y ?
i r.
VOL. II.
LINCOLN, NEB., SATURDAY, NOV. 29, 1890.
NO. 24
m
ii i ii i? "x. . r i " x. . i x
J
71
v
Notice to Subscribers.
EXPIRATI05S. '
AM tne easteftt and cheap
jest mean of notl-
SrXng etibecrttwrs of the date of their explra
ona we will mark thin notice with a blue or
fed pencil.on the date at which their ubsorip
tton expiree. We will end the paper two
week after expiration. If not renewed by
tfcat time it will be discontinued.
POETRY.
What Mary Meant When She Said "Rats'
Kansas City star
1 war one nf them "fooi farmers;" yen, 111
cwnirUeaman;
There was p enty or us fashioned on the same
peculiar plan;
A ad I've lived out here in Nebraska more
. than live and twenty years,
A gTOwin' poor and poorer aB it certainly ap
pear?. 1 seldom read the newspapers; I worked too
1 hard for that; .
And never knew why I got lean while other
men got fat;
I didn't foot with politics; I had too much to
' ', do;
But I always voted as I shot and as they told
me to.
The day before election, just imagine my dis
tress, When I ketched my wife a-rcadin now what
ever would you guess?
A free trade publication, and, to make it
worse, she said
Khe'd read it regular each night before she
went to bed. . ,
Ant, do you know, that wife of mine just
faced me up ano down
That larmeis tlave to make a few monopo
lists in town?
I always try tw get around these warm do-
m. Btio spats.
Sot when 1 praited protection and she laughed
and anbweied '"Itatsr'
I bristled up; it kindled all the sentiments of
strife
To ttaiuk this free trade stuff should be cor
ruptin' of my wile;
1 quit btr then and there before her argu
ment waB through,
As every good protectionist must make it a
rule to do. .'.
That night we had a camp fire and our con
gressman was there;
We gave him "Joan Brown's Body" when he
weut to take the chair;
1 were my old blue uniform to spite the dem
ocrats,
But all the time 1 wondered what my Mary
meant by 'Hals." '
Our congressman was eloquent, he made a
stirrin speech;
I could almost see the battle's smoke and
hear the bullets screech;
And when he bade us vote as we had shot at
Malvern Hill,
. W rose with one accord and cried with ene
acclaim, "We will."
We sang the gofid old war songs and we ate a
mess o' beans, ,
And we passed the evenin' pleasantly, recal
liu' bloody ecenes;
And we took the straightout tickets and w
pinned 'em on our hats.
But all the time I wondered what my Mary
meant by "Kats." '
wnen X reached borne I -noticed that my
Mary wore a smile,
Which seemed to me as indicatin' storms
ahead, or bile;
To head her off I said: " you'll call me
early mother dt ar,
for to morrer'l be the liveliest day f rae trade
will have this year."
Next mornin' jest at sun up, as I woke and
rubbed my eyes,
A-wonderin' what she meant by "Bats," I saw
to my surprise
My clothes ana hac and boots all ranged in
order on the floor,
And beariu each a card I'd swesr I never saw
bef re.
My flannel shirt displayed this sign, "Taxed
85 i er cent,"
My trousers "'iaxed 100" so this was what
"Rats" meant;
My vest said "Taxed 100," and my Bhoes
"Taxed 25:"
My coat and hat "2G0" with "Protection makes
us thrive."
I went to fill the basin and I noticed as 1
came
"Taxed 45 per cent" Great Scott! the towel
said the same
The soap was marked at "20," as I dropped it
on the floor,
I chanced to see a scuttle full of coals , chalk
ed "24."
1 passed into the kitchen and it gives me pain
to state
That my wile bad on a woolen dress stamped
"only 58,"
Amd in shooing out a guinea hen she made a
little dive
Which showed a pair of stockings with acaid
marked "35."
The baby in bis little bed was lyin' fast asleep;
I always held the little chap as most uncom
mon cheap;
But when I saw them cards onblanket, pillow
. crib and sheet, . .
I felt a lump rise in my throat; I knew hat I
was beat.
No matter where I went I struck them pesky
little s'ges;
The stoves, the plates, the knives, the forks
the window sash and blinds,
The scissors, needles, thread all bore that ter
rible per cent;
Bigosh. lclidn'tdare to ask what card was on
the rent.
That was the soberest meal I ever ate in all my
life;
And aslleftthetable.inremark'n'to my wife
That I was goin' to the polls, she helped me
with my cost.
And said ; "I reckon, John, I needn't tell you
how to vote."
