Gfct farmers' 3UHance.
Piibnefcea Ivety Saturday bf
Tex Alliascx PcBusunro Co.
Cor. lit millii, Lioooln. Hebb ,
J.
J.
, ....Ml tor
. Basinets MiMiof
In the beauty of the liffiea
, i CSirist wu bora across the sec,
With t glory In his bosom
That transfigures you and me.
As he strove to make men holy
Let us strive to make them free,
Since God is marching on."
M Julia. Ward Howe.
"Laurel crowns cleave to deserts,
And power to him who power exerts.'
"A ruddy drop of manly blood
The surging sea outweighs."
v "'V Emerson.
"He who cannot reason is a fool,
He who will not reason is a coward.
He who dare Hot reason is a slaw.
AN INFAMOUS OPIHION
THS SUCCESSIVE STEPS OF
. FATAL AND VILE CON- '
8PIRACY.
Jadges and Senates Have Been Bought
K, 4WUi Ooid." Pope, '
The opinion of the supreme court as
to the signing of the resolution to con
yene a Joint convention of the legisla
tare was given out yesterday afternoon.
The opinion in short is that the con
current resolutions convening the joint
convention must be signed by the pre
- skiing officer of each bouse, and the gov-
oner, that if the governor refuses to
sign, it must have a three fifths majority
or the contest must be abandoned.
. The opinion is simply monstrous. It
is contrary to all known authorities and
precedents, and is a reversal of former
opinions of this same court.
The opinion paralyzes the legislature
as to the performance of one of its con
stitutional functions and places the leg
islative power of this state, which is a
co-ordinate branch of the government,
prone in the dust under the feet of a dis
puted governor or t a trumvir of old
women called, by courtesy, a supreme
court. "" . ' L'
The provisions of the constitution re-
lating to the signature of concurrent
resolutions plainly relate only to such
a are to have the force of law. The fol
lowing are the provisions. Section 15
of article 5 says:
ana 16. Every bill passed by the legislature,
bbvorb re bbcombs law, and every order,
rraoluUon, or vote to which the oonourrenoe
' of both bouses mar be Beoemarjr (exoept on
.oeatloai of adjournment), shall be presented
o the governor t he approve he shall ilgn
it, and thereupon It shall bbcom a a law: but
If he do not approve be shall return It with hts
objection, t the bousein which It shall have
oririnated. whleh houne shall eater the obloo-
at iarfe upon its journal, ana prooeea to
the members elected agree to pass the saoae,
inerioe mii. men we wree mine oi
is shell I swat, together with we objnotiont,
totheoUer bouse, by which it shaillikewlse
reoooatdered: and if approved bv three-
Mia of the members of that house, it shall
b one a bAW.notwlthsUndlnf the objections
. the governor, -'j.-.. ; ; ; -
The nnal clause of Sec. 4 of same ar
ticle says: "Contested elections for all
of said offices meaning the executive
offices, shall be determined by both houses
of the legislature, by Joint vote, in such
manner as may be prescribed by law,'
The law in relation to such contests
simply provides that the legislature
shall by joint resolutions "fix the day"
4or the convening of the joint conven
tion and the trial of the contest.'
It will be observed that the joint reso
lution in point is not a law within the
meaning of the , constitution; and
it is perfectly plain that the section
quoted does not apply to such reso
lutions.
This monstrous opinion, . as we
pointed out yesterday in referring to
the Imposition, declares that the ques
tion as to whether proceedings may be
had to impeach a governor, or to try a
contest in case of a disputed succession,
must be submitted to the party in inter
est for him to determine whether the
case shall proceed. The idea , is mon
strous, Under it the liberties of the peo
ple jf Nebraska are lost, and supreme
power is usurped by a branch of the
government which has only a reviewing
power, and a creature of , fraud is
placed in the gubernatorial chair.
