The farmers' alliance. (Lincoln, Nebraska) 1889-1892, December 03, 1891, Image 4

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    THE FARMERS' ALLIANCE, LINCOLN, NEB., THUIISDAY t DEC 3, 1801.
Cijc Jarnur' alliance,
rubllsfced Iw Saturday by
Th AlllNSCX PcBLKKIXa Co.
Cor. UU Md M Bm UPBQtn.
J. aWnwews
Editor
...Business Manager
In the beauty of tbe lillies
Christ wu born across the sea,
With a g'.ory in his bosom
That transfigure you and me.
Aa he trove to make men holy
Let ns strive to make them free.
Since God ii marching on."
Julia Ward Hoot,
Laurel crowns cleave to deserts,
And power to him who power exert."
X ruddy drop of manly blood
The surging sea outweighs."
Emerson.
He who cannot reason U a fool,
Be who will not reason is a coward,
He who dare not reason U a slave."
N.
11
P. A.
TO CORRESPONDENTS.
Address all business commuuiuauOSS to
Allbnee Publishing Co. . . ,.lta,
juMreas matter lor publication to Editor
IrE wrtftX. both sides of the paper
Mot h nteA- Ver loD' oommunlcsUotia,
aearulu cannot be used.
THE FARilERS' ALLIANCE
rClUSDED WKI1I AT
CORNER tlTH AND M STREETS,
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA.
J. BURROWS, Editor.
J. U. THOMPSON. Business
Ma'gr.
The Creal Alliance Weekly and the Leasing
Mteeedent Paper of the SUIe.
SEVEN COLUMN QUARTO.
It will always be round on the side of tba
people and wholly derated te theadroeaov of
reform principles In state and nation .
IT IS YOUR PAPER.
CZPlETE IN EVERY OEPARTMEMT.
abaarlptlon, $1.00 per annum, Invariably
ta advanoe. Five annual (ubtorlpUont 14.00.
OUR BOOK LIST.
Tbe best reform literature obtainable can
ft bad by ordering- any of tbese books.
Tee Hallway Probltm (new) 8tlokney....$ 60
Leaking Backward, Bellamy 68
Sr. HugueMnew) Donnelly 50
One eari Column, " 10
A Kentucky Colonel, Heed..... 50
Driven from tea to 8ea, post, M
A Tramp la Society, Cowdrey 50
atteh art's Crown, Weaver 60
roat Bed Dragon. Woolfolk 60
atare's Financial Catechism. Brlce 60
Hooey Monopoly, Baker 86
Labor and Capital, Kellogg (6
Ptaarro and John Sherman, Mrs, Todd. .. 26
Seven Financial Conspiracies. ...lOots.)
Tba Haasard Clroular, Heath.... " r a
able and Bread, Houier 10 " j
Our Republican Monarchy, Voldo R
Alliance and Labor Songster tOo, per dot 1 10
Mew Muslo edt'n, paper cover SOo. " t on
- - board " 6o. 1 60
Taa Annans' Alliance one year and any
sjoot. book on our Hit ror II. 36.
Base and any 2fct. book on our list for fl.10.
Address all ordors and make all remltt-
I payable to
THJt ALLIANCE PUBLISHING CO.
Ltnooln, Nebraska,
Call for Annual Meeting of the
& Farmers' Alliance.
iThe nest regular anneal meeting of
the Nebraska Farmers' Alliance will bo
beldin Bohanan's hall, Lincoln, Ne
braska, on Tuesday, January 12, 189!.
All Subordinate Alliances having dues
fully paid to Slate Alliance for quarter
ending September 80th will be entitled
to representation, and should elect
their delegate at the first regular meet
ing In December or as soon thereafter
as convenient.
Representation will be one delegate
for each Subordinate Alliance, who
will cast the full vote to which the
Alliance may be entitled.
Liberal hotel rates have boon secured
for delegates and reduced rates of fare
will be arranged for on all railroads.
J. H. Powers, Pres.
J. M. Thompson, Sec'y.
A STANDING APPEAL TO BUSINESS
MEN.
What possible harm do ysu expect
from the Increase of metal money?
. The use of bank paper money, which
may be expanded or contracted to suit
the interests of bankers or their asso
ciations, unsettles values and demoral
izes business. But au increase of metal
legal tender money never did do this
sad never can do it. With the history
of thirty centuries of mining before us,
we know that an excessive and injuri
ous increase of metal money has never
occurred.
It stimulates production, employs
labor, puts money to spend in the hands
of your customers, increases the value
of your stock on hand; in short, in every
way increases your business and your
wealth.