- t -
I walked down to my votin place; it looked
like every yard
Was full of farmin' implements which bore a
little'card, ,
And seemed t say from plow to spade, from
... thresher down to ax;
"Good inornin', John, and don't forget the
tariff is a tax."
.1 voted straight O. yes, no doubt of that; I
voted straight.
But not exactly in the way expected of my
state;
And I showed the boys the little cards provided
. . by my wife;
That night our congressman took ftrma
leave of public life.
Iwas one of them "fool farmers" durin five
and twenty yesra: ;
But I've learned a little, common sense,
doubtless now appears; s
; You can ru n and tell M c KJnley and say
don't forget to state . '
That we've voted i n Nebraska and we've voted
darned near straight!
INTERESTING LE rTEI
FROM HON. AUGUST POST, J
Secretary of. the National Farmer! J
the N itional
- Alliance.
The National Farmers' Alliance -Its
Object -All . Working People Will
BeBeneflted if Their Allegiance la
Given It.
The National Fanners' Alliance, as
the name denotes, is a national organ- ;
ization of farmers having for its object
the promotion of the interests of agri
culture. The reason for its existence i
is found in the fact that this is an age
of organization an age in which im- j
portant results are accomplished only
by massing forces that can be bound
together upon the basis of similarity of
circumstances and community of inter-
est. It is believed that the influence to j
which the magnitude and importance
of agriculture entitle it, can only be ex
erted through the principle of organi
zation and that it is only thus that
farmers can favorably affect the social i
and economic conditions which so vi
tally concern them. It is believed,
further, that the general public does
not desire to be unjust, and would not
willingly deny to so important a section
of industry as agriculture, and fair and
well-considered demand which farmers
regard as essential or advantageous to
their welfare. " Organization affords
opportunity for such intelligent discus
sion as shall furnish a reasonable as
surance that the demands that may be
made are fair and well-considered, and
supply a voice which to some extent at
least can give authoritative expression
to the farmers' wishes and needs after
they shall have been formulated. These
are some of the considerationsand
only some of them which render or
ganization by the farmers of the coun
try desirable not only for their own
sake but for the sake of the public.
Mere unrest and discontent without
definite expression of grounds of com
plaint has never yet righted a wrong
or removed a grievance.
The object, then, of the National
Farmers' Alliance is to secure unity of
actien, after full and intelligent dis
cussion, for the promotion of such re
forms as may be necessary to the bet
tering of the farmers' condition. r It
covers a broad field and nothing that
can advance the welfare of the farm or
the farmers is foreign to it. Naturally,
purposes so extensive cannot be de
scribed in detail in a word. They ex
clude reformation in economics, v the
discrimination of principles calculated
to encourage and foster- agricultural
pursuits and to secure to those en
gaged in them their just share of the
returns frpm the soil, the educator of
the agricultural classes in just ideas of
government, , opposition to monopoly,
the inculcator of -the belief in the dig
nity and worth of the pursuit of agri
culture, the discussion of all topics re
lating to the farm, whether directly as
n tne case oi crops, grasses, feeding,
breeding, etc., or more remotely as in
the case of transportation, markets,
supply and demand, and the like. ; The
principle of co-operation in purchasing
is one to which the alliance devotes
much attention, and with good results,
and it seeks by every legitimate means
to so influence legislation as to secure
justice from railroads and transporta
tion companies, to abolish special priv
ileges to the few, to prevent food. adul
terations injurious alike to the consum
er and producer, ,to increase markets
at home and abroad, and to crush out
such combinations as tend to destroy
legitimate trading under the laws of
competition and supply and demand.
With these purposes in view, the Na
tional Farmers' Alliance has organized
State Alliances in ten of the states of
the Union and has in process of organ
ization five other states, with numerous
local Alliances in still Other states,
where the body is not yet strong
enough to warrant state organization
The plan of organization consists of the
National Alliance at the head with
state organizations auxiliary to it, and
then in turn have subordinate Alliances
organized under their jurisdiction, both
county and local
The officers of the Farmers' alliance
are as followa:
President H. L. Loucks, Clear
Lake, South Dakota.
Vice President J. H. Powers, Cor
nell, Nebraska.
Secretary August Post, Moulton,
Iowa.
Treasurer J. J. Furlong, Austin,
Minnesota.
Lecturer N. B. Ashby, Des Moines,
Iowa.
Thus far it is almost wh oily located
in the northern states, and . its head
quarters and business office is at Moul
ton, Iowa.
Its methods are non-partisan. It be
lieves thJt however interested individ
uais, proiessionai ooiiucian ana some
partisan leaders may feel, the vast
majority of the people of all parties
want to do right. It believes that the
alliance principles are right and only
need agitation and discussion to com
mend them to the masses of all par
ties. . .