The Independents have desired to
proceed in a legal manner, and after
the mandamus proceedings and after it
was decided to pass a concurrent reso
lution fixing a day for the contest, and
the attorneys for contestants, after
satisfying themselves by a .careful ex
auiination of authorities that it was not
necessary for the governor to sign such
a resolution, to make assurance doubly
sure went to the members of, the su
preme court on two different occasions.
and after a thorough discussion of the
matter all the members of tho court
expressed themselves not only that it
was not necessary for the governor to
tiign a concurrent resolution, fixing a
time to try his right to the office, but
that such a proposition was entirely
atxuird ' No reasonable man can escape
the conviction that the court was a
. party to the trick to entrap the Inae
pendents.
That this whole thing is a vile con-
gniricv. in which the supreme court is a
party, and that the Independents have
btwn led into a neat trap by asking for
this opinion, there is no manner of
doabt. . The Independents, in asking
lor the opinion oi tne court, tacitly
greed to abide by it. They should now
proceed to legally and carefully adopt
another concurrent resolution for a
Joint convention, and submit it to Boyd
for his slnatare, and let the final steps
of this conspiracy be developed.
THE FARMERS'
IN THE FIRST STEP THEY FELL.
When the supreme court made its
first mis-step, when it embarked in ex
cited partisan politics, when it cast lteelf
cto the whirlpool of political excite
ment that the maken of the constitution
took especial care to keep them from by
a constitutional provision, it did the
state an incalculable injury. They took
a step that actually led to the fatal one
The steps which tbey have thus far
taken are in violation of ihe funds
mental laws of this and these American
states, la violation of the letter and of
the spirit and ot the practice nnder such
constitutions stated by great courts and
juaist to be " That (he determination of
the results of all elections is not a matter
for th&rdinary administration of the law
and courts of justice but, is in its nature a
political question, to be determined under
the constitution by thi political authority
of Hastate." T'V
- A brief glance at some of the reasons
given by great jurists and great courts
for these principles discloses the error
and shows how far astray the court of
Nebraska has gone from correct prlnci
pie.
The reasons assigned by the supreme
court of Kentucky and Indiana for con
tiding these questions to (the legislature
are to withdraw from the courts the pas
sions and excitements to which these
cases may be expected to give rise. The
reasons given by the supreme court of
South Carolina and Pennsylvania are to
put to speedy end the choice of an offi
cer so essentia! to the state. The rea
sons given by the supreme court of West
Virginia and Arkansas are that U is
scarcely possible to believe that it was
ever contemplated by those who made
and adopted our constitution that we
should have a person discharge the high
and responsible duties of chief execu
live omcer oi the state who had never
been elected. The reasons given by
Judge Cooley in commenting upon a
constitution la words like our own were
that "there are many reasons why the
more suitable authority for its settle
ment is the legislature of the state,
which can act promptly and without regard
to forms, while a judicial contest might
continpe for months, possibly even for
the whole term of office, and be embar
rassed more or less with questions of plead
ing and technical law to the incalculable
prejudice of public interest and public
order:" A f r -w : i
We think nearly every court In Amer
ica that has spoken upon this subject
has spoken with like effect. How sug
gestive are the above reasons and how
prophetlo of tho consequences that fol
low the departure from these princi
ples. At this moment Nebraska suf
fers every evil so Intended to be guard
ed against. The court is regarded ss
having embarked in this political case
as deeply as its most zealous partisans.
