver Coinage.
JOINT DISCUSSION BT EDWARD
B0SEWATER AND J. BURROWS.
MR. EOSEWATER'S ARGUMENT.
THIRD ARTICLE.
In view of the fact that my figures oa
silver dollar coinage were absolutely
correct and Mr. Burrows was away oft
on his coinage statistics, it was an act of
generous condescension on bis part te
vxonerate me. While I am willing to
let Mr Burrows throw dust in the eyes
of credulous people disposed to accept
bis version of tbe discrepancy between
us, I am compelled to point out the fact
that he has badly mixed his figures and
included with the silver dollar coinage
not only all small silver coins, but also
the entire coinage of nickels ard copper
pennies when he well knew tbat everr
discussion of free silver deals exclu
sively with the coinage of silver dollars.
The act of 1873 demonetizing silver ap
plied to standard silver dollars and to
no other coin. It did not as Mr. Bur
rows asserts, take away the legal ten
der quality of tbe half dollars aud small
er silver coins. They havo not been a
legal tender in any larger sum than five
dollars since 1853. My friend acts very
much like the cuttle fish that covers his
tracks with inky fluid when he gets into
close quarters.
He sh6ds a great deal of ink in de
nouncing the imaginary conspiracy of
1873 and ascribes to it all the calamities
that bave befallen the country within
the last 18 years. The bill was pending ia
congress for nearly three years. It was
discussed during five different sessions,
and the debate occupied 148 pages of
the Congressional Globe. No unbiased
person will contend that it was smug
gled through by the connivance of a
majority of members in both houses of
tbe national legislature. Its character
was perfectly understood and clearly
explained by the late Judge Kelley of
Pennsylvania, Stoughton of Michigan,
oenaior ingaiis and otner members of
both houses, who have never been sus
pected of being chumps.
Air. Burrows contends tbat the act of
1873 is responsible for tbe widespread
industrial depression and world wide
shrinkage of prices. He draws a most
pathetic picture of tbe concentration of
wealth, the spread of poverty and dis
tress amid unparalleled prodm tion. and
caps the climax of exaggeration by as
serting that the demonetization of silver
has lost the farmers of this country an
average of one thousand millions a
year or eighteen thousand millions
since 1873.
The whole national debt, the debts of
all our states, counties and cities, the
bonded debt of all the railroads, and the
debt of all the corporations, added to all
the farm mortgages of this eountry, are
computed at less than 128.600,000,000,
aud the farm mortgages are less than
one-eighth of the total. He points his
oony uager at me gnast iy spectre wmcn
his over-heated imagination his con
jured up and challenges me to toll him,
u i can, whether the cause of all the
calamities.industrial depression and bus
iness failures were duo to over-production,
speculation, intemperance, licen
tiousness, extravagance or waste of
wars. And then he answers the Ques
tion for himself: "No, it is none ot these!
It is tho direct result of the di RPAtui that.
'attacked us in 1873 in the ill-advised at
tempt to discard tbe use ef silver as a
full legal tender money."
With tho same propriety he might
charge that the - grasshoppers that de
vastated Kansas and Nebraska in 1874-75
and the cyclones that have swept Over
Iowa and Minnesota, were due to the
silver conspiracy of 1878. And on top
of these calamities might be added all
the other terrible visitations by iloed
and lire, earthquakes and pestilence.
Lot us now take a retrospective viow
of the ten years prior to 1873 when the
couitry had free aad unlimited coinage,
and according to Burrows, was prosper
ous; when money was plentiful aud
prices of all commodities were high. It
was on era of extravagance and reckless
expenditure in public and privato
places. The enormous volume of de
preciated currency stimulated gambling'
in stocks and all kinds of commodities
including gold which commanded a pre
mium. Merchants, manufacturers and
farmers were paying ruinous rates of
interest because the speculators and gold
and stock gamblers were payiDg from
1 to 10 per cent a month for the use of
money. The Black Friday of 18G0 was
followed by the crash of 1878, which,
par.ayzed eur entire industrial and
commercial system, and left it strewn
with wrecks like tho Atlantic ocean after
a terrific hurricane. This was before the
silver dollar wa, slrickea from our coin
age and at least two years before silver
began to depreciate. Will any free coin
age man explain why the prosperous
era fo'lowing the war, with its abund
ance of money and high prices, culmi
nated in national bankruptcy and a
general prostration of all industries and
enterprises, from which it took the
country more than ten years to recover?
Tho true explanation is that this boast
ed prosperity was fictitious. The nation
w as groaning under an enormous public
deot and an inflated currency which cre
ated fa'sova'm'S and extravagant prices.
Men of moderate means, believing
themselves rich became spendthrifts and
paid exorbitant rates cf interest as if
the day of reckoning never would come.
Thi3 era of iuflation and bogus prosper
ity proved of no real advantage to the
producers or tho working people. It
was an exhausting stimulate and hai
about the same effect as if the natiom
had been en a big drunk, from which,
it sobered up with a terrible headache,
and general prostration. !
Tho key note for the shrinkage of
prices since 1873 has been unwittingly;
furnished by Mr. Burrows himself,
Our population in 1873 was- about,
forty-two millions and a half. Comput
ing the present population at sixty-five-hiillions,
the increaso in population has
been 53 per cent. In the same period!
we have increased the produat of pig
iron 600 per cent, iron and steel 500 per
cent, petroleum 209 per cent, cattle 125
per cent, cotton 133 per cent, sugar 130
per cent, corn 110 per cent, and wheut
78 per cent. The total number of bush
els of grain produced in the year '73:
was 308 per capita, in "89 it was 53 4 S
bushels aud in U1 we had 61 bushels per
capita. The marvelous development of
our national resources has during tho
past eighteen years multiplied our pro
ducing capacity far beyond the increase
of population. The fall in prices has
been in accord with the law of supply
and demand. The proof that the eoui
morcifd decline in the value of silver
has had little or no bearing upon the
fall in prices of other commodities is
conclusively furnishod in tho market
prices of farm products.
In 1856 the price of wheat in Chicago,
was i l 55 per bushel; in 1857, M.23;.in
18o8, 71 cents: in 1.r,si i;k i , ultLk.
GH cents. During thww fivn va h.
bullion io the silver dnii.' " '.u
from $1,02 to $1.04 in gold. How are
iu ixcuncue toe doeline ot 00-oents a
el ',n,e Prrico ot wheat between
IboO and 18c0 In lStfr, wht .i i,i.,.
was $1.60 per bushel and a silver dollar
was worth all the way from $3.00 to'