The following is section 1 of article
XII of the constitution of the Iowa
Farmers' alliance, and is practically
thV same as is contained in the , consti
tutions of nil, of the state bodies organ
ized under the auspices of the National
Farmers' alliance:
"ARTICLE XII.
See. 1. This organization is strictly
non-partisan in its methods. It is
recommended, however, that , each
member use his utmost influence in the
political party of his choice to secure
the nomination of andidates for con
gressional or legislative honors, com
mitted to alliance principles."
This principle of non-partisanship
has never been abandoned, even .tem
porarily, and in Iowa where it has per
hapt accomplished most, it has never
il ad a political ticket in the . field. At
the annual meeting in September,
1890, it formulated a number of legis
lative demands, quite a number of
which were complied with at the last
session of the legislature, as, for ex
ample, in the passage of the law au
thorizing and requiring the making of
joint tariffs upon railroad tariffs, the
reduction of legal contract interest to 8
per cent, the passage of a t school
text
and
book law," the law against trusts
trade conspiracies, and many others.
Upon the same non-partisan lines the
alliance was chiefly instrumental in ee- ;
curing ai the hands of the previous
egislature the adoption of our previ-
ous system of railway control, which
includes an elective railway commis
sion with power to fix rates, a system
which however combatted when first
proposed, no one would now be willing
to abandon unless for something very
clearly shown to be better. '
I have thus given a hasty and some
what incomplete outline of the Na
tional Farmers' alliance and its ob
jects, and plan of organization, in re
sponse to many requests for inlorma-
tion regarding it. In various parts of
the country the necessity that is felt
or organization has led to the forma
tion of a number of other organizations
upon diverse plans, having a variety of
objects and pursuing almost as many
different methods of work. What is
written above is intended as a brief de
scription, although necessarily quite
imperfect, of what the National Farm
ers' alliance is in these respects, lnose
who may desire further information
will be supplied with copies of the con
stitution and proceedings of . meetings
heretofore held upon sending me their
address with a request for the same.
August Post, Secretary
Nat'l Farmers' Alliance,
Moulton, Iowa.
Does Farming Pay?
The facts in this article are con
densed from an address by Burt Stew
art of Macon county, 111., published in
the Chicago Express. Mr. Stewart is
a member of the Illinois bureau of la
bor statistics, and speaks from authen
tic information.
The evidences that farming does not
pay, are tnat larms oy means oi saie,
but mainly through the pressure of the
mortgage, are passing out of the hands
of actual farmers who are rapidly be
ing gathered into cities. Forty -two
counties in Illinois have lost popula
tion since the census of 1880, : while
our city population- has increased in
the last ninety years from 3.3 per cent
to 33.3 per cent of the whole popula
tion; and during7 the last fifty years
tenant farmers in Illinois have in
creased from none to 115,000.
'The average rate of interest on farm
mortgages is 7 per cent; but , the best
day Illinois ever saw, her property only
increased 3 per cent. Manifestly it is
only a question of time and that not
long, when lazy usurers will own all
things. Even for the farmers who are
not as yet in debt, the compensation, in
the form of the price they get for their
products, is fixed by the market which
is controlled by the necessities of the
men who must sell at any price in or
der to pay usury. '
In our boasted increase of wealth the
f armemnd laborer have no . part. In
one respect we have made more pro
srress than any nation in history. We
have made more millionaires in twenty
five years than the whole world beside
has made in six hundred years. 4 'We
have made more tenant farmers in Illi
nois in fifty years than there are in
Scotland and Wales, after two hundred
years of mismanagement there." The
great means of all this robbery and
wrong is, and has been: draining the
WEST INTO EAST J UN MONEY MARKETS
The annual wealth production of our
whole country is $1,300,000,000, of
which exactly one-half is produced in
the west: $470,000,000 in the middle
states, while $125,000,000, or less than
one-tenth, is produced in the east, and
yet the east has 45 per cent of the cap
ital of the country
Why is it that western farms are so
encumbered with eastern mortgages?
'I tell you," said Mr. Stewart, "it is
because all the commercial, industrial,
financial and legislative tiling is so laid
as to drain the west and the south into
the east. First the whole process of
commercial machinery is to drain the
agricultural districts for the benefit of
the towns, then to drain the towns into
the large cities, and lastly to converge
all channels of wealth ultimately into
the eastern centers. Why should Chi
cago banks have to call on New York
York for money t to move Illinois
crops?"