The loss of confidence among many
citizens of the 'state, and even disres
pect from others, has unavoidably fol-
owed. .The speedy choice of an execu
tive officer has been frustrated, an alien
publicly believed to b ineligible, if not
never to have been legally elected, sits
lathe discharge of the high duties of
governor of this state by the mandate
of that court that should have kept its
hands out of the case, and which over
ruled the folemn determination of the i
legislative body appointed to canvass
that vote. A wide spirit of popular be
lief is created - that by some illegal
method unknown the offender Is to es
cape trial altogether and tho office is to
be filled for the entire term by a person
that has no legal right to fill it. The
decision of the court has substituted
these technicalities and forms and em
barrassments for promptness and cer
tainty to the incalculable prejudice of
publio interest and public order, which
Judge Cooley says was intended to be
avoided by placing this matter in the
decision of the legislature. '" The sequel
or the result Of their decision here goes
even further, and our court has estab
lished as a permanent law and rule of
government in this state, binding them
selves as well as the legislature, not in
this pending cose alone, but in every
case in this state hereafter, that no
matter how illegal the count, no matter
how fraudulent the returns, no matter
how corrupt the candidate, no matter
how bribed the voters, be he citizen or
alien, patriot or traitor, man or felon,
he is to be installed into tho office of
governor upon the mere certificate in
the hands of the speaker; of the house
without a citizen or a court or an ofli-
cer( or a judge or a legislature, or even,
the supreme court itself, being able to
raise a single obstruction or objection.
The candidate, though red-handed
though rotten in every fiber both in
character and method, not only may
but must be declared governor by the
speaker of the house ofhe representa
tives. The representatives can not
even mildly protest, the court itwlf
can not even mild ty protest; if it acts, it
must lend a helping hand. The supreme
court; the repository of the highest
ideal of justice and virtue- and
judgment in the stato, the legislature
sitting by consenting, must compel the
speaker to put even a felon in the guber
natoral chair before it can question one
of his designs, or even felonious acts,
or hi character or qualifications. Nay,
yet further, that great body of repre
sentatives of the whole people, that
especially constituted court of the
whole people, before he alone or his
acta can be tried, cannot meet even to
ALLIANCE, LINCOLN, NEB., SATURDAY, JAN. 31, 1891.
consider man or deed over all of tho
matters confided to them by the consti
tution except by the consent of the
rogue or felon to be tried. Why, io
deed, the court goes even farther ana
declares that they, being the sole court
on earth to try him, the evidence being
lodged before them against him, and
they having unanimously to a man de
cided as representing the people of the
whole state that they will try him, that
the felon and the rogue can overrule
their decision, vacate It absolutely and
set it aside and declare It for nought as
though it never had an existence, and
ever can have an existence, except by
another act or proceeding as complete,
as conclusive and as exclusive' as
though the authority of the executive
department of the government had no
existence whatever. The above con
siderations are not, fanciful, and nnder
the present proceeding for all purposes
the notice of contest may be assumed
as true, because according to the de
cision of the court it does not seem to
matter whether the charges be more, or
less serious. , The doctrine of this court
is they cannot proceed at all if their
decision to proceed be overruled by the
felon .who might be on trial. Fraud is
charged in the notices mis-conduct of
officials, corruption, bribery, statutory
crimes and lesser offenses.
The evidence of nearly a hundred
witnesses lies before the court that is
trying to proceed, the court is waiting
the consent ol theculprit and offender
to go forward. ''Will he consent?
COUNTY MUTUALS.
We desire to call attention to the
Farmers' Mutual Insurance Company
of Richardson county. It was organ
ized under our very unsatisfactory stat
ute in June, 1887. Its by laws provide
that it shall insure no city or village
property, neither mills, shops, or unoc
cupied buildings. It takes only farm
houses and barns, and their contents,
refusing even those unless they are as
safe as can be made.
The nine directors elected by the
members at the annual meeting appoint
a president and secretary. The secre
tary charges each member one dollar
for surveying his buildings and issuing.
policy. It Issues five-year policies only.
For each one hundred dollar policy,
members 'must pay ten cents into the
treasury to pay for blanks, books, and
other expenses balance, if any, to be
applied on loss, should a fire occur.
Should fire occur, and funds on hand
were , not sufficient this company as
sesses policy , holders pro rata. : No
assessment can ever be made until fire
has occurred, and then only sufficient to
adjust the loss. . ,
All the money stars at home, not a
cent leaving Richardson county, The
old line companies charge farm prop
erty fifteen to twenty times as much as
this company, and in many cases even
more thin that. That is, the members
are getting along1, by paying one dime
for what they, formerly paid a dollar
and a half to two dollars. This com
pany has never yet made an assessment.