This it all irrefutablt truth.
Then why do you oppose the .free
coinage of silver, which means an in
crease or metal money? iuve us your
reasons and wo will present them.
The Farmers' Alliance.
tyThe Journal has the names of C.
H. Morrell and Tom Darnell in contig
nous items in its issue of Tuesday. Now
if the name of Traitor Senator Taylor
wu added what a precious trinity it
would be. How would the parties and
tke Journal like a sermon from above
Text?
BP We have received a very encour
aging letter from onr friend Norman
Cowdin, of Thayer county. If all the
-independents of this state were, of the
sterile g stuff of Bro. Cowdin, the state
ticket would have been overwhelmingly
elected. .
COMPLIMENTS OF THE CALAMITY
BOWLERS.
The epithet of "calamity howlers'" is
applied to those advanced thinkers who
believe present tendencies to be in the
wrong direction, and their ultimate re
sult disastrous. Lacking facts upon
which to base sound arguments, those
persons who are, or think they are. In
terested m maintaining the existing
order of things, substitute ridicule,
abuse and opprobrious epithets for the
philosophical reasoning they ought to
use, and thus, hopeless of vanquishing
their opponents in the fair field of de
bate, expect to overwhelm them with
ridicule and obloquy. Have these poor
fools forgotten how a crown of thorns
became a crown of glory, and typifies
to-day faith, purity and heroism? We
do not write this to protest against the
vile term which the tools of the pluto
crats have applied to us in hatred and
derision, but rather to accept it, if they
choose to continue its application, and
to assure tbem that we will make it an
honored appellation which they them
selves will some day be proud to wear.
We well remember the day when the
name "abolitionist" was a term of vile
reproach. We all realize now that the
abolitionists were about tbe only men
of their day whose souls were lifted
high into the clear atmosphere of truth
and honest conviction, who accepted
duty and spurned policy, and drave
straight forward, each for himself, to
wards the establishment of justice and
the elevation of men, regardless of
what all the world beside might do, or
think, or say. They were the "calamity
howlers" then. Wo have canonized
their meaiories they are the saints
and heroes now.
"Calamity howler" is also coming to
be very eomprehensive in its scope of
late years. Ten or twelve years ago it
only included a stray individual here
and tbete, and only two or three papers
in the land. It was rare indeed that
men of eminence, especially if they
were ambitious, allowed themselves to
be compromised by association with the
fanatics. Peter Cooper was one of
these few but then he was a patriot,
and not ambitious. N caring the close
of a useful life a man of discernment
and comprehensive reach of mind he
saw the breakers ahead, and raised a
warning voice to bis countrymen from
tho edge of the grave. That voice
roused many good mon from lethargic
indifference, and made calamity howl
ers of them. But latterly the river is
broadening as It nears the sea. A
calamity howling literature is growing
every review and magazine Is teeming
with calamity howling articles, and all
over the land a press is springing into
being for the sole purpose of calamity
bowling. The names of the calamity
howlers is legion, and the list embraces
many of the foremost In religion, litera
ture and politics.
Prof. Richard Ely, Bishop Hunting
ton, R. Heber Newton, Ben. F. Butler,
F. B. Thnrber, Chancellor Cnufoid,
Ignatius Donnelly, Senator Morgan, cf
Alabama, Ex-Senator Ingalls of Kan
sas, Edward Bellamy, Rev. Geo. C.
Lorimer, President Stlckney, Sons tor
Wm. M, Stewart These men are all
eminent in our ranks, and we could ex
tend the list indefinitely. They are
scholars, pcets, statesmen, sages. They
all see breakers ahead. They have all
stood up and fnced the rime of tho
storm, and with warning finger raised,
said: "O my countrymen, behold the
line of foam on yonder rocky shore."
Each has pointed out specific sunken
rooks, which we are rushing toward
with fearful speed, that with th;ir
jaggod corners will cut the hull of our
noble ship of state unless tho helmsman
is changed and the ship put about.
These men :ire the calamity howlersl
We glory In belonging to the noble
band. We'll make the name a holy
memory and a shrine, and when age
creeps upon those who can claim to share
It they shall "yearly feast their friends,"
aud say, "we, too, shared the glory of
those days."
O.WARD'S NEW IDEA.
We find the following items in the
news dispatches viz:
H. T. Oxnard, the beet sugar man-
Bate, was in Lincoln to-day conferring
with a number of local capitalists. Mr.
uxnara Has a new ictca. tie lias be
come convinced that the prime cause of
the repeal of the sugar bounty by tho
lost legislature was the dislike to him
engendered in the bosoms of the citi
zens of the South Platte country by
reason of bis Iguoring that section in
locating his factories north of that
ancient dividing line. He now pro
poses to erect factories at Lincoln,
Fairbury, Hastings and McCook. con
ditional, however, on the restoration of
the 2 cent bounty. He proposes to
make the works at Lincoln the central
ones for his Nebraska system, and has a
very nice plan all studied out.