The writer fails to give the real an
swer to his specific question, which is
our government's paternal care for
New York grain and stock" gamblers,
embodied in the national banking law;
but in general terms he says:
I will just say that the " legislation
of this country in relation to money
matters, the bonds, the tinkering with
silver, and the present infamous fight
against free coinage, all national bank
legislation has made millionaires in the
east and depressed the people of the
west. All our exchange and board of
trade systems do the same. It is an
alarming fact that last year, while your
farmers of Illinois lost $10,000,000 on
corn $800,000,000 . of money were
shuffled into the tills of Wall street;
into the pockets of men who never did
a day's productive labor in their lives.
One eastern insurance company, the
Connecticut Mutual Life, holds $5,000,
000 in mortgages on Illinois farms, and
draws an annual usury of $350,000 on
the same. In one year, 1887, New
York mortgages for the sum of $112,
465 were placed on 6,400 acres of1
Logan county farms, and other eastern
states encumbered 5,509 acres more;
making in all 11,909 acres. ; ,
Not only is interest on a vast incal
culable amount of debt . drawing the
lifA-hlnnri nut Sf fh WAct tnt tVia an a
1 but exhorbitant freight rates constitute
far the greatest drain in the same direction.-:.;
-.: j- : : "7 cv- r
"Let us suppose you raise forty bush
els of corn to the acre in t Illinois; it
costs you $6.75 per acre to get, that
corn to the seaboard; in other vords,
the railroads get $270 out of . every
forty acres of corn you raise; the com
mission men, board of trade and ele
vator men, get $230 while you get from
$350 to $400. In other words you get
$400 for raisins: forty acres of corn and
oilier men get $500 for about one
week' work hauling and selling it.'
According to the report of the inter
state commerce commission, just pub
lished, the gross earnings of our rail
roads were f 6,200 per mile, and tho
net earnings $2,087 per mile for 1888.
As compared with the depressed con
dition of agriculture, this, when you
consider the wastefulness of tne enor
mous salaries and fees paid to an army
of officials; clearly indicates the mon-
trous robbery of the system".
TWELVE APOSTLES OF HE FORM.
A Suggestion as to How the Tariff
Can toe Reduced, Ie.sjite the Re
publican Senate. .
Et. Loirs Republic.
Senator Cockrell's hearty approval
of the Republic's plan of tariff reform
is another gratifying evidence of its
feasibility and popularity. Though we
have heard publicly from men like
Messrs. Vest. Cockrell and Springer,
we have heard nothing except 'hearty
commendation of the plan, nor do we
expect anything elsj except from those
who are either openly or secretly in
favor of maintaining the Mckinley tar
iff of abominations.
The plan is so simple that it can be
understood at once ; by all, even by
those who have never considered the
tariff question as a whole. It involves
nothing more than a number of separ
ate bills, each dealing with a single
article of trade now controlled by mo
nopolies. No general bill will be in
troduced. Each of these separate bills
would stand on its own merits, just as
did the single bill which put quinine
on the free list, broke down the quinine
monopoly, and reduced the price of the
drug from prices ranging as high as $4
an ounce to prices ranging as low as
40 cents.
In suggesting a somewhat indefinity
number of such anti-trust bills we
spoke of "a dozen separate measures,"
and Congressman Springer christened
them for us as "The Twelve Apostles
of Reform." Below we give them, ten
tatively; .:'V-- v'; .;
. 1. Free binder twine,
2. Free cotton ties. 1
3. Free worsteds for men and wo
men's clothing,
4. Free agricultural implements and
edged tools.
5. Free blankets.
6. Free coal.
7. Free tin and tin plate.
8. Free silver-bearing lead ore to re
establish our trade with Mexico.
9. Free lumber.
10. A reduction to the "revenue
only" basis on table and kitchen ware.
11. Free white lead and paints.
12. Free barbed wire and wire rods
for fences.
We doubt if a single one of these
bills could be defeated by the senate.
The republican senators from western
states have learned a great deal sines
the McKinley bill was framed. Penn
sylvania would, of course, resist the
free coal bill, but New England would
support it. So, too, would Illinois and
Ohio, if it contained a reciprocity
clause, giving our western coal a
chance to get into onr section of Can
ada in exchange for giving New En
gland free coal from Nova Scotia.. The
white lead trust, the binder t .?ine
trust, the edged tool trust, and the
other monopolies thus attacked would.
of course, use their combined influence
against each and all of the bills, but
failing of the sectional support they are
reinforced by on a general reform
measure, they would not be able to de
feat the strong western demand for re
form. ,
So we send out these twelve apostles
on their reform mission, confident that
their work will not be a fruitless one.