A valuable house caught, fire last May,
but it was saved with a damage of 125.
The treasurer settled the damage and
had over $50 left. i'
This company has now over 180
members, with about $270,000 in poli
cies issued. Its members would under
no circumstances agree to disband, and
recur to the old plan of protection.
Persons wishing the 'farmers of Ne
braska prosperity, will agree that an
economy of this kind should spread all
over the state. Gerdis of Richardson
county has a bill in the house which
would greatly improve the law for mu
tual companies. This or some similar
bill should be perfected and passed.
Tho vexatious restrictions now in our
law were placed there by the insurance
ring for the sole purpose of preventing
the .. formation of mutual companies.
These restrictions should be removed,
and any number of persons should be
permitted to associate themselves for
mutual Insurance on such terms as they
might agree. It would no doub be
wise to establish safeguards which
would prevent individuals from run
ning snide companies. The exorbitant
fees now charged for incorporation
should be reduced.
The annual report of Wells, Fargo &
Co. of precious metals produced during
1890 in the states and territories west of
the Missouri shows: Gold, 932,156,916;
silver, $62,930,881; copper, $20,569,092;
lead, $11,509,571. The total value of
the output is $127,166,460, comprising in
the aggregate the chief product of seven
states and three,territorie8viiThi& is a
vast sunt to dig out of the bowels of the
earth, yetin actual value-it is consider;
ably behind what the farmers of. two
states garnered from the surface. The
corn crop of Iowa and Nebraska last
year aggregated 800,000,000 bushels. At
present prices in Chicago the crop is
worth $144,000,000. Thus the chief
staple of two states exceeds the value
of the entire mineral output by nearly
$17,000,000. And the farmer gathers
his annual crop at considerably less ex
pense than the miner. Bee.
The above is one of the fallacious
methods by which the occupation of
farming is shown to be immensely
profitable.
But when it is considered that only
about one-third of that corn was avail
able for sale, the balance having to be
used as subsistence, and when we re
member that of tho one-third sold the
railroads take three-fifths for carrying
two-fifths to market, and when we do
not forget that the shippers and board
of trade men take 50 per cent, of the
net proceeds of that part, the subject
assumes an entirely different aspect.
Savings Depositors and free Coinage.
Chkage Tribune.
The deposits of last year in the sav
ings banks of the six New Englan
SUtes, New York, Pennsylvania, am
New Jersey amounted 11,279,000,000
agafcst 81.214,000,000 in 1889. Tb
population of those States is"' abou
17,300,000 so that an Increase of 140,00
in the number of depositors was abou
one for every 120 persons in that area,
while the total number of 3,520,000 per
sons who have savings-bank accounts it
not far from one for each family of five
persons. The increase in the deposit
last year was over $17 for each depos
itor, or $4 for each inhabitant.
In the absence of statistics on the
subject it is fair to infer that the other
43,000,000 residents In the United states
save not less than three-fourths as much
per capita as , those for which the
amount is stated.. They should be able
to save more than that, being fully
as industrious, having somewhat less to
pay for staple articles of food, and sret-
mg fully as good wages. In discussing
this question the New York Bulletin
estimates that the total of savings put
by each year by all the wage-earners of
tne country must exceed saw, 000,000.
and asks what they do with it, as the
number of sayings banks in the West
does not correspond with that at the
East. The question is answered by the
Cincinnati Price Current with the remark
that so far as Ohio is concerned the
savings of the people are very largely
deposited each week in the building as
sociations; which take the place of sav
ings banks and "give the best facilities
for laving small sums of money ever
yet practiced."