Oxnard's new idea probably em
braces more than is stated in the abovo.
While he may not be a very astute poli
tician, Mr. O. has probably observed
that about the time the biennial appro
priation bills come up In the legislature
there is very apt to be a ring formed of
the members from the counties in
which state institutions are located, on
the "you tickle me and I'll tickle you"
principle. , Trolitine by this observa
tion, Mr. Oxnard probably imagines he
can pool the interests cf the counties of
Lancaster, Jefferson, Adams and Red
Willow, and perhaps some adjacent
territory, in the same manner, and
thereby secure tho restoration of the 2
cent a pound bounty on beet sugar.
Those counties would command sixteen
votes, and their trading and argument
ative influence might suffice to secure
the measure. ' J , -,
The call for a beet sugar convention,
to be held in this city, is quite s'gnili
cant in connection with the above. It
is doubtless intended to make the re
storation of the bounty an issuo of the
campaign, and tho subject is to bo
broached in time to do that, ' That is
as it should be. If a campaign is to be
made for the restoration of that bounty,
let it be open and above board, and the
subject be fairly discussed by tbe
people.
Mr. Oxnard can well afford te build
factories, with a state bounty of 2 cenU
a pound, and a like bounty from the
nation. Why can there not be some
reasonable limit to the greed of a cap
italist? Two cents a pound is largely
in excess of the cost of manufacturing
beet sugar. Tbe United States pays 2
cents now. One-half cent a pound
would be a liberal bounty.
But aside from that consideration, is
there so sense of justice to tbe pro
ducer of the beets. Why should he not
share the bounty? The bounty law was
repealed by the state legislature be
cause it was a one-sided law, and be
cause the beet producers demanded its
repeal. The stock argument in fsvor
of a tariff for a generation has been the
need of protecting labor. The tariff on
sugar is repealed, and a bounty substi
tuted, and lo, labor is forgotten, and
capital alone protected. Now we re
spectfully invite Mr. Oxnard. Mr. Oak
ley and the other gentlemen of the
combine, to let the farmers in on tbe
ground floor in this business, or there
may probably be a very effective oppo
sition to their littlo scheme from the
hay seeders.
A Elf 'ROARING ANT I MONOPOLIST.
That is what the Omaha Bee is about
these days.
The malignant cunning of the de
scendant of Jacob who edits that paper
is simply amazing. In the gubernatorial
campaign of a year ago he put himself
squarely on the side of the corporations,
who mado a combine with the whisky
power to down the Independents. After
the battle was over, and tho legislature
was assembled, he continued persistent
ly on the same line, and fought every
proposition made by the independents
for the relief of the people. The two
leading measures which he helped de
feat were the maximum rate bill and
tbe usury bill. These were both i roper
and beneficlent measures, They were
both exactly in line with the professions
he bad been making for a long time
previous, and if he had had the least
particle of principle or consistency, he
would have supported both of them.
But they were opposed to the interests
of his corporation masters, and he
arrayed against them his great ability
and the whole power of his "great
western dally," and fought them to the
bitter finish; and more to his influence
than to that of any other man is attrib
utable the fact that the farmers of this
state remain, at this time, the victims
ot tbe railroads and tho shylocks.
As soon as the independent legislature
adjourned Mr. Rosewater began to
assail It with vituperation, abuso nnd
misrepresentation, notwithstanding it
had made an honest effort to enact Into
law the very reforms ho had been advo
cating for years. On the stump during
tho late campaign he was the most
vindictive vlllitier ( that body, and of
all who dared participate in the great
movement.
Now, a change has come o'er tho
spirit of hU dream. There is a brief
breathing spell before the next battle
begins, and ho proposes to utilize it by
polishing up his old anti-monopoly
weapons, and try his hand again at
fooling the grangers. He proposes to
again cpen the battle on the rate ques
tion. He attacks tho Standard Oil
monopoly and the oil Inspection law.
He challenges Mr. Burrows to discuss
the issues of the independents with him
for the sole and only purpose of getting
the use of the columns of The Alliance
through which to reach a larger circle
of farmers with his pretended monopoly
views. This farco he will carry on
until the next campaign opens, when
he will be found supporting, tooth
and toe-nail, the plutocratic candidates
and corporation measures. We can
size this little man up to tbe minutia
of a hair. He has fooled the farmers
of Nebraska for the last time, if wo are
able to prevent it.