The best part of the plan, however, is
that it prescribes nothing except that
each article shall be dealt with in its
own bill.
The Bank Villainy.
The national banks are based on
non-taxable, interest-bearing bonds,
and these are the national debt. ; Pay
the debt and the present banking sys
tem is undermined. The debt has
been twice paid by the wealth produc
ers. The banks had $750,000,000 of it
refunded in 1870, and prevented . the
payment until 1879, thus mortgaging
the earnings of those unborn. The
bond incerest oh this debt supports an
aristocracy of money which is worse
than any aristocracy of blood. The
banks are determined that the debt in
full shall never be paid. The federal
government only having' delegated to
these banks the special prerogative of
issuing the paper currency, they con
trol the money of the country; keep
interest high by stringency and wage9
low to bold labor in slavery.
The Alliance declares against this
usurpation and demands a reconstruc
tion of the financial system; that tho
debt thall be paid and the bond inter
est stopped. "
A Pretty Severe Hailstorm.
ALBUQUERQUE, N. M., Nov. 23.
wora nas been received here from
oeveu jjuura, in me uauinas moun
tains, that four sheep herders were
killed recently by a hail storm. Six-
teen ouiers ana 16,000 head of sheep
are missing, 'ihe messenger says it
was. the severest .hailstorm in tho
mountains ever known.
. Tho capacity of the Columbus, neo.,
creamery wiu do enlarged and soon
tho output will reach 2,000 pounds ft
a ay. '
9
For the Farmers' Alliance.
FREEDOM'S TREE.
' By Mary Baird Finch,
Plant, farmers, plant sweet ; freedom's tree
For all the dwellers afterjme;
But let its fruits be not the reds
That rained upon oar children's heads.
And laid them low iu southern beds.
'Neath cypress trees. '
O. farmers, plant fair freedom's tree
Whose boughs may reach f rOij sea to sea.
And wbse green leaves shall hold no stain
Of greed, and crime, and wat t and pain.
Else war's red fruit may touch the plain
a near our trees.
For The Farmera' Alliance.
FARMPRS' INSTITUTES, AGAIN.
By Chancellor C. E. Bessey.
If.it is the intention of those interested
to secure the passage of a law providing
for the holding of Farmers' Institutes,
it is necessary that steps be taken at an
early day to bring about so desirable an
action by the legislature just elected.
Somebody must start the matter, and
further, somebody must, keep it going.
I wish to do my share by making a few
suggestions as to the kind of law we
need, and trust that others will join in
the discussion and agitation.
Through a peculiarity in our state
constitution we can not have any one
appointed directly as superintendent of
institutes. Some or tne present oincers
or boards must be authorized to holo
institutes, and these officers or boards
may be authorized to appoint a . proper
acrent or superintendent. mere are
several ways in .which this might be
done. The law might empower any
state officer, to hold institutes: or it
might authorize the State Board of Ag
riculture, or the State Board of Horti
culture, or the Regent of the State Um
versitv. or the Director of the Experi
mental Station. There are doubtless
other ways in which the desired result
misrht be reached, out these will serve
as suggestions. .
XII VV lilt; lil'V IS U.3 lunung.
"Section 2. The Board of Regents of
the State Umversitv is hereby author?
ized to hold institutes for the instruc
tion of citizens of this state in the vari
ous branches of agriculture, touch in
stitutes shall be "held at such times and
at such places as said board may direct.
1 he said board shall make such rules
and regulations as it nlay deem proper
for organizing and conducting such in
stitutes, aud may employ an agent to
perform such work m connection there
with as they shall deem best. The course
of instruction at such institutes shall be
so arranged as to present to those in
attendance the results oi tne most re
cent investigations in theoretical and
practical agriculture,
section a. r or tne purpose mention
ed in the preceding section the said
board may use such sum as it may
deem proper, not exceeding the sum of
twelve thousand dollars ic nay one year
from the general fund, and such amount
is hereby annually appropriated for
that purpose " . .
It is not likely that the people ot -Ne
braska are yet ready to use profitably
so large a sum, and so it will doubtless
be better to name a smaller sum ior tne
first. With two or three thousand dol
lars each year, much good could be
done, especially if care be taken to keep
down heavy expenditures for salaries.
If the superintendent of institutes were
at the same time an office with other
employment there need be no great ex
penditure for his salary, especially as
his active duties would not last more
than five or six months of each year.
He would need clerical help, but this
again need not call for much outlay.