Supposing the accumulation by the
45,000,000, of people to' be no more than
equal to that by the 17,800,000 at the
East, we shall have a total of, at least
two and' a. half billion dollars in the
shape of money owned by the working
classes, it is either at their command
when called for at the bank or whan
draws out from a private hoard. A de
preciation of 20 per cent in the purchas
ing power of the dollar, due to the pro
posed unlimited silver coinage, would
lessen the amount of savings by $500
000,000, making the economical workers
that much poorer. The very persons
who should most be encouraged, the
bone and sinew of the country, those
who not only keep sober and. honest
themselves, giving no occasion for the
employment of policemen, courts, or
jailers, but are doing further good to so
ciety by setting an excellent example to
the rest, are the ones to be impoverished
by free silver coinage. They are to be
robbed and plundered of a large part of
their slowly accumulated savings in
order that aid and comfort may be af
forded to a lot of others who have bor
rowed money instead of saving it, and
now want to pay the loans back in a
kind of money worth 20 to 25 per cent
less per dollar, than that which they ob
tained from the lenders.
We republish the foregoing from the
Chicago Tribune to expose some of its
fallacies:
' First, an increase of deposits Is no
ticed in a time of great depression.
This is not commented on by the Trib
une, which is quite strange, as it would
be In keeping with its opaque ideas to
refer to it as an indication of great pros
perity among the working classes. The
fact is that it indicates exactly the op
posite. The increase of money at finan
cial centres in the form of reserves, or
in savings banks at it low, rates of inte
rest, - indicates stagnation of .business.
anqUack of opportunities for paying in
vestments. , People do not accept 8 per
cent for money when they can just as
easily get 6, and they do not let money
lie idle when they can easily invest it
at a profit The increase of depositors
in savings banks may and does in this
case mean anything but increased
prosperity. ' .. : ,
. The writer goes on to figure up the
amount of money the working people of
the country "have at their command
when called for at the bank," viz: $3,
500,000,000, or about one thousand mill
ion dollars more than the total circula
tion of the United SUtes. This shows
the delusiveness of considering bank
deposits as .money, and the folly of
basing the resources of the laboring
classes upon any such figures. But the
beauty of this argument is yet to come.
Having deposited two and a half billion
for the working men the writer assumes
a shrinkage of 20 per cent on the whole
sum one thousand million more than
exist on account of the free coinage of
silver. First, if we concede such a
shrinkage, it could not possibly be
on more than three-fifths of the sum
named. But conceding the point, tne
writer entirely loses sight of the fact
that a shrinkage in the purchasing
power of the dollar is more than com
pensated by an increase in the pur
chasing power of products or labor. In
other words, what the people as capital
ists have lost, the people as producers
have gained, ., Or, the control of money
over products has been . by so much
transferred to' . a control ; of products
over money. The loss has been to the
money lender, and the gain to the pro
ducer. Instead of the argument of the
Tribune being true, it is flimsy, false,
fallacious. The robbery is going on
day by day, and is increased as the
purchasing power of money is in
creased. The only way to effectually
stop it Is by increasing the purchasing
power of labor or products, i
The Tribune Is workimr solely in the
interest of the gold bug, the money '
power and the monopolies.
V- DOO EAT DOG.
The scheme of the insurance ring ot -
this state is a very fine one. It first
proposes, with the help of companies
of other states, to drive out of Nebras
ka all foreign ins nance companies.
Having accomplished this, the state
companies propose then to combine
and drive out all the companies of
other states.
CLAIMING THE INDEPENDENTS.
The gall of the man who organized
the demo-repub-railroad combine pass
eth understanding. His latest is the
claim uui the independents in the legis
lature only represent a minority, and
therefore ought to yield to the voice of
the railroads as expressed by the repub-
demo caucus. That Is, he coolly
bunches the republican and democratic
vote the same as if it were cast by one
party, on one side, and measures the
independent vote by iiaTnU then says
this is one of those rare instances in
politics where the tail is allowed to wag
the dog.
Making every effort to overthrow
constitutional precedents striving to
subordinate the legislative branch of
the government to a governor with
questionable title it is not strange
that Mr. Rosewater should desire to re
pudiate that other wise constitutional
provision which in certain cases gives
a plurality power.