EMPEROR WILLIANS IDEALS.
TheA'f Nation comments on the
crusade which the Emperor of Germany
is beginning against the social evil In
his empire. In Berlin alone there are
said to be SO GOO abandoned women.
The New Nation observes that the root
of the evil lies in the poverty of a large
class of the population which weighs
more bitterly upon the women than up
on the men, owing to their inferior
ability as wage earners, This is a plain
statement of a melancholy fact. It
might be stated even plainer. Of the
50;000 Berlin women alluded to how
many would be driven to starvation
within a week if their unholy means of
livlihood failed them? Chicago bos
23,000 such women. Establish absolute
morality in that city for one month, and
every morgue would be over run, and
the Chicago river would be covered
with human remains. Another point.
Does society in Berlin or Chicago offer
any avenue of escape for such women
as would, if they could, abandon an
immoral life? Are there homes where
they can go and recoive aid in obtaining
honest employment? Ou the contrary,
if It was known what evil they would
escape from would not that very fact
close every avenue at once? Here in
Lincoln, and in every city of Its size,
there are young girls fair to look upon
who have entered this open deor of hell
What respectable man dare face the
ban of society by taking them by the
hand and kindly aiding them to a better
life? And if the men dare not do it,
are thare sisters of their own who dare
and will? It is fortunate, perhaps, that
there is an aggregation called society
upon which the load, of this sin can be
placed; for it is a fearful load, and
would be too great for any individual
to bear.
tyBro. J. W. Dorland, of Antelope
Co.,paldTnE Alliance business office a
visit this week. He brought us a list of
41 yearly subscribers in contest for
special scholarship premium. Who will
send in a larger order. ' '',
JUDGMENT WITH01T KNOWLEDGE.
The National Economist of tut week
interests itself in the Nebraska guberna
torial contest, but displays lamentable
ignorar ce of the facts, or a disposition to
favor the democratic slien Boyd, which
is even less excusable: It says, pre
sumably after reading Boyd's version in
the democratic press: " If tbe will of
the majority should lie observed, Jumes
E. Boyd is governor of Nebraska. He
was chosen ly the people, duly qualified
and gave the required bond of 150,000."
A very simple case it would seem.
Bat in the first place he was not chosen
by the people. The returns gave Boyd
1,140 majority over Powers, the inde
pendent candidate. But fraud was
proved in four counties by sworn testi
mony which should have given the
governor's chair to Mr. Powers. An
election contest however was prevented
by the combination of the republican
and democratic parties in the legisla
ture, assisted by tho notoriously parti
san supreme court and by three Alliance
senators who turned traitors.
In the Thayer vs. Boyd case Boyd
was oustod by the court on the eviderce
that he was not a naturalized citizen,
but the decision was deferred until
after the legislature had adjourned, so
giying Boyd an opportunity to veto the
maximum . freight bill. Boyd proved
himself a railroad man, a tool of the
corporations, an enemy of the people, a
belkver in monarchial corporate ty
ranny. "English you know," or with
English ideas, as is to be expected of
subjects of the Queen. His well known
character was what induced all the cor
rupt element regardless of party to sup
port him. Aud this Is the man that
the Economist defends.
THO
SIDES OF THE MORTGAGE
QUESTION.
Tho farmers of Nebraska and Kansas
have abundant reason to give thanks,
judging from the figures which show a
great reduction of tbe farm mortgage
indebtedness of these states. Kearney
Hub.
Pratt, Kan., Nov. 20, 1891.
Editor Advocate: I came here last
night for trial of an insurance case to
day, and the county attoruey and I
mrde a careful examination of the trial
docket ' and the motion docket of tho
October term of court for Pratt county,
with the following result.
On tbe trial docket there are 198
cases of which fire are criminal and ICS
are foreclosures Oa the motion docket
are 173 motioaS; of these 173 motions,
117 are for the confirmation of sheriff's
sales. A grand total of 280 farmers
who are ss prosperous that they are
now paying off their mortgages and
getting their farms released.
Yours in haste, W. F. Riiitmike.
SOME INFORMATION FOR INDE
PENDENTS. We clip the two following items from
a snake-ln-the grass paper of this. eity.
We also notice a six inch advertisement
of the B. & M. in the same number:
Jay Burrows proposes to leave the
state soon, but just where ho will go, or
what he will eugr.ge in, has not been
given to the public yet.
We would like to ask somebody in a
position to know if a "free pass is a
bribe."