One thousand dollars a year ought in
any case to cover all salaries.
be divided in this wayr Let the com
munity provide the hall free of expense,
including fuel, lights, etc.. Let the
state, fuud provide for traveling ex
penses and hotel bills for those who are
employed to lecture or give instruction.
Let it be arranged that no man is to be
paid for such work at his home insti
tute. but if he is called to another one
let him be paid his expenses just as cer
tainly as the professors or professionals
If plain farmer Jones is asked to go to
a neighboring institute to read his pa
per or to talk on pome subject of which
he is master, let him be promptly paid
just as would be done if Prof. Brown
were to render a like service. Liet the
matter be so arranged as to bring out
as much home talent as possible, and
this can only be done by treating all the
. i . ta. f te .1
nome laieut aiiKe. , it is manuesiiy mi
possible to attempt to pay every man
for work done in the institute held at
his home, hence it is better to deal alike
with all, and not pay any one except
those from other localities. 1 think that
all who consider this matter carefully
will agree with me in this.
In general, it will be but to simply
pay the expenses of those who are em
ployed, ... but in some cases it will be
necessary to pay something for the in
structoi's time, in this, ereat care
must be exercised or the fund will be
very rapidly used up by professional
lecturers. Uenerally the men who
have the most to say of value are not
the ones who will offer themselves for
pay. It will be found that the best men
will be difficult to get, and generally if
thev consent to give instruction they
will do so for nothing, only , asking that
their expenses be covered. Occasion
ally however, those good men can not
afford to work for nothing, and ought
to be paid. .
1 will recur to this topic again, and
submit a rough draft of a bill covering
the foregoiug suggestions In the
meantime I should be glad to receive
suggestions froha those who have
thought of this matter. '
- Overdone It.
The ProKres8iTe Farmer, Mt. Vernon, 111.
The old man was very snre that he
had not. faith enough to bring rain by
prayer, and so be set the old woman to
praying for it. The night after there
came such a flood as to almost wash his
farm away. Surveying the ruins next
morning he turned to his wife, ' Old
woman this is just line you. i ou never
can undertake anything without over
doing it!" The farmers overdid it on
the 4th. Thev proposed to turn out
enough of the "ins" and put in enough
of the "outs ' to show wnat tney coma
do and give themselves the balance o:
Dower. But ge whiz I they almost turn
ed the whole thing oustide in and inside
out. When they all get to congress, the
farmers will have to look away up to
find the democrats and away down to
find the republicans. They overdone it
a little.
V : VI
More Reciprocity Quackery.
Chauncy M. Depew's addition to the
how-not toio it reciprocity dodge is to
the effect that an international line of
steamers to run between the United
States and South America should be es
tablished aud operated "under the most
liberal and intelligent government assist-,
auce." In other and plainer words,
Dr. Depew would subsidize steamships.
Our foreign commerce is hopelessly
haudicapped by protective tariff taxes
in the interest of monopoly. Every
where on earth the story is the same.
The nations of the world buy of us only
as they are compelled to. Our naviga
tion laws vex and destroy such com
merce as the tariff leaves unscathed.
The obvious remedy for a situation so
clearly the result of unwise laws and so
manifestly injurious to our own interests
is the reformation of the system that
places us at so serious a disadvantage.
This system is the outgrowth of years
of the grossest selfishness and injustice
nn thH ii'irf.
the part of favored interests. 1 o
give these interests a monopolized home
market the hoclv of the oeou e have
been denied adequate foreign markets,
aud such foreigu commerce as they have
developed has sprung up only as the
barriers of monopoly could be beaten
down or evaded. .
To defeat, if possible, the rising de
maud of the people for reform, Mr.
Blaine proposes to give the country a
little foreign commerce in certain direc
tions a commerce that shall be carried
on subject to the veto of , the executive
power at Washington, but he nowhere
promises to remove a monopoly tax or
to take a step in the direction of freer
intercourse with the wealthy nations
that now take- and must continue to
take the great mass of our products that
are to be sold abroad. Humorously
euouKh. Dr. Depew supplements the
quackery with more quackery. After
little commerce that will not interfere
with his friends, the monopolists, Dr.
Depew would have the United States
government hire ships to carry it.
All such suggestions demoustrate the
lamentable iguoranceof our public men
with the rudiments of sound economy.
Comtuerce that must be sustained by
public taxes is not worth having.
Commerce that Jim Blaine or Matt CJuay
can boss or control is not worth having.
To be profitable, commerce must be
pontaneous and free, lhe sagacity of
the people themselves will guide them
unerringly.
Take down the bars. Chicago Herald.