Making a corrupt combine between
traditional enemies like the republican
and democratic parties and then speak'
ing of the vile amalgam as one party
will be refreshing to the honest farmer
republicans of Nebraska.
The Bee need have no anxiety as to
the responsibility of the independents
as representatives of all the people of
the state. They can best represent those
people by insisting that the contest for
governor shall be fairly tried and de
cided on its merits. Nothing is more
important to every citizen than the
question whether we are to have hon
est elections and a fair count.
LANCASTER CO. COMMISSIONERS.
There is considerable dissatisfaction
among the people of this countrv as to
the board of county commissioners, it
being thoeght that three men could do
the business quite as. satisfactorily as
five. This is undoubtedly true. The
office of commissioner is a salaried
office, the pay being 81,800 per year.
Thirty-five dollars per week is very
good pay, and in these hard times, will
secure the services of a verv stood man.
Of course there is nothing in the office
above the salary. If these men can do
the business, the thirtv-six hundred dol
lars paid to the two supernumeraries is
well worth saying. It seems as though
nine thousand dollars in salary alone
was quite a large sum to pay these
commissioners.
We are informed that the law under
which the present board exists had its
origin in Omaha, which is a srood rea
son to believe it may be improved. '
THE INTEREST PROBLEM.
The present legislature will soon find
itself face to face with the interest prob
lem, and in fact with the great financial
question in its entirety. There is no
question upon which there is more gen
eral misunderstanding than this no
question in regard to which there is so
large a number of men interested
in befogging .. and misleading the
great plain people.; The subject is con
sidered Intricate," and' few men have
given it exhaustive jtudy. .
: Our legislators will be asked to believe
that any reduction of interest, or any
attempt to enact stringent usury laws
will drive capital from the state, pre
vent the renewal of loans, and therefore
cause the loss of many farms. Are
these things true?
First, the usurers are not the capital
ists who make long -time farm loans,
though many of them are the agents of
such capitalists. .
Second, the higher the prevailing rate
of interest, the poorer the security is a
prevailing financial rule.
, , Third Capital, that is money, is
timid, and only seeks investment on
safe securities.
If high rates of interest prevail heavy
capitalists who loan on long time at
reasonable rates are apt to distrust the
securities and the ability of tLa , com
munity to pay, and hence they refuse
to- loan in such localities. The men
who loan at usurious rates on chattels
usually live in the community where
they make their loans, so they can keep
their eye on the chattels. The pres
ence of these men, and the fact of their
making loans at such enormous rates,
actually repel the real capitalists who
loan at legitimate rates, and thus leaves
the community at the mercy of the
chattel mortgage fiends. Stop ' this
robbery, and money would flow in at
reasonable rates oh good security.'
It will be said . that there are many
who are in such a condition that they
must have money on chattels or go
under; and that many farm mortgages
will be foieclosed if an attempt is made
to interfere with , the existing order.
WjII, the present situation is anoma
lous and unusual. That is to say, it only
comes around in cycles of ten to twelve
years. - It needs an unusual, remedy.
It would seem as though a temporary
stay law would be justifiable.
But the'need for a usury law is im
perative. The rate of interest should
be strictly limited to the legal rate
agreed upon usurious contracts should
be invalid, and the vendor of commer
cial paper should be made its guarantoi
through all its transfers.
tyMurat HaJsted says, that the con
tinual agitation of the money question
in this country, makes it impossible for
us to pay any attention to real reforms
and improvements. The proposition is
undoubtedly true, only we wonder what
he calls "real reforms."
THEY GIVE IT AWAY.
It is impossible for the members ot
the monopoly combine to suppress their
mirth over the result of their bulldozing
tactiss. It is too good a job to keep.
They laugh about Speaker Elder being
scared Into canvassing the votes and de
claring that Boyd and the republican
state ticket were elected. Now tbey
say that the Independents made fools of
themselves in asking the supreme court
for an opinion in reference to tho con
current resolution.