In regard to the first item we observe
that it is a lie out of whole cloth, and
the editor of the aforesaid paper prob
ably knew it.
As to the second item, we observe
that we are in a position to know, and
that a free pass is a bribo, and always
was. Also that an advertisement such
the paper alluded to Inserts this
week, which is of no more value to the
road than a slice of moonshine of the
same size, is a bribe, and is intended as
a bribe, and nothing else. Such patron
age is used for the sole and only pur
pose of silencing or controlling news
papers; and papers that are built up by
the use of transportation obtained in
that manner generally turn out to be
railroad papers.
TWO SUB TREASURY PLANS.
There is a sub-treasury plan, proposed
by the Alliance and adopted by the
peoplo's party, and another plan now in
operation in Washington.
The Alliance provides for tho issuance
of legal tender treasury notes to pro
ducers on their non-perishable products,
at 80 per cent of their value. The re
ceiver to pay the expense of the storage
o! his products and 2 per cent interest
on tho money received.
Tho other plan provides for the issu
ance of treasury notes to stiver bullion
owners to the amount of its full market
value without interest, and without any
charge for storage. WThich, think you,
shows greaterstatesmanship? The one
Is the product of "financiers," and the
other of "farmers." Iowa Tribune.
TO THE PRESS OF THE STATE.
Mr. Burrows hereby tenders to the
press of this state his sincere thanks for
the unanimity and promptness with
which it has responded to his request to
print the truth as to the vile charge
made by the B. f .If". Journal. Papers of
all parties, with few exceptions, have
courteously stated the facts in the mat
ter. The Journal Is one of the excep
tions. Making a charge which it knew
to be false, it has not had the manliness
to publish Mr. Randall's explanation
of it.
THE DYING ALLIANCE. .
The Dying Alliance lifts its feeble
head, sees the two old parties, goes 'em
one better slaps them in tho face with
its emaciated arm, kicks them into
hysterics with a nerveless leg, and
plants a No. 10 boot right in the center
of the stomach. The two old monsters
catch about half a breath, wink the
other eye, and weep weep over the
corpse of the dead beauty. Then they
go to a doctor and gets some balsam
and bandages. Great West.
tV Will the Omaha Bee have the
decency to publish Mr. Burrows' reply
to the challenge of Mr. Rosewater?
ALL FOE THE FARMER.
The State Board of Transportation baa
mrfe tbe reasonable request to Nebraska
railroads that they eoont what la known aa a
"mllilog la transit" grata rate that la. to
permit unloading, Inspecting, grading- and
reloading at Lincoln and Omaha and for
warded to tbe Maters, market at the single
through rate. If this practice Is allowed at
8U Paul and Minneapolis, why should it not
be permitted In tbe ehief cities In this stste?
The saving would be dtuhlo. There would
be a sartnr on tbe freight rate, and as our
grain would be graded higher we would a so
get more money for it. NeDraska haa been
fleeced quite too long. Kearney Hub.
The above precious information needs
scarcely a comment. "Milling in transit"
is what the tenns implies, an unloading
of grain for the purpose of milling, and
a shipping forward of the product on
the original contract. At Minneapolis
are the greatest mills in the world, and
such an arrangement there is advan
tageous to the farmers and shippers.
But what is to be said of a milling in
transit rate where there are no mills?
The statement of the Hub is clear as
daylight The grain is to be unloaded,
warehoused, inspected, re-loaded and
shipped forward, simply to pay all
these added charges, without receiving
an accretion of a single farthing to its
value. Of course in addition to the
charges there is the inevitable waste of
handling. The farmers pay all these
charges.
We have now a shrewd suspicion,
which is becoming stronger day by day,
that tbe new inspection law is a huge
swindle from top to bottom. It seems
to provide places for an unlimited
number of political dead-beats at large
salaries and perquisites. All charges
for executing the law have to be paid
by the producers of tbe grain inspected;
and we have yet failed to discern any
corresponding benefit, except to bank
ers and speculators.
The attempt to build up grain mark
ets by inspection laws is about on a par
with the old attempt of Pennsylvania to
build up eities by forcing a change of
gauge on reads passing through her
borders.
THE INDIANAPOLIS PLATFORM.
The following is the platform adopted
at the meeting of the N. F. A. and I.