Against Protection and Plutocracy
New York Times.
Mr. Thos. B. Reed was elected speaker
of the house in the present congress by
a majority of 7. When the house ad-
ourued the dictator had succeeded in
making that .majority 24. When the
house meets an Lecem ber, loui, Mr
Heed.
if he is the candidate of his party
or speaker, will be defeated by a major-
ity of at least 70. That is the response
' X. - a I I 1 I .
oi me couutry to nts insoieni cnaiienge
to accept a house of representatives
which he thanked God was no longer a
deliberative body. It is the answer of
the country, also, to the tariff policy of
the republican party, put upon the stat
ute book just in time to be voted on by
the people, and to the force bill post
poned "until after the elections." it is
not so much the reversal as the indig
nant repudiation of the "popular ver
diet." which Mr. Hiscock claimed had
been given in advance in favor of the
McKiuley bill. It is the rebuke of the
nation to the party managers who had
set up the golden calf of monopoly and
called on the people to bow down and
worship it. It is the notice to Mr. Har
rison and his administration tnat me
government of the Unitad States cannot
be bought with money or with patron-
age more than once by the same pur-
chaser. In this revolutionfor it is
nothing less New York takes a part
jroportioned to its population and its
great interests. The delegation, which
tu the present congress was eignteen
. .
republicans to fifteen democrats, in the
next will be twenty democrats to lour-
teen republicans, a change more than
sufficient to wipe out the legitimate ma
jority of the republicans in the present
house.
The President and Silver Coinage.
L. O. ef fere in The National View.
There can be no doubting the fact
that President Harrison has said time
and again that he had an earnest de
sire to put gold and silver bullion on a
parity, lhat he thinks he means it l
have no doirbt. and if he does he can
accomplish it by simply saying so in a
message to congress. -
He should be aware of these facts
that in 1S73 our silver bullion bore a
premium of about 3 per cent; from 1873
to 1890 England purchased our silver
bullion at an average of about 95 cents
an ounce, and coined it into rupees in
India at about $1.35 an ounce, thus giv
ing England about 40 cents on each
ounce advantage over our "farmers in
the production of cotton and wheat in
India for the European market, which
not only nxed the price of those com
modities in' European markets, but in
our home markets as well.
There is but one action on our part
which will put a stop to this great in
justice to our people, and that is to
place silver back where it stood in 1873
free and unlimited coinage. If Presi
dent Harrison wishes to put silver on a
parity with gold; if he wishes to bene
fit the people of this country; if he
wishes the people to have any faith in
the pledges of the republican party, he
will recommend congress, at its session
this winter, to pass the free coinage bill.
will he do it?
The Silver Corner.
The Iowa Tribune.
The great silver gambling hell estab
lished in New York city by the Iniqtii
tous silver bill that passed the present
congress, has mowed down its first list
of victims, extorting from them neaily
$750,000. As soon as another crop of
victims are wanted a corner will be
made and the white metal will be nut
up again. The same congress that has
tried to kill the Louisiana Lottery gam
bling scheme, has established . another
to take its place in New York equally
as oaa.
Some motives still to acts impel.
Though consequences make us shudder,
You take red rum and backward spell.
Ana iavor it, you lavor murder, a. c. b.
The organs of smell in the turkev vul
ture and carrion crow are so delicate
that they can scent their food for a dis
tance ox forty miles. I
A More Needed Reform.
Holdkege, Neb., Nov, 17, 1800.
Editor Alliance: In your issue of
November 15 appeared an article en
titled "A Much Needed Reform," writ
ten by " Independent n of Central City.
I do not. wholly agree with the gentle
man. His first statement is probably
correct. The battle on tho amendment
was a drawn . battle and may be re
newed as soon as either party feel pre
pared. lhe temperance people just have
their mettle sharpened and are impa
tient for another fny. and if they use
wisdom they will follow up the advan
tage just gained with redoubled vigor.
His second statement is true so far as
class legislation is concerned.
Wherein 1 disagree with the gentle
man is in amending the diocumo law.
For tho sake of argument we will admit
that theSlocumb law should be amended.
But to so amend it to place the revenue
derived from saloon licenses into the
county school fund I would most earn-
cstly. emphatically,
most stren-
,IBl
First, because the saloons and their
influences are corrupting. This is ad
mitted by the saloon keepers and their
speakers. Hence the money derived
therefrom is also corrupting.
becond, because the school is tho
safeguard of any - state or, . nation.
therefore, we can neither conscien
tiously nor by principle contaminate
nor defile the purity of our public
schools by corrupt influences without
tainting or corrupting the , very bona
and sinew of a republican government.
viz: the -school boys and girls, upon
whose shoulders the government in
time falls.