Yesterday two men were overheard
discussing the situation, in the lobby of
the house, "What a set of d d chumps
them fellows are anyway; they cant see
anything and they are so infernally
atraid that they will be jacked up by
ihe papers that they don't dare make
an effort."
"Yes," replied the other, "we've got
them under control. The thought of
the supreme court scares them out of
of their boots, and we've got the su
preme court with us for everything we
want. They would whip us im this
contest if they knew enough to standi
together, but when they get ready to
commence again we will set the so-
m.om no ikon, an1 tho llr.M
conscientious fellows- will run like
turkeys." ,
"Oh, lh-1," replied the' other, "we've
got the R. Rs., the bank the daily pa
pers and the supreme court back of us,
and if they do get over their scare we
can buv enough of them at any time to-'
helpus out,, They are as poor as the
d 1 and it won't take much of a rolL"
LEGISLATION AND THlfCONTESr.
Some of the Independent members
are very nervous about legislation
which is demanded by their constitu
ents. It may be well enough to go for
ward with the work of perfecting such
laws as are demanded. But aside from
the appropriation bill for the relief of
the west, there is no work of this legis
lature so important to the people of
this state as the correct settlement of
the contest. The people of this state
want to know whether a rotten repub-railroad-demo
combine can seize their
election machinery and foist an Omaha
bum into the highest executive office,
and carry off the plunderunchallenged.
They want to know whether three old)
men, two of . them . ex-railroad attor
neys, can set themselves up to domi
nate the legislative branch of the govern
ment,and cut their outrageous opinions'
to suit emergencies. They want to
know if a judicial tyranny is to be es
tablished in this state and all law be
subverted. This is the great question.
With Boyd as governor it is perfectly
immaterial whether the laws the peo
ple are asking for are perfected or not.
They would either be defeated in one
of the houses or vetoed.
There is some good work that might
wv sivkvuuQu v Am lUUnlii aya ait Via VUU"
tract should be investigated. It Is very
desirable for the people to know how
it was obtained, how much it cost, and
who got the boodle. V 1
' The condition of the state treasury
should be investigated. The treasury
of the state of Nebraska is the bulwark
of this Boyd fight. A place that i
worth forty thousand dollars a year
cannot fail to be a source of corruption.
The people of this state would like to
know where the money is, and how
much of it is left, and how much cam
paign found from the treasury went
into tho Boyd railroad pool, and they
have a right to know. ' '
This is legitimate and useful work at
which the legislature can put in its-
time.-
A PUPPY EDITOR. ' )
The Journal of the 23d criticises our ar
ticle on interest, but it only acknowl
edges our existence by the term of "one
of the financiers engaged in instructing-'
the metnbers of the legislatuie," not
even' alluding to the Dailt People.
The editor of the Journal need have no
fear but that The People will get be
fore the people. Its failure to acknowl
edge our existence as a cotemporary will
not amount to much; But it is notice
able that when it desired to commit a vile
libel upon an individual it had no diffi
culty in remembering his name.
RESIGNATION. .
To the , Nebraska Supreme Courts
Mr. Burrows hereby tenders his resig
nation as dictator. .
tW Demo-republican is a new word
coined, to fill a cryinir need. It is a
word full of meaning and may be writ
ten several ways and still be as sweet
For instance, "dam-republicans," or
'np-democrats," but "lickem-independ-
ents" will live longest and tell the story
best.
tgJohnC. Cowen played for the
pit. Instead of arguing the point of
law involved in the question before the
supreme court, he harangued the
crowd on the anarchistic tendencies ot
the present legislature. A Boyd at
torney denouncing anarchy is an inter
esting spectacle.
tfl Mrs. John Sheedv. do herebv
protest against the further investiga
tion oi the murder of John Sheedv. for
the reason that L as a party in interest.
have not signed the warrant for mv ar
rest, nor given my eonsent to such an
investigation. In rapport of my posi-
tion l respectfully refer to the opinion
of the supreme court handed to th
joint eottventieo yesterday.