U. at Indianapolis week before last. It
will be observ ed that the sub-treasury
plank is modified. Many who could
not support it before will do so in its
modified form. The principle which
underlies it is the issue of money upon
security other than specie. This is a
principle which must be established in
the near future, as there is not enough
metalic basis for the money the world
needs. This platform may be consid
ered the basis of the one that will be
adopted by the people for the campaign
of 1893:
la. We demand the abolition of na
tional banks.
b. We demand that the government
shall establish sub-treasuries or deposi
tories in the several states, whieh shall
issue money direct to tho people at a tax
of not to exceed 2 per cent per annum,
on non-perishable farm products, and
also upon real estate, with proper limi
tations upon the quantity of land and
amount of money.
c. vve demand that the amount oi the
circulating medium be speedily in
creased to not less than $50 per capita.
2. We domand that congress
shall pass such laws as will effeciually
preveui iue ueauug iu luiuiea u uu
agricultural and mechanical produc
tions; providing a stringent system of
proceedure in trials that will secure
prompt conviction and imposing such
penalties as shall secure the most per
fect compliance to the law.
3 Wc condemn the silver bill recent
ly passed by congress, and demand in
lieu thereof the free and unlimited coin
age of silver.
4. We demand the passage of laws
prohibiting the alien ownership of land,
and that congress take prompt action
to devise some plau to obtain all lands
now owned by aliens and foreign syndi
cates: and that all lands now held by
railroads and other corporations in ex
cess of such as is actually used and
needed by them bo reclaimed by the
government, and held for actual settlers
only.
5. Believing iu the doctrine of equal
rights to all and special privileges to
none, we domand
a. That our national legislation shall
be so framed in the future as not to
build up ono Industry at tho expense of
another.
4. We further demand a removal of
the existing heavy tariff tax from the
necessaries of life, that the poor of our
land must have.
c. We further demand a jiut and
equitabie system of graduated tax on
incomes.
d. We believe that the monov of the
country chould be kept as much as pos
sible in the hands of the people, and
hence we demand that all National and
Stato revenues shall be limited to the
necessary expenses of the government
economically and honestly admini
stered.
6 We demand the most rigid, honest.
and just state and national govermen
tal control and supervision of the means
of public communication and transpor
tation, and if this control and super
vision does not remove the abuses now
existing, we demand the government
ownership oi such means ot communi
cation and transportation.
7. We demand that the contrress of
the United States submit an amend
ment to the Constitution providing
for the election of United States sena
tore by direct vote of the people of each
state.
MR. EETSPASS.
The B. if M. Journal has boen making
statements that Congressman Kern had
asked for and was using a free pass.
The facts ure these: When the Ne
braska congressmen went to Washing
ton last winter to secure an appropria
tion for the relief of the western coun
ties, the relief committee furnished all
three of them with transportation to
Chicago and return-trip passes. This
is all the freo pass Mr. Kem has had.
The statements of the Journal about the
matter have been lies out of whole
cloth as usual.
OUR ARENA OFFER.
Old Subscribers Can Have It
Persons who have already subscribed
for The Alliance at one dollar per
year can avail themselves of our Arena
offer. On sending us W.20 ihey wil
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EXTRACT
From the Address of Pres. L L. Polk,
Delivered at Indianapolis Nov.
to, 1891.
kor the first time in the history of the
country the tillers of the soil, through
their accredited representatives and by
petition, appeared at tbe door of our
national capitol and asked for relief.
Under instructions from your body, a
bill was formulated and- presented to
congress. While no measure was ever
presented to congress with stronger in
dorsement or more earnest unanimity,
yet we accompanied it with this decla
ration: "We submit this bill with due
deference to the intelligence, judgment
and wisdom of your body. We do not
claim that it is the best or only measure
through which relief may be brought to
our oppressed, suffering and distressed
people, but we submit it as the best we
have been able to devise. We would
be only too happy ta receive at your
bands a wiser and better measure. But
these Buffering millions must have re
lief. They ask for bread and they will
not be content with a stone. They are
not asking for charity, but they are de
manding justice."
How was this fair, frank, earnest, re
spectful and reasonable appeal of the
people received by that body? This
first appeal from those who, while own
ing less than 22 per cent of the wealth
of the country, and a large proportion
of which is encumbered with debt, yet
who pay four-fifths of all the taxes
from those who support the mighty
frame work of our governmental fabric
Irom those to whose generous but
misplaced confidence a majority of the
members cf that body were indebted
for their seats how was this appeal of
the sovereign people received?
Was their biil discussed by the com
mittees to whom it was referred? No.
Was it reported to either house, either
favorably or adversely? No. Was any
resolution offered in the senate calling
for a report? No. .Was any amend
ment proposed to the bill? No. Was
any substitute offered fsr it? No.