And by so placing this corrupting in
fluence into our public school fund, the
education and unconscious influence of
ll s'owiyanu impercepi my grows ana
fastens its corrupting self upon the peo-
thereby setting its deep set .fangs of
iniquity deeper and deeper into our
public morals and purity.
mit if the olocumb law is to be amend
ed, by all means so amend it that the
towns and cities granting licenses may
bo, taxed the expense of the saloon pro
duct, viz: the keeping of paupers, prose
cuting criminals; keeping jails and peni-
icuiinwcs aim iiii-ii luiinuuauis, a Jiuru-
by our county schools at least escaping
the corrupting influence and the com
munities at large be freed from the ex
penses beforre mentioned.
lhe proper thing for the next legis
lature to do is to pass a statutory, iron
clad, prohibitory law.
t irst, because there were men who
favor prohibition who voted against
both amendments because thev were
opposed to placing the amendment in
the constitution. And of those few
thousands who were neutral thereby
defeating the prohibitory amendment
would, as a whole, when it came to sus
taining such a law, vote to sustain it.
oecona ii tne oiocumb law was so
amended as to place the revenue de
rived from saloon licenses into the
I . m a . . m .
i coupty school fund the liquor men
would set up the argument that we
have so amended the presentliauor law
so as to place the revenue in the county
schools as well as the city schools, there-
by giving the public schools of this
state an advantage given in do other
state in this union, ana the cry would
be set up in other states to the great
detriment of prohibition.
lhe saloon must go and it had as well
go from our rum cursed state of Ne
raska this winter as any other time
E. P. Montgomery.
THE BATTLE NOT OVER.
Geeley Center, Neb., Nov. 14, lgDO.
Lditor Alliance: As election- is
over 1 thought 1 would write you.
Whilfi wa wnn n crrnnri vwtnrtr t Im hat.
tje ia not enjed. Our enemies are only
resting. I would say to my brothers,
iet us educate ourselves upon "Labor"
and "Capital." that we may better pro-
tect our families and homes. I believe
it tne duty of every farmer in Nebraska
to subscribe for The Alliance at once.
It has shown itself to be clean and able
in its devotion to our cause during the
memorable campaign which Nebraska
has passed through. Remember that
the entire press of the state was turned
against The Alliance, each paper in
turn heaping slander and abuse upon
its editor. Yet with all the vile slander
and abuse heaped upon it The Alli
ance stands to day the ablest defender
and educator of the toilers and tillers of
Nebraska. Remember, fellow farmers.
that this paper must derive its support
from the farmers of this state, ana as it
is drawing to the close of the old year. .
you look around you for reading matter
for the coming year. Why not sub
scribe for a paper that advocates the
principles for which the masses are
striving to-day? In behalf of our cause
1 would respectfully ask the secretary
of each Subordinate Aliince in this
state to act as canvassing agent for his
Alliance. Remember, iu clubs of five
you get the paper for 80 cent. I know
you will say, "Times are hard." So
they are; but In no other way can we
make them better than to educate our
selves upon the causes which produce
them. I would suggest the following
method of canvassing; Bring the matter
before your meeting and earnestly re
quest ono member of each family to
give their name, taking money of course.
if they have it. But say to those who
do not have it on that evening that you
will call for it at some stated time.
sending for papers as soon as you get a
club of five names. Remember, brothers.
the 1 bushel of wheat, or bushels of
corn or bushfl of potatoes will get
Tn$ Aliiance for one year. I believe
we can get 25,000 yearly subscribers to
TnE Alliance by January 1st, 1891.
Let us try. Fraternally,
II. J. Hall;
Sec'y Belfast Alliance No. 1709.
The Way It will Work.
Graxt, Ne., Nov. 15th, 1890.
Editor Alliance: As the old say
ing is there is never any great loss but
there is same small gain. If the old
Jarties try to defeat the people's choice
or governor through fraud it will tend
to hastei their downfall. Thousands of
honorable men voted with the old par
ties In this election. But the attempt
of the old party leaders to defeat the
Will of the people at the ballot box by
fraud in such cities as Omaha cannot
fail tc cause the scales to drop from the
eyes and off will come the old party
shackles, and they will take their place
in tie independent ranks and when the
brgle calls in U2, one hundred and fifty
thousand Independents will respond.
sod fraud and corruption will be wiped
tut of Nebraska, and, we hope, the
- 'nation,
. ' Yours Fraternal Iv,
J. B. Osleb.
I,
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