What became of the bill and petitions
of a half million farmers asking for its
passage? They were quietly laid away
to sleep the sleep of eternal legislative
death. And what was the answer to
these appeals and petitions? They
served only to elicit denunciation, mis
representation, ridicule, slander and
abuse. Virtually, theanswerto us was:
"You do not know your needs.. Go
back to your homes work harder and
live closer, and keep out of politics, and
all will be well." After a ses
sion of thirteen months, employed for
the most part, as the record indicates,
in party maneuvering for party advan
tage, and expending $1,000,000,000 of
the people's money $800,000,000 of
which came from the sweat and toil of
these same rejected and insulted peti
tioners, that body adjourned, leaving
not one siDgle act on record for the
benefit of the people.
In the light of a plain lesson of history
that all civilizations worthy the name
that have lived and passed away per
ished under the iron hands of the
money power that thoso who control
the money of a country control the
destinies of its people, is it n,ot our im
perative duty as a people to establish
such barriers and limitations as will
arrest the evident and alarming ten
dency to centralize the money power
in this country?
More and more are the great masses
of the reople learning to comprehend
the duties, functions and powers of the
government as their general agent.
What right has that agent to issue the
people's money to corporations at a
cost of 1 per cent, and license those
corporations to loan it to the people at
a cost of 8 to 25 per ceni? We believe
with John C. Calhoun that tho people
should not be required to pay interest
on government credit, while said credit
could be extended to them without in
terest. We believe with Thomas Jef
fersonthat "the power to issue money
should be taken from the banks and re
stored to the peeple and to congress, to
which it rightfully belongs." We be
lieve with James G. Blaine, not only
that "the one defective element in the
national bank system is that it requires
the permanence of national debt as the
basis of existence," but that any such
system is inherently false- and wrong
and can not be justified on any priciple
of justice or equity.
Touching our present system, we
entirely agree with the late Secretary
Windom, in his last tftterances upon the
subject when he said that financial dis
asters had always come when unusual
activity iu business has caused an ab
normal demand for money, as in
autumn, for moving our immense
crops." "There will always be," said
he, "great danger at those times under
any cast iron system of currency such
as we now have." V e believe the strong
lansruaeo of the monetary comm'.ssion,
appointed by congress in 1876, is fully
maintained by the experience and all
the financial history of the past. (Page
10 of tho report.) "An inci easing value
of money and falling prices have been
and are more fruitful of human misery
than war, pestilence or famine." (Page
25 of the report.) "A shrinking volume
of money and failing prices always have
had and always must have a tendency
to concentrate wealth, to enrich the
few and to impoverish the many. This
tendency is subtle and porteati&us
throughout the world to-day.
we benevo that ADraharn Lincoln
could have uttered no truer prophecy
had his band and peu been guided by
inspiration when he wrote: "The
money power of the country will en
deavor to prolong its reign by working
upon tne prejuuicos 01 tne peopio unui
all wealth is aggregated in a few hands
and the republic is destroyed."
Tho constitution declares that con
gress shall have power to regulate com
merce among the several states. What
are the essential elements or factors of
commerce? Money, transportation,
and transmission of intelligence. Does
congress regulate these? Does congress
rogulate money the value and volume
of money? Organized capital demanded
that congress should degrade and
destroy our legal tender currency and
establish in lieu thereof national banks
of issue, which should ba based alone
on interest bearing government bonds.
Congress obeyed. Organized capital
bought up the bonds at about half their
face valuo and thus monopolized the
basis of our banking system. Organ
ized capital demanded that congress
should tax state banks out of existence.
Congress obeyed. Thus capitol mono
nnlizprl the control of tho volume of the
currency. Organized capital demanded
that co'noress should outlaw land as
senuritv for loans from these banks.
Congress obeyed. Thus the securities
upon which these banks must bo ope
rated were limited, chiefly to stccks.
bonds and personal notes, wboae value
were to be manipulated and regulated
and dictated by organized capital
through its stock exchange in Wall
street. Thus tbe power conferred upon
congress by the constitution to regulate
money, its value and volume, was
virtually surrendered and transferred
to capitalistic combination.
But the constitution further confers
upon congress the exclusive right to
make money. Does not this reservation
of the exclusive right to make money
carry with it the unavoidable obligation
to furnish it in sufficient amounts to
supply the requirements of the legiti
mate demands of the country? What
has been the effect of conferring upon
capital these extraordinary privileges
and powers? Just what it has been in
all the ages and in all countries of the
past the fearful augmentation of
centralized money power to the im
poverishment and robbery of honest
industry.
We demand governmental control of
transportation; we demand the reten
tion of our public domain for the use of
our own people; we demand the prohi
bition of gambling in futures of agri
cultural and mechanical products; we
demand the free coinage of silver; we
demand that no class or interest shall
be taxed to build up any other class or
interest; we demand tue election of
United States senators by the direct
vote of the people; we demand a gradu
ated tax on incomes; but more impor
tant than all these; broader and deeper
than all these, and first of all thase, is
the Tanscendently paramount demand
that our national bank system be abol
ished and that the people's money shall
be issued to the people, direct by the
government at a low rate of interest
and in sufficient volume to meet the re
quirements of our growing population
and trade.
The supreme issue before the Ameri
can people is and must be financial re
form. These powers and functions
designed by the framers of our constitu
tion for the benefit of our people, and
which have been stealthily usurped and
appropriated by corporate and mono
polistic combinations, must be restored
to the people, to whom they rightfully
belong.
This can be done only through per
sistent effort, unswerving fidelity to
principle and harmonious, united ac
tion. Evidence is not wanting to war
rant the conclusion that it is the delib
erate purpose of the two great parties
of the country to avoid, evade and ig
nore this great issue in their platforms
and campaigns. That it is their delib
erate purpose to divert the minds of
the people from it, by giving undue and
magnified prominence to those ques
tions of secondary importance, which
have in this regard served the purposes
cf the money power so well and so
faithfully for the past quarter of a
century. With their solemn and re
peated pledges on the subject to the
voters of the country and before the
world, was reform in our financial sys
tem made an issue by cither of them in
a single state or a single congressional
district in their campaigns of 1890 or
lsin ? 1 bey lenr to discuss it before tbe
people. They dare not discuss it be
fore the people. Is not the recent
declaration of a partisan senator from a
great and powerful state, that the two
parties were and had been in thorough
accord on this question, abundantly
sustained by the history of our financial
legislation for the past quarter, of a
ceniury?
At tbe dictation ot the money power
the government ceased to coin silver on
the 1st ef July last. Emboldened by
what it conceives and claims as a vic
tory in the recent state elections it de
clared its purpose within forty-eight
hours after the polls closed to demand
of congress that the purchase of silver
should cease and that the question of its
renionetization should be submitted to
an international commission. Shall
this great government and this great
people be subjected to the humiliating
farce of submitting this question to
those powers at whoso behest the great
and iniquitous outrage ot its demoneti
zation was accomplished?
Will congress aggravate and augment
this great crime by obeying the dictates
of Wall street? Shall th'. intrigue of
foreign capital be invoked to aid in
fastening upon this country a policy,
the legitimate fruits of which will be
the production of millionaires and
paupers? Will the two political parties
stultify themselves by discarding and
repvidiaung their repeated piodges on
this subject? Will they bow before the
mandates of money and corporate pow
er and foice upon the country such a
policy as will produce a fierce and bit
ter antagonism between capital and
productive labor?
Great national exigencies or emer
gencies are crucial tests of the spirit,
the manhood, the courage, the wisdom
and the patriotism of a people.
Liberty was never won nor preserved.
either through slavish dependence or
cringing doubt.
The two great political parties which
have grappled in terrible conflict for
twenty-five years have sounded a truce
and will doubtless mutually agree that
as in the past the great question of
"financial reform" shall continue to be
regarded as "neutral ground" between
them.
In this crisis what is our duty as an
organization? Every consideration of
justice, of manhood, of consistency and
of honor, requires that au true members
of the order shall stand firmly and un
comDrnmisinclv bv our m-inciDles. and
especially should tho vitally important
and righteous demand for reiorm in
our financial system bo forced to the
front as the great and paramount issue
before tne American people.
The supreme court of the state has
decided that the act appropriating
$300,000 for California's exhibit at the
world's fair is valid. Nebraska with
her little $50,000 will cut a sorry figure
alongside of California. Nebraska can
not think of attempting to make an ex
hibit on less than $200,000. Bee.
And yet the editor of the brazen and
inconsistent Omaha concern went upon
the stump and denounced the indepen
dents for their unparalleled extrava
gance in appropriating even $50,000.
In our opinion $50,000 is ample to make
a creditable exhibit for this state, if
the money is expended with proper
economy. Bob Furnas , would take
$50,000 and make as good a show for
Nebraska as any other state could make
with twice the money.
tgr In view of the death of the Alli
ance the railroad Journal has established
an Alliance department, and is holding
a wake over the remains every day.
" Tho times have been
that, when the brains were out the man
would die, and there and end:"
But it appears that the Alliance is an
exception to this good old rule, and
there the Journal stands gibbering, like
Macbeth at the ghost of Banquo.
"Hence, horrible shadow, unreal
mockery, be nee I